Ukraine and Russia: The Post-Soviet Transition

Capa
Rowman & Littlefield, 2001 - 237 páginas
This timely study provides a clear analysis of both the domestic and foreign policies and security issues confronting RussiaOs largest and most important neighbor during its first decade as an independent state. Roman Solchanyk emphasizes throughout the book, the complex, centuries-old Ukrainian-Russian relationship, which is so central that the ORussian questionO plays the determining role in UkraineOs foreign and domestic politics. In turn, the policy choices of UkraineOs leaders influence the direction of RussiaOs own transformation. The book opens with a conceptual framework that addresses the key issues of the Ukrainian-Russian relationship. The initial chapters illustrate how relations between Kyiv and Moscow changed_in the final analysis, dramatically_under the conditions of a crumbling and ultimately collapsing Soviet state. This is followed by a discussion of how the ORussian questionO influences UkraineOs internal developments_political, social, and economic_as well as its behavior in the international arena. The concluding chapters focus specifically on Crimea, a microcosm of the Ukrainian-Russian relationship. Basing his argument on a wealth of primary source material, the author argues that the success of both UkraineOs and RussiaOs nation- and state-building projects will be largely determined by the normalization of their historically conditioned relationship. Indeed, success or failure will profoundly influence the direction of regional and European foreign policy and security.
 

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Índice

The Crimean Imbroglio I Kyiv and Moscow
159
The Crimean Imbroglio II Kyiv and Simferopol
185
Conclusion
207
Bibliography
213
Index
227
About the Author
Direitos de autor

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Passagens conhecidas

Página 71 - I believe the time has come for distinguished international organizations, including the UN, to grant Russia special powers as a guarantor of peace and stability...
Página 62 - USSR, which was declared as having ceased to exist "as a subject of international law and as a geopolitical reality.
Página 3 - It cannot be stressed strongly enough that without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be an empire, but with Ukraine suborned and then subordinated, Russia automatically becomes an empire.
Página 17 - This has been explained, in the complacent democracies, by saying that the Russians were fighting with so much heroism not because they were defending Communism, but because they were defending their land, Mother Russia. Be that as it may, it is interesting to note that the Western highly civilized people have been actually surprised to find that the "godless," "barbaric," or, let us say, backward Russians could fight so well.
Página 69 - the Russian Federation's foreign policy must be base on a doctrine that proclaims the entire geopolitical space of the former [Soviet] Union a sphere of its vital interests (along the lines of the US "Monroe Doctrine
Página 91 - Ukraine as primarily an arms control problem and broaden relations as if it were a "real" country. The new approach was unveiled by then Arnbassador-at-Large Strobe Talbott during his visit to Kyiv in May 1993, where discussions focused not only on nuclear issues but also on economic assistance, expanded defense and security ties, and a renewed political relationship between the United States and Ukraine.
Página 14 - Ukrainian" idea of the [Ukrainian] intelligentsia takes root in the masses and ignites them with its "Ukrainianism," it threatens a gigantic and unprecedented schism of the Russian nation, which, such is my deepest conviction, will result in veritable disaster for the state and for the people. All of our problems with the "periphery" will become mere trifles compared to the prospect of the "bifurcation" and — should the "Belorussians...
Página 35 - Principles of Inter-State Relations between Ukraine and the RSFSR Based on the Declarations of State Sovereignty...
Página 86 - Despite fears of a widening regional split between the "pro-Russian" eastern and the "proUkrainian" western parts of the country, which were accentuated by the voting patterns in 1994, there was never an imminent danger of fragmentation along overlapping regional, ethnic, and linguistic lines. Even in Crimea, which remains Ukraine's most serious regional problem, the enthusiasm for separatism appears to have lost its fervor. Indeed, one can reasonably argue that Leonid Kuchma's victory in the presidential...

Acerca do autor (2001)

Roman Solchanyk is a consultant at the RAND Corporation.

Informação bibliográfica