upon ship-building for the support of their trade; and they materially injured the business of the other states.

Without a union that was able to form and execute a general system of commercial regulations, some of the states attempted to impose restraints upon the British trade that should indemnify the merchant for the losses he had suffered, or induce the British ministry to enter into a commercial treaty, and relax the rigor of their navigation laws. These measures, however, produced nothing but mischief. The states did not act in concert, and the restraints laid on the trade of one state, operated to throw the business into the hands of its neighbour. Massachusetts, in her zeal to counteract the effect of the English navigation laws, laid enormous duties upon British goods imported into that state; but the other states did not adopt a similar measure, and the loss of business soon obliged that state to repeal or suspend the law. Thus, when Pennsylvania laid heavy duties on British goods, Delaware and New Jersey made a number of free ports, to encourage the landing of goods within the limits of those states; and the duties in Pennsylvania served no purpose but to create smuggling.

Thus divided, the states began to feel their weakness. Most of the legislatures had neglected to comply with the requisitions of congress, for furnishing the federal treasury; the resolves of congress were disregarded; the proposition for a general impost to be laid and collected by congress, was negatived, first by Rhode island, and afterwards by New York.

The British troops continued to hold possession of the forts on the frontiers of the states, and thus commanded the fur trade. Many of the states individually were infested with popular commotions, or iniquitous tender laws, while they were oppressed with public debts; the certificates, or public notes, had lost most of their value, and circulated merely as the objects of speculation; congress lost their respectability, and the United States their credit and importance.

In the midst of these calamities, a proposition was made in 1785, in the house of delegates, Virginia, to appoint commissioners to meet such as might be appointed in the other states, who should form a system of commercial regulations for the United States, and recommend it to the several legislatures for adoption. Commissioners were accordingly appointed, and a request was made to the legis latures of the other states to accede to the proposition. Accordingly, several of the states appointed commissioners

who met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in the summer of 1786, to consult what measures should be taken to unite the states in some general and efficient commercial system. But as the states were not all represented, and the powers of the commissioners were, in their opinion, too limited to propose a system of regulations adequate to the purposes of government, they agreed to recommend a general convention to be held at Philadelphia the next year, with powers to frame a general plan of government for the United States. This measure appeared to the commissioners absolutely necessary. The old confederation was essentially defective. It was destitute of almost every principle necessary to give effect to legislation.

It was defective in the article of legislating over states, instead of individuals. All history testifies that recommendations will not operate as laws, and compulsion cannot be exercised over states without violence, war, and anarchy. The confederation was also destitute of a sanction to its laws. When resolutions were passed in congress, there was no power to compel obedience by fine, by suspension of privileges, or other means. It was also destitute of a guarantee for the state governments. Had one state been invaded by its neighbour, the union was not constitutionally bound to assist in repelling the invasion, and supporting the constitution of the invaded state.

federation was further deficient in the principle of apportioning the quotas of money to be furnished by each state; in a want of power to form commercial laws, and to raise troops for the defence and security of the union; in the equal suffrage of the states, which placed Rhode island on a footing in congress with Vi ginia; and to crown all the defects, we may add the want of a judiciary power, to define the laws of the union, and to reconcile the contradictory decisions of a number of independent judicatories. These and many inferior defects were obvious to the commissioners, and therefore they urged a general convention, with powers to form and offer to the consideration of the states, a system of general government that should be less exceptionable.

Accordingly, in May, 1787, delegates from all the states, except Rhode island, assembled at Philadelphia, and chose general Washington for their president. After four months deliberation, in which the clashing interests of the several states appeared in all their force, the convention agreed to recommend the plan of federal government which has been already recited.

As soon as the plan of the federal constitution was sub

'mitted to the legislatures of the several states, they proceeded to take measures for collecting the sense of the people upon the propriety of adopting it. In the small state of Delaware, a convention was called in November, which, after a few days deliberation, ratified the constitution without a dissenting voice.

In the convention of Pennsylvania, held the same month, there was a spirited opposition to the new form of government. The debates were long and interesting. Great ability and firmness was displayed on both sides; but, on the 13th of December, the constitution was received by two-thirds of the members. The minority were dissatisfied, and, with an obstinacy that ill became the representatives of a free people, published their reasons of dissent, which were calculated to inflame a party already violent, and which, in fact, produced some disturbances in the western parts of the state. But the opposition has since gradually subsided.

In New Jersey, the convention which met in December, were unanimous in adopting the constitution, as was likewise that of Georgia.

In Connecticut there was some opposition; but the constitution was, on the 9th of January, 1788, ratified by three-fourths of the votes in convention, and the minority peaceably acquiesced in the decision.

In Massachusetts, the opposition was large and respectable. The convention consisting of more than three hundred delegates, were assembled in January, and continued their debates with great candour and liberality, about five weeks. At length the question was carried for the constitution by a small majority, and the minority, with that manly condescension which becomes great minds, submitted to the measure, and united to support the government.

In New Hampshire, the federal cause was for some time doubtful. The greatest number of the delegates in convention were at first on the side of the opposition; and some, who might have had their objections removed by the discussion of the subject, instructed to reject the constitution. Although the instructions of constituents cannot, on the true principles of representation, be binding upon a deputy, in any legislative assembly, because his constituents are but a part of the state, and have not heard the arguments and objections of the whole, whereas his act is to affect the whole state, and therefore is to be directed by the sense or wisdom of the whole collected in the legislative assembly; yet, the delegates in the New

*

Hampshire convention conceived, very erroneously, that the sense of the freemen in the towns, those little districts where no act of legislation can be performed, imposed a restraint upon their own wills. An adjournment was therefore moved and carried; this gave the people an opportunity to gain a farther knowledge of the merits of the constitution, and at the second meeting of the convention it was ratified by a respectable majority.

In Maryland, several men of abilities appeared in the opposition, and were unremitted in their endeavours to persuade the people, that the proposed plan of government was artfully calculated to deprive them of their dearest rights; yet, in convention it appeared that fivesixths of the voices were in favour of it.

In South Carolina, the opposition was respectable; but two-thirds of the convention appeared to advocate and vote for the constitution.

In Virginia, many of the principal characters opposed the ratification of the constitution with great ability and industry. But, after a full discussion of the subject, a small majority of a numerous convention, appeared for its adoption.

In New York, two-thirds of the delegates in conven tion were, at their first meeting, determined to reject the constitution. Here, therefore, the debates were the most interesting, and the event extremely doubtful. The argument was managed with uncommon address and ability on both sides of the question. But, during the session, the ninth and tenth states had acceded to the proposed plan; so that, by the constitution, congress were empowered to issue an ordinance for organizing the new government. This event placed the opposition on new ground, and the expediency of uniting with the other states the generous motives of conciliating all differences, and the danger of a rejection, influenced a respectable number, who were originally opposed to the constitution, to join the federal interest. The constitu tion was accordingly ratified by a small majority; but the ratification was accompanied here, as in Virginia, with a bill of rights, declaratory of the sense of the convention, as to certain great principles, and with a catalogue of amendments, which were to be recommended to the consideration of the new congress, and the several state legislatures.

North Carolina met in convention in July, to deliberate on the new constitution; after a short session they rejected This pernicious opinion has prevailed in all the states, and done infinite mischief.

it, by a majority of one hundred and seventy-six against seventy-six. This was the first state that, in a formal manner, rejected the constitution.

Rhode island was doomed to be the sport of a blind and singular policy. The legislature, in consistency with the measures which had been before pursued, did not call a convention, to collect the sense of the state upon the proposed constitution; but in an unconstitutional and absurd manner, submitted the plan of government to the consider. ation of the people. Accordingly, it was brought before town-meetings, and in most of them rejected. In some of the large towns, particularly in Newport and Providence, the people collected and resolved, with great propriety, that they could not take up the subject; and that the proposition for embracing or rejecting the federal constitution, could come before no tribunal but that of the state in convention or legislature.

Both the last-mentioned states have since adopted the federal constitution by very respectable majorities.

From the moment the proceedings of the general convention of Philadelphia transpired, the public mind was exceedingly agitated, and suspended between hope and fear, until nine states had ratified their plan of a federal government. Indeed, the anxiety continued until Virginia and New York had acceded to the system. But this did not prevent the demonstrations of their joy, on the accession of each state.

On the ratification in Massachusetts, the citizens of Boston, in the elevation of their joy, formed a procession in honour of the happy event, which was novel, splendid, and magnificent. This example was afterwards followed, and in some instances improved upon, in Baltimore, Charleston, Philadelphia, New Haven, Portsmouth, and New York, successively. Nothing could equal the beauty and grandeur of these exhibitions; a ship was mounted upon wheels, and drawn through the streets; mechanics erected stages, and exhibited specimens of labour in their several occupations, as they moved along the road; flags with emblems descriptive of all the arts, and of the federal union, were invented and displayed in honour of the government; multitudes of all ranks in life assembled to view the majestic scenes; while sobriety, joy, and harmony marked the brilliant exhibitions, by which the Americans celebrated the establishment of their empire.

After the adoption of the new constitution, and the public celebration of that great event, which, in America is dignified with the title of a second revolution; on the