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action will be announced to congress, and the colours will be deposited with the archives of the Union, which are at once the evidence and the memorials of their freedom and independence: may these be perpetual, and may the friendship of the two republics be commensurate with their existence." The address of the French minister, the reply of the president, the flag of France, and the letters of the committee of public safety, were all transmitted by the president to congress.

In February, 1796, the treaty was returned in the form recommended by the senate, ratified by his Britannic majesty; and on the last of that month, the president issued his proclamation, declaring it to be the law of the land. But the ruling party in the house of representatives dis puted the power of the president and senate to conclude a treaty without the concurrence of their house. Accordingly, in March, they passed a resolution, requesting the president to lay before them a copy of Mr. Jay's instruc tions, with all other documents relative to said treaty. This resolve placed the president in a situation of high responsibility. He knew the danger of opposing the popular branch of the legislature, in a government constituted like that of the United States; but he also knew that to grant their request would establish a false and dangerous principle in the diplomatic transactions of the nation. Therefore, upon mature deliberation, he refused to comply with the request of the house of representatives. This refusal occasioned violent debates in the house, which were continued from time to time, until the people assumed the subject, and by numerous meetings in different places, fully proved that a very great majority was disposed to support the executive power.

The numerous friends which France had acquired in the United States, induced the French goverument to form a plan for obtaining an influence in the administration of American affairs. M. Fouchet, the former ambassador from France, had made several complaints against the measures of president Washington; and at the close of his ministry, he even descended to reproach. His successor, M. Adet, on his arrival in Philadelphia, had full information given him on the subject of the British treaty. The American ambassador at Paris, colonel Monroe, had been instructed to lay before the directory certain documents of his government, with a view of removing any uneasiness from the minds of the French rulers; but it appears he had not exactly followed his instructions, having reserved those papers as answers to any complaints that might be

made by the government of France against the treaty with Great Britain. The president, not being perfectly satisfied with colonel Monroe's conduct, recalled him, and appointed as his successor general Pinckney,

The time was now approaching, when the second presidency of general Washington would expire; but nothing was more certain than his re-election, had he thought proper to offer himself as a candidate, However, in the month of October, he publicly announced his resolution of retiring from public life, and strictly enjoined his friends not to nominate him on the ensuing election. The resignation of this distinguished character, at a period so very critical, was lamented by all moderate men in the United States, and no less deplored by the friends of government in Great Britain. By the latter he was considered as a steady friend, and was indeed regarded as the leader of what was called the English party in America; for whatever may have been asserted to the contrary by some mischievous politicians in this country, British influence has always predominated in the United States over that of every other European country, and must ever have the ascendancy while the causes, stated in page 75, continue to exist.

In viewing the public life of general Washington, the powerful influence of political connexion is very remarkable. In 1776, he was considered by most of the good people of England as a proscribed rebel, deserving of an ignominious death: twenty years afterwards, he was extolled by many of the same people as England's best friend in the United States.-In 1776, it was believed in this country that nothing could preserve the American colonies to Great Britain but his destruction: in 1796, bis friendship was considered as one of the most powerful preventatives against England falling under the dominion of France. At the former period, Washington looked to the assistance of France as the best means of protecting the liberties of America against the encroachments of the British ministry; at the latter, he must have supposed Great Britain as the best security for the safety of the United States against France,

The election of a first successor to that great man who had filled the president's chair for two successive terms, was the most important event in the history of the infant. republic. The choice fell upon John Adams as president, and Thomas Jefferson as vice-president, The functions of the new chief magistrate were not to commence till the 4th of March, 1797, on which day he repaired to the

house of representatives to take the necessary oaths. General Washington attended the inauguration of his successor in office. Great sensibility was manifested by the members of the legislature, and other distinguished characters, when he entered the senate chamber, and much admiration expressed at the complacence and delight he manifested at seeing another clothed with the authority with which he had himself been invested.

At this ceremony were a number of spectators of distinguished rank and character; one of whom, after describing all that passed, adds these words:-"Nothing can be more simple than the ceremony of this installation; but this very simplicity has something in it so delightful, so noble, and so nearly resembling the grandeur of antiquity, that it commands our reverence, and seizes upon our worthiest affections. I speak at least of the effect it produced on my feelings. This change of the persons exercising the most awful functions of the state, with so little pomp, but with so great solemnity; and which places a man, who the evening before was among the crowd of simple citizens, at the head of the government; while he who held the first office of the state the preceding evening, is returned again to the class of simple citizens, is full of the qualities that constitute true greatness.'

The late president having paid his affectionate compliments to his successor, bid adieu to the seat of government, and hastened to the delights of domestic life. He intended that his journey should have been private, but the attempt was vain: the same affectionate and respectful attentions were on this occasion paid him which he had received during his presidency. At this time there was only one cloud that obscured the political borizon of the United States. France had assumed a threatening attitude; but for the peace and safety of the country, the general confided in the patriotism of his fellow citizens, under the providence of heaven. Among other indignities offered by the French government, the American envoys had been rejected; indeed for years, the insults received by the United States from the successive administrations of France, through their ambassadors and otherwise, had been intolerable, and were endured with a degree of patience of which the history of nations can scarcely produce an example. Their ships were every where captured; their ministers were little better than prisoners at Paris; while agents, some of them clothed with the sacred character of ambassadors, had endeavoured to excite the seeds of civil war. When at length the indignities of the direc

tory exceeded endurance, and the spirit of the American nation was roused to resistance, the congress resolved to arm by land and sea.

General Washington was appointed "commander in chief of the armies raised and to be raised," and he accepted the commission; because he observed, "that every thing they held dear and sacred was threatened; though he had flattered himself that he had quitted for ever the boundless field of public action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility, in which he had so long acted so conspicuous a part." In this office he continued during the short period of his life which still remained. On Friday, December, 13, 1799, in consequence of being out during rain, he was seized with an inflammation in the throat, Conceiving that bleeding would be salutary, a vein was opened; but he could not be persuaded to send for his physician until the morning. About eleven o'clock on Saturday, Dr. Craik arrived, and perceiving his extreme danger, desired the advice of two more physicians, but their assistance was unavailing. At half past eleven that night, December 14, he expired, in the 68th year of his age, and the 23d year of American independence; of which he may be said to be the principal founder and supporter. He died with a deep seuse of piety, observing to Dr. Craik, "Doctor, I am dying, and have been dying for a long time; but I am not afraid to die:" after which, with perfect serenity, he surrendered himself to his God.

The precautions which the United States had taken against the injustice of the French government, preserved their independence, without coming to an open rupture; and all differences were at length composed by a treaty of amity and commerce which was signed at Paris, on the 30th of September, 1800, by plenipotentiaries from the two republics. At this period, and indeed until 1806, the United States were in an enviable state of prosperity; no nation ever enjoying greater happiness. The commerce of the country, and particularly its exports, had most wonderfully increased."

Early in 1801, intelligence was received in London, that the ratification between France and America had taken place. About the same time came on the election for a new president of the United States, in the room of Mr. Adams, who during the last years of his presidency, had become extremely unpopular. Mr. Jefferson, the vice-president, and Mr. Burr, were candidates for this important office; and the election was carried on with great warmth on both sides. During three successive

days, the balloting was renewed no less than thirty-one times; the thirty-second time decided the contest in favour of Mr. Jefferson.

By referring to pages 79 and 91 of this work, it will be found, that from the commencement of this gentleman's administration both the commerce and manufactures of the United States flourished in a manner unprecedented. This may be seen from the tables of exports; but the reader will find a further confirmation of this fact in page 122, by examining the receipts of customs from 1801 to 1808, when he resigned his office in favour of Mr. Madison. During the first four years of general Washington's administration, the whole value of exports, foreign and domestic, was about 100,000,000 of dollars; whereas, during the years 1803, 4, 5, and 6, they amounted to 330,601,000 dollars. But the foreign articles being chiefly productions of the colonies belonging to the enemies of Great Britain, the British government in the year 1805, adopted the rule of the war of 1756, which rendered illegal any commerce carried on during war by a neutral with the colonies of a belligerent, which had not been permitted during peace. It was, however, the year 1803 which will ever distinguish the wisdom of Mr. Jefferson's councils, by the purchase of Louisiana; a measure which doubled the territory of his country, and that at such a trifling expence (not five farthings an acre) as has justly excited the astonishment of mankind, and will one day be productive of the most important results, not only to the United States but to the world.

The British ships of war having began to act with vigour, in pursuance of the order of 1805, vessels and property to a vast amount, belonging to the United States, were seized, tried and condemned. These captures excited universal indignation throughout the Union, the administration of which was stigmatized as equally regardless of the honour and interest of the nation, for not resisting these pretensions, and procuring redress for the depredations. In consequence of numerous spirited memorials from the mercantile interest, the senate, on the 10th of February, 1806, passed the following resolution:

"Resolved, that the capture and condemnation, under orders of the British government, of American vessels and their cargoes, on pretext of their being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, is an unprovoked aggression on the property of the citizens of the United States; a violation of their neutral rights; and an encroachment upon their national indepens" dence,"

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