person was an envoy from the government of the United States to that of Mexico, as we had good reason to expect one about this time. He said that ought not to be; the government did not expect an envoy from the United States until January, as they were not prepared to receive him; and he desired, if possible, that he would not come to the capital, nor even disembark at this time, and that I should endeavor to prevent his doing so, as his appearance in the capital at this time might prove destructive to the government, and thus defeat the whole affair. You know the opposition are calling us traitors, for entering into this arrangement with you. I told him I regretted this had not been known in time, as the envoy would be now on his way to this capital, and that the Mexican government had set no time for his arrival, and it was to be presumed that they would be ready to receive him whenever he arrived. I know, he said, there was no time set; but from the conversations which I have had with yourself, and what I have heard from others, I had good reason to believe that the envoy would not have been appointed by your government, or, at least, not have started on his mission, until after the meeting of Congress; which, he said, he understood would not meet until the first of this month. He said that the government itself was well disposed, and ready to proceed in the negotiation, but that if the affair was commenced now, it would endanger its existence; that the government were preparing the thing, collecting the opinion and consent of the departments, which they expected to have finished by January, and then they would be able to proceed in the affair with more security; that the government were afraid that the appearance of the envoy at this time would produce a revolution against it, which might terminate in its destruction. No. 6.. Mr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan. [Extracts ] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Mexico, Decemler 17, 1845. By my letter of 30th ultimo, I had the honor to inform you of my safe arrival at Vera Cruz. I reached this city on Saturday the 6th instant, having been detained two days by the stoppage of the mail coach at Jalapa. At Puebla, I was met by our consul, Mr. Black, who in some measure prepared me for the delays and difficulties which I should have to contend with, in placing myself in relation with this government, by informing me, that in a private interview which he had had with the minister of foreign affairs, Mr. Manuel de la Peña y Peña, for the purpose of announcing to him my arrival at Vera Cruz, that functionary had manifested great surprise that a minister should have presented himself so soon, and intimated that the state of things was such that he should have preferred less promptness on the part of our government. On Monday the 8th instant, I addressed to the minister of foreign affairs a note, in the usual form, announcing my arrival in the capital, accompanying it with a copy of my letter of credence and your official communication to the minister of foreign affairs, and asking to be informed when and where I should be admitted to present my credentials to the President. Of this note I annex a copy. It was handed by Mr. Black to the minister, who assured him that I should have an answer on the following Wednesday; and requested him to call and receive it. On that day, however, Mr. Black received a note from the secretary of the minister, stating that it was necessary to submit the matter to the council of government, and that he would be advised when the answer would be given. Mr. Black has since had another interview with Mr. Peña, and has prepared, at my request, a statement of what passed between them, which I send you. This council of government is a permanent body of a very anomalous character, composed of persons not removable by the executive; its functions, so far as I can understand them, are, with a few exceptions, and these not applying to foreign relations, merely advisory, and no obligation exists on the part of the executive, but in the exceptional cases, to consult the council. The council was not consulted when the executive determined to renew diplomatic relations with the United States, and a recourse to it at this moment was altogether gratuitous. It is a notorious fact, that several of the members of this council are not only in open and violent opposition to the present administration, but are endeavoring to get up a revolutionary movement to overthrow it; and it is generally understood that a majority of them are unfavorably dispo sed towards it. The impression here among the best informed persons is, that while the president and his cabinet are really desirous to enter frankly upon a negotiation which would terminate all their difficulties with the United States, * * This at least is certain; the administration, in referring a matter entirely within their own competence, to a body whose decision. they cannot control, and upon whose sympathies they cannot rely, manifest either a weakness or a bad faith, which renders the prospect of any favorable issue to negotiations with them, at best, very problematical. The deliberations of the council, although ostensibly confidential, soon became known out of doors. It has been twice or thrice convoked for the purpose of deliberating upon my reception, and it is perfectly well known that it has advised against it. The most absurd reasons have there been advanced against my recognition, so absurd, indeed, that they would appear scarcely credible to any one not upon the spot. The objections started were, that my credentials did not appear to have been given with the sanction of Congress; that my ap-. pointment had not been confirmed by the Senate; that this government had agreed only to receive a commissioner, and that, con * * * ** sequently, the appointment of an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary was not in accordance with the letter of the 15th October from the minister of foreign affairs to Mr. Black; that this letter only contemplated negotiations upon the subject of Texas; and finally, to cap the climax of absurdity, that my powers were not sufficient. I hope, before the closing of this despatch, to obtain information of the precise grounds upon which the council finally decided to recommend that I should not be received. Having received no reply to my note of the 8th instant, and no assurance of the time when I might expect one, I addressed another on the 15th instant, (a copy of which you will find herewith,) stating my desire to communicate speedily with my government and requesting to know when I might expect an answer. I have, while writing this, received a communication from the minister of foreign relations, of which I shall furnish you a copy. You will observe that it is dated yesterday, although I have no doubt that it was written after the final negative decision of the council, which was rendered on that day. You will find it evasive and unsatisfactory, intimating difficulties respecting my credentials, and that negotiations were, by the terms of his letter to our consul, to be confined to the subject of Texas. It concludes with an assurance that I shall be informed, at the earliest moment, of the decision of the council, to whom the matter had been submitted. one. You will observe that this note is not addressed to me in my official capacity; the omission to do so is certainly not an accidental I feel considerably embarrassed as to the proper course to pursue in relation to this circumstance, unimportant in itself, but not without significancy when taken in connexion with other circumstances. Your instructions direct me to bear and forbear much, for the purpose of promoting the great objects of my mission. * # As for myself, personally, I should feel very indifferent to any questions of mere etiquette; but in my representative capacity, I ought not silently to suffer any mark of disrepect. Although not yet recognized by this government as the person with whom it is willing to enter upon official relations, so far as my own is concerned, I am its representative here, and all other considerations apart, the interests of my mission with a people attaching peculiar importance to forms, require that I should not allow any violation. of accustomed courtesies to pass unnoticed. My present intention is, to address a note to the minister of foreign relations, couched in the most respectful terms, attributing the cmission to address me by my proper title, to inadvertence, and suggesting the expectation that it will not be repeated. This, however, I shall not do without proper reflection and consultation of precedents, if any such can be found. There is less reason for immediate reply, as I am satisfied that nothing is to be gained by pressing upon the gov ernment at this moment; their existence hangs by a thread, and they retain power, not by their own force, but solely by the inability of their opponents to agree among themselves. The great object of the administration, in all matters, is to gain time; to do nothing to compromit themselves, in the hope that if they can hold over until the meeting of the new congress, which will take place on the 1st of January, they will then be enabled to maintain their position. It would seem presumptuous in me, having so recently arrived, and with my necessarily very limited acquaintance and means of information, to express any opinion on this subject, but I give it to you for what it may be worth. A revolution, and that before the meeting of congress, is a probable event; a change of ministers almost a certain one. Notwithstanding the desire, which I believe the present administration really entertains, to adjust all their difficulties with us, so feeble and inert is it, that I am rather inclined to the opinion that the chances of a successful negotiation would be better with one more hostile, but possessing greater energy. The country, torn by conflicting factions, is in a state of perfect anarchy; its finances in a condition utterly desperate. It A refusal to treat with, or even receive me at all, in the only capacity in which I am authorised to act, under pretexts more or less plausible, is a possible (I aught, perhaps, to say a probable) event. This is a contingency which could not have been anticipated, and for which your instructions have, consequently, not provided. will place me in a novel, awkward, and most embarrassing position, and impose upon me a grave responsibility. Should it occur, I shall endeavor so to conduct myself as to throw the whole odium of the failure of the negotiation upon this government; point out, in the most temperate manner, the inevitable consequences of so unheard of a violation of all the usages which govern the intercouse between civilized nations; and declare my intention to remain here until I can receive instructions adapted to the exigencies of the case. I trust that no time will be lost in furnishing me with instructions that will enable me to act promptly and decisively; and, to assure the requisite despatch, I would recommend that they be sent by a steamer from Pensacola. Sailing vessels are frequently from fifteen to twenty days making the passage from Havana, or the Balize, to Vera Cruz. I send you files of the three principal papers published here, viz: the Diario, Siglo, and Amigo del Pueblo, which will enable you to form some idea of the state of public opinion as indicated by the press. The first is the official government paper; it has not made the slightest allusion to my arrival, and preserves upon all other debatable subjects a silence equally oracular. The second, although it has had a sort of semi-official character, and had heretofore supported the administration, has recently commented very freely upon its feebleness and inefficiency. The third is the leading opposition journal; it breathes the fiercest hostility against the United States, denounces the proposed negotiation as treason; and, in the last number, openly calls upon the troops and the people to put down. the government by force. I had hoped to have been prepared to forward with this a full statement of the facts connected with the disputed payment of in-. stalments of the Mexican indemnity, but am not yet in possession. of the necessary evidence; I am now engaged in collecting it, and expect to forward my report with my next despatches. I send this by Lieutenant Kennedy, who, at my request, was detached by Captain Saunders from the St. Mary's; which ship will immediately, on the arrival of L eut. K., proceed to Pensacola. I shall detain the Porpoise until I have something definite to communicate. P. S. December 18, 1845.-At the moment I was about to close this, I obtained the dictamen of the council of government, published in the "Siglo." I send I send you the paper. [Enclosure No. 1.] Mr. Slidell to Mr. Peña y Peña. MEXICO, December 8, 1845. The undersigned who has been appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, near the Mexican government, has the honor to inform your excellency that he arrived in this capital on the evening of the 8th instant, and requests to be informed of the time and place at which he may have the honor to be admitted to present his letter of credence (a copy of which he encloses) to the most excellent President of the republic of Mexico, General José Joaquim Herrea. He also begs leave to present, herewith, a letter addressed to your excellency by the Hon. James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States of America. The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to tender to your excellency the assurance of his profound respect and distinguished consideration. JOHN SLIDELL. To his excellency MANEL DE LA PENA Y PENA, Mr. Slidell's letter of credence. JAMES K. POLK, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: I have made choice of John Slidell, one of our distinguished citizens, to reside near the government of the Mexican republic in the quality of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America. He is |