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(Edward III.) devoutly assisting at the ceremony, and thought that it was the young Henry indeed, of whom the talk was still in 1220. As its authority in the description of the two first-named acts the saga mentions "The Master," who is an author whom we are unable to name; in all probability the allusion is to Vincent de Beauvais' Speculum Historiale. But otherwise the account, though far more detailed in T., corresponds to the description given in Annales Waverleyenses (Gale, Scriptores, II., 185–186), and Matthew Paris, (III., 59-60).

In the description of the third act (T. II., 212), a sentence occurs which must be noticed, to the effect, that pilgrims returning from Canterbury reported as a common saying among Englishmen that never, after the offerings to the shrine, had England been so rich again in gold. We have taken some considerable trouble in tracing the source of this statement, but in vain. Undoubtedly it looks as if by "pilgrims" were meant Icelandic pilgrims. What pilgrims from other countries returning home might have said on the subject of the shrine would hardly have got to Iceland, or, if it had, would have taken some shape different to what is really before us. We recognise in the saying a faithful reflection of that sense of blank amazement with which the sight of the golden shrine would naturally strike a simple beholder coming from a goldless country like Iceland; we discern in it the benighted visitor's want of perception of what English wealth meant, as well as his ignorance of the manner in which the Canterbury offerings were accumulated. His imagination, thus unguided by knowledge, would obviously suggest to him the idea that the flood of gold, which resulted in such a magnificent object of art as the shrine, must necessarily have left a permanent ebb-mark behind. To us it is clear, that here an Icelandic pilgrim's simple fancy must have put

the word in the mouth of Englishmen, who themselves doubtless made a different estimate of the effect upon the nation's purse.

The last chapter of the saga (II., 228–240), containing a mystical comparison between Elisha and Thomas of Canterbury, is drawn from a source which we have not been able to verify.

VISIONS AND MIRACLES.

In collating the visions and miracles with the original sources we content ourselves with only giving the bare references. We may, however, mention that what is now known of Benedict's work in Icelandic on this subject is only a small fragment in comparison with the original. There is no reason, why only gleanings from the first 32 miracles of Benedict's work should have been selected for preservation, while the rest was allowed to be clean forgotten. We doubt not that what is left of Benedict's miracles in Icelandic, is a small remnant of a larger work which once upon a time represented, possibly fully, the first three books of the Latin original (see above, p. lxxii.). As has already been pointed out, the miracles fall naturally into two groups, one by Benedict, the other by Robert of Cricklade. To the former belong the following:

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To the second belong the miracles which are introduced, T. II., 92, 12-11 as having been brought out to Iceland by the men of old, or by former men, and have no counterparts in Benedict's collection. Nos, 19, 20, 21, 32, bear a distant resemblance to William of Canterbury, Mat. I., Lib. II. (3), V. (1), VI. (157), II. (44), respectively; but such is the distance between these miracles that not even the subjects of the stories agree in both recensions. William of Canterbury could not under any circumstances have been in any one case the original of T. It is evident, from the manner in which the first of these is introduced in the name of Robert of Cricklade, that all the following owe their authorship to him:

18. Robert of Cretel is cured of a hurt on his leg by the
water of Thomas's well, cfr. Benedict II., 97
19. A mutilated man is cured by a vow to the martyr
20. A man hanged at Perigueux kept miraculously alive
by the Saint

II., 90, 284

II., 102, 283

II., 110

21. A dead cow restored to life through a vow to Thomas 22. The cut-off leg of a man restored to him through a

II., 118

VOW

II., 126

24. A church consecrated by Thomas after his death 25. A mother's deformed son restored to full health

II., 130

II., 134

26. A burglar robbing the cathedral treasure betrayed by the intervention of the martyr

27. A falcon which had lost its eye is healed

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28. A mother dying from giving birth to a dead child is, together with it, brought to life again

29. The son of knight Jordan called to life again 30. A drowned child brought again to life

31. Three sons of a certain widow brought to life after having lain for a long time in their grave

32. A page of king Henry, kicked to death by a horse,
brought to life again -

33. The martyr appears to the king in a dream
34. The famous carbuncle of the French regalia mira-
culously attached to the shrine of the martyr
35. The son of a knight Robert miraculously saved from
drowning -

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VII.-VARIOUS NOTICES.

1. MARIU SAGA.-In the extract from Mariu saga, p. 198-203, given in Appendix II. (T. II., p. 284-289), we have an intermediate fragment of a Thomas saga between T. and some text which has stood in close connexion with E. The portion of the Stockholm codex from which this extract is derived is, in the opinion of Professor Unger, written in the first quarter of the 14th century. That the extract is derived from a lost Thomas saga becomes clear from this passage, “ þegar í "öskublomi, sem fyrr var greint, setti signaðr Thomas

guðs moðvr Mariam sinn vakran verndarmann": already in the bloom of youth, as is set forth above, the blessed Thomas appointed God's Mother Mary his watchful guardian, cfr. T. I., 18, 11–12. To that, which

is here stated to have been set forth above, there is no allusion made in Mariu saga. It becomes still more evident, that the passage is a scribe's or a compiler's thoughtless copying when, further on (T. II., 288, 23–24) we read, "Gods mopvr Mariam elskaði hann vmfram "alla menn ok fal henni a hendi alla sina framferð " nærst almatkvm goði": God's mother Mary loved he beyond all men, and committed to her care all his ways next to Almighty God-which the author, when he bethought himself of giving a picture of Thomas's per

K 541.

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sonal characteristics, copied, forgetting that he had already alluded to it.

This extract bears in parts a strong resemblance to the preface of T. II., and comes still closer to the corresponding portion of fragment E. From the miracle in Paris the author passes over to the fulfilment of it, and from that to the deserts of the Archbishop, in a manner which shows that, beside the life book, he had before him the story of the gesta post martyrium, beginning in a similar way to that which is now preserved in T., as this comparison makes clear :

T. II., 2.

Alt sitt líf leiddi hann stórum heilagliga, hreinn ok grandvarr á sinn líkam. Erkibyskup var hann at tign. ok vígslu, prímas allrar Englands kristne, ok þar með posto. ligs sætis legatus. Var þat vel verðugt því at alla tíma firnst hann verit hafa hinn réttvisasti dómare, er hvorki hallaði réttum dóme fyrir fémútur né manna-mun. Sva sterkr ok stöðugr með kirkjunne, að hann veik af réttri reglu hvorki fyrir blítt né strítt, svá réttvislega harðr við ómildan lýð, at hann má þeira hegnaðarhamarr vel kallast. Enn fátækra manna ok harmþrunginna var hann hinn háleitasti huggari. . . Nú ef sökin gerir mann góðan í Guðs augliti, sem einginn efar vitr maðr, þá finst hans sök eingi réttvísari, þvá at hann stríddi í mote Guds óvinum, er með öllu vildu fyrirkoma kirkjunnar réttendum. En hvað eða með hverjum hætti hann lét sitt blezaða líf, er öllum kunnigt, at hann var drepinn fyrir Guðs móður altari í höfuð kirkju Englands af sjálfs síns andlegum sonum.

APPENDIX II., 286.

Fylldiz ok sipan einkar fagrliga þat, er þessi kistill spaði fyrir, þviat þessi gvös maðr Thomas enski son Gillibertz ok Moalldar öttaðr ok föddr i Lvndvnum varð sipan Kantvariensis erkibyskup ok allz Englandz primas ok postoligs sötis legatvs vm allt England. Ok er þat vel verðuct þviat hann lifði, sitt lif storvm heilagliga ok finnz alla gotv verit hafa enn rettvisazti, er hvarki hallade nökkvrn tima rettvm domi fyrir femvtvm ne manna mvn. Sva var hann sterkr ok stöðvgr með kirkivani moti Heinreki konvngi ok hans raðvneyti, at hann veik ser huarki af rettri reglv fyrir konvngsins bli v ne striöv hotvm ne harðindvm. Sva var hann rettvisliga harðr við hina omilldari, at uel matti hann þeira hegnaðarhamarr heita, enn fatökra manna ok harmþrunginna var hann hinn haleitazti hvggari. Nv ef sokin, sem engi vitr maðr efar, gerir manninu goðan i gvðs avgliti, þa finnz hans sok ekki rettvisligra; þviat hann striddi moti gvos ouinvm, er kirkivani ok hennar rettindum villdu með öllu fyrirkoma með sinvm bolvvðum ovönvm

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