build and equip a navy"-never was so important | most formidable hour ever collected, even with a subject more expeditiously despatched. The the aid of press gangs. The object seems easy Roman decree, "Dant operam coneules, ne quid detrito be obtained-the view is magnificently greatmenti capiat respublica," was a singular model of surely it is worthy of being seriously contemplated. The due settlement of the importance of the concise energy: But it must now cease to be so. However, I should have been better pleased had several states respecting each other, is a matter there been a clause added to our maritime provi- of capital moment. In congress each state, ought sion for manning the navy: This is the grand point of natural right, to have a weight in proportion to She can equip ships its importance. Can any state be justly entitled to -Britain finds it to be so. with ease from her yards: But the great difficulty a greater degree of weight? Can any state honestly is to man them. It was not with the phalanx that desire to figure in plumes at another's expense?---Greece kept the great king at arm's length-it What is understood by representation? Is it not a was not with the legions that Rome acquired sign of the reality? Ought such a representation to Sicily and conquered Carthage--it was not with be greater than the reality? Is it not upon this prinher battalions that Britain awed Europe: But Sala-ciple, however abused, that the English parliamin, Ecnoma, and La Hogue, were naval actions ment was formed? Has not this principle been that decided the superiority of nations. If Ameri- adopted in all the houses of assembly that ever sat ca is to be secure at home and respected abroad, upon this continent? Why are we now to deem it must be by a naval force. Shall we then, scarce that unjust, which till now, we universally acknowbestow a thought upon this palladium of our safety? | ledged as a certain and beneficial truth? What is Nature and experience instruct us, that a maritime called the rotten part of the English constitution-strength is the best defence to an insular situation. is it not an unequal, and therefore an unjust reIs not the situation of the United States insular presentation of its territory and wealth? Has not with respect to the powers of the old world; the lord Chatham been censured for not having, durquarter from which, alone, we are to apprehend ing his all-powerful administration, attempted to danger? Have not the maritime states the great-cut off that rotten member from the body politicest influence upon the affairs of the universe? Do an amputation which was thonght could scarce fail not the powers of Europe strain their nerves to of being performed when undertaken by the hand render themselves formidable at sea? This, then, of so great a man? Can ingenuity itself find an imis the theatre, as I may say, on which America must portant distinction between the two cases? In both, appear, if she intends to appear any where, with the great states on the one hand, and the great dignity and importance. Can the proper means of counties, cities and boroughs on the other, have her doing so, be better provided for, than in the less weight; and the small states, counties, cities confederation of her United States: This act ought and boroughs, have more than they ought--such to contain all the great lines of her general polity; is the point in question.—And shall we designedly otherwise it must be imperfect. The nursery of contract a fatal disease which we know has long her naval power cannot be better established, than been consuming the vital vigor of the English conby having it made uniform in all the states. What stitution, and is but too likely to destroy it? Shall advantage does not Britain expect from her marine our wise men persist in endeavoring to create that society? What oppression does her people suffer which it would have been, ILLUSTRIOUS AS HE 13, from the practice of pressing, to man the royal lord Chatham's greatest glory to have endeavored fleets?-An absolute outrage upon civil liberty, and to destroy?--i am hurt by the idea-the contrast yet often inadequate to the end. The plan I have fills me with pain and anxiety--however, I do not hinted seems calculated to avoid these evils. The despair of relief. There is a resolution of the first proportion of five in a thousand is small--the al- congress that was held after the British blockade Jurements are considerable and not expensive... of Boston, from which I have great expectation. the service is but short. And yet, only estimating It was the first resolve passed by that venerable the white inhabitants at two millions, after the body; and it is couched in these terms: "Resolved, ärst sixteen years, ten thousand seamen will an that, in the determining questions in this congress, nually be created, to give security and importance each colony or province shall have one vote---the to America; and in other seven years, in all congress not being possessed of, or at present able probability we should have more than double to procure proper materials for ascertaining the the number of seamen, whose bounden duty importance of each colony."---Hence, it is evident, would be to man our fleets, than Britain in her what was their idea of a just representation; and I hope it will yet be adopted. The Lycian republic/The small ones should be those not, by a complete was a confederation of three and twenty towns: proportion, exceeding four proportions of the smalThe great ones had three voices--the middling, lest: This class would, for the present, contain two---and the small, one: contributing to the pub-Georgia, North Carolina, Delaware, New Jersey, lic expense in proportion to their representation New York, Rhode Island and New Hampshire. We are to cotribute according to our abilities, and The middling should be those states, by a com. why should we not have a weight in proportion to plete proportion, exceeding four, and not in the our importance?---If each state must have the same same manner exceeding ten proportions: This class weight, let each contribute the same sum. We are would comprehend South Carolina, Maryland, i fant states, but we have the wisdom of ages be Pennsylvania and Connecticut. The great states fore our eyes. Let us not despise what is invalua- should be ascertained by their exceeding eleven ble. It is the best chart by which we can steer proportions of the smallest: This third class would along the difficult coast of government, and ven- include Virginia and Massachusetts-Bay. The first ture to run our ship of state into safe port. By this class should have three delegates to each state---the we may probably find an haven, that will invite the second, six --the third, nine-making a congress of people of all nations to take shelter in it against sixty-nine delegates, who should by a majority de. the furious storms of tyranny. But, without it, we termine all questions except those contained in the shall be but too likely to be shipwrecked. Let restrictions, which should be determined by the us therefore adopt uniform and experienced prin voices of the states. The representation of each ciples throughout our voyage: Let us not trust to state should be increased or lessened, in proporprinciples which clash and cannot form a perfect tion to the aid actually paid; and this ought to be system. In the present case, either contribute to the barometer of importance, stimulating each the public aid, according to ability, and have a state to its utmost contribution. a corresponding weight-or, have equal weight, These sentiments upon the subject of a confedeand contribute the same sum: Either is a perfect ration, sir, are the result of a few days reflection, system: But the first part of each must ever con amidst a variety of business, public and private: tinue irreconcileable to justice, and the known rule It is, indeed, not long since the plan from the conof right. The sage Montesquieu, having maturely gress has been received. I am fully sensible, that considered the nature of a confederated govern. my ideas, now thrown out, will admit of important ment, particularly the Empire and Holland, says, amendments, and therefore I do not presume to "were I to give a model of an excellent confede-offer them for consideration. I have taken the lirate republic, I would pitch upon that of Lycia." berty to drop them only because it was my duty to Can we do better, sir, than adopt the governing do so: and I think, if the states shall be allowed to principle in the most perfect model of a confede- vote according to their importance, the sketch I racy? have drawn might form a beneficial confedera I will now beg leave to apply this principle to tion. I observe the plan before us contains thirthe rate for the public aid, established by congress teen articles: I can have no objection to a number on the 22d of November last. New Hampshire . Massachusetts Bay allusive to the confederacy proposed. My sketch 200,000 contains ten articles. Nor can I suppose that num820,000 ber will be a matter of difficulty. In collecting Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations 100,000 the materials, I arranged them under sixteen arti Connecticut New-York New Jersey Pennsylvania. Delaware. Maryland 600,000 cles; but in condensing the subject, it accidentally 200,000 was comprised in ten, altho' I strove to reach the 270,000 confederated number. However, the accident in620,000 stantly made me recollect, that the divine law 60,000 to man was in ten articles---and that the Ro520,000 man law was originally written on ten tables.-I 800,000 confess, sir, I was not displeased...I am sure the 250,000 pious men of antiquity would have considered the 500,000 accidental ten articles of confederation, as an omen 60,000 of the beneficial nature of their contents. I may add, the number thirteen may, and we all hope 5,000,000 will, cease to be allusive to the existing confedeThese states I would class in three divisions.racy: But the number ten will ever allude to the Virginia. North-Carolina South Carolina Georgia eternal monuments of Divine justice, and human wisdom-Excuse, sir, this excursion to Sinai and Rome, I will return to my proper subject; nor will I detain your attention but a moment. MY LORD AND SIR--Your declaration at New. York, has reached this place. It has occasione.! surprise and concern. The known honor and abilities of your excellencies, and your declaration, appear perfect contrasts. The latter is an a'ural production. Hurt, as I am, to see your names so prostituted, I cannot restrain myself from making a few remarks to your excellencies upon a subject which, by endangering your reputation, listresses every generous mind. I shall first state your declaration: RICHARD VISCOUNT HOWE, of the kingdom of Ireland, and WILLIAM HOWE, esq. general of his majesty's forces in America, the king's COMMISSIONERS for restoring peace to his majesty's colonies and plantations in North America, &c. &c. &c. DECLARATION. I have now, Mr. Chairman, with profound humility, given my thoughts upon the confederation of the United States. Thoughts intent upon promoting and securing the interests of my native country-thoughts equally solicitous for the grandeur of America.-In delivering them, I trust I have, on that point, fully discharged my duty to my constituents-to the state-to the continent-"BY to posterity. I have no intention to derogate from the dignity or the merit of congress: I have zealously supported the one, and I shall ever be ready, gratefully to pay any tribute of applause to the other. It is my undoubted privilege as a freeman to speak plainly-it is my bounden duty to do so- "Although the congress, whom the misguided nor can our supreme rulers, constituted only for Americans suffer to direct the opposition to a rethe purpose of preserving to us our civil rights, be establishment of the constitutional government of displeased at such a conduct: The occasion is of these provinces, have disavowed every purpose of the first importance. I meant to speak in terms of reconciliation not consonant with their extravagant respect: if any thing of a contrary nature escapes and inadmissible claim of independence,--the me, I am sorry and beg pardon for it--it is not king's commissioners think fit to declare that they my intention to offend any individual, especially are equally desirous to confer with his majesty's the supreme authority. But, sir, I scarce think we affected subjects upon the means of restoring the moment is at hand, for the ratification of a con- the public tranquility, and establishing a perm.. federacy. Rather than adopt the articles before us, nent union with every colony as a part of the British I would yet a little longer trust to the ties that empire. The king being most graciously pleased now bind America in union. The American con- to direct a revision of such of his royal instructions federacy should be the effect of wisdom, not of to his governors as may be construed to lay an im. fear—an act of deliberation, not of hurry. It should proper restraint on the freedom of legislation in be a noble monument attracting the respect of the any of his colonies, and to concur in the revisal world-and capable of drawing forth the admira-of all acts by which his majesty's subjects there tion and gratitude of our posterity.-Upon the may think themselves aggrieved, it is recommend. whole, sir, this is scarce a time to deliberate, but ed to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously it is certainly a time to act-it is my great aim, upon their present condition and expectations, and that America shall be independent-free-illustri-judge for themselves, whether it be more consistent ous and happy! with their honor and happiness to offer up their lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious cause in which they are engaged, or return to their allegiance, accept the blessings of peice, and to I cannot now, sir, sit down withont expressing to the committee, the concern I feel for having taken up so much of their time as I have. I am sensible long discourses are often heard with imbe secured in a free enjoyment of t'u ir liberties patience: But the stupendous importance of this and properties upon the true principles of the consubject, and my zeal in endeavoring to discharge my duty, will I hope plead in my favor. I beg leave to return my most respectful thanks, for the attention and patience with which I have been heard. Address stitution. "Given at New-York, 19th September, 1776. STHAGHEY." "By command of their excellencies, To their excellencies RICHARD VISCOUNT HOWE, ad-ing his military title, displaying the nature of his miral, and WILLIAM Howe, esq. general, of his supreme hostile command in Americs, by which Britannic majesty's forces in America. unusual and designed omission, the ignorant, seeing his name contrasted with that of a general clothed in all his terrors, may be entrapped to believe that his lordship is to be considered in a more amiable point of view, a mere commissioner only, for restoring peace, without any military command to intimidate and coerce. Not to wound your delicacy, by admiring the wisdom of your appealing from the congress to people confessed by you to be directed by that honorable assembly: My remarks shall be confined to the more material parts of your declaration, which, I am sorry to say, are in every respect unworthy your good sense and high concur in the revisal of all acts by which his majesty's subjects may think themselves aggrieved." But what of all this. Your excellencies have not told the people, who "think themselves aggrieved,” that they are to be a party in the revision. You have not even told them who are to be revisors. If you had, it would be nothing to the purpose; for you have not, and cannot tell them and engage that even any of the instructions and acts, being revised, shall be revoked, and repealed; particularly those by which people "may think themselves aggrieved." But, if such are not to be repealed, why have you mentioned "think themselves aggrieved?" If they characters. Your excellencies "think fit to declare," that are intended to be repealed, why did not your you are desirous "of restoring the public tran- excellencies come to the point at once and say so? quility." But is the end your excellencies aim-It is evident your excellencies are by your su at our honor and advantage? Is it to give a free periors precipitated into a dilemma. You have not scope to our natural growth? Is it to confirm to been accustomed to dirty jobs, and plain dealing us our rights by the law of nature? No!It is to does not accord with your instructions; otherwise, cover us with infamy. It is to chill the sap, and in the latter case, I think you are men of too much check the luxuriance of our imperial plant. It is sense and honor to have overlooked or suppressed to deprive us of our natural equality with the rest so material a point of information. However, you of mankind, by "establishing" every state "as a part say instructions and acts are to be revised: We of the British empire." In short, your excellencies see that you have laid an ambuscade for our li invite men of common sense, to exchange an inde. berties; the clause is carefully constructed without pendent station for a servile and dangerous de. the least allusion to the revisors, or to the words pendence? But, when we recollect that the king redress, revoke, repeal. In short, it appears to be of Great Britain has, from the throne, declared his drawn up entirely on the plan of a declaration by firm and stedfast resolutions to withstand every king James the second after his abdication, as attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority confidentially explained by James' secretary of of that legislature over all the dominions of his state, the earl of Melford, to lord Dundee in Scotcrown:" that his hirelings in parliament and tools land. For Melford writes to Dundee, “that notin office, abhorred by the English nation, have withstanding of what was promised in the declaraechoed the sentiment, and that America, for ten tion, indemnity and indulgence, yet he had couched years has experienced that king's total want of things so that the king would break them when he candor, humanity, and justice-it is, I confess, a pleased; nor would he think himself obliged to matter of wonder, that your excellencies can submit stand to them." And your excellencies have "couched to appear so lost to decency as to hold out sub- things so,” that more words upon this subject are jection as the only condition of peace: and that unnecessary. you could condescend to sully your personal honor, by inviting us to trust a government in which you are conscious we cannot in the nature of things place any confidence...a goveremtent that you are sensible has been, now is, and ever must be jealous of our prosperity and natural growth---a government that you know is absolutely abandoned to corruption!-Take it not amiss, if I hint to your excellencies, that your very appearing in support of such a proposal, furnishes cause to doubt even of your integrity; and to reject your allurements, least they decoy us into slavery. "It is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present condition." Is it possible your excellencies can be serious, and mean any thing by this recommendation? Can you he ignorant, that ever since the birth of the stampact, the inhabitants at large have been reflecting upon their deplorable condition? Can you have an idea that, after such a length of time, during which they have been continually kept to their reflections, by the declaratory law, the tea-act, the Boston port bill, and those then passed to annihilate the charter of Massachusetts-Bay, the Quebec bill The declaration says, "the king is most graci-to establish popery, the fishery-bill to coerce by ously pleased to direct a revision of such of his famine, the British commencement of the late civil royal instructions to his governors," &c. "and to war, and the act of parliament in December last, declaring the inhabitants rebels-I say, after such a order of battle, within long shot, without firing a series of causes for reflection, and tha: your excel-gun to interrupt the service, is at least some slight lencies now find us in arms against you, determined legree of evidence that they respect and stand in on independence or death, can you possibly enter awe of the American arms. In short, without being tain an idea that we have not reflected seriously? unreasonable, I think I may be allowed to say, that On the contrary you know, that we are prepared to these particulars do not shew, that our cause is so offer up our lives in evidence of our serious reflec. precarious as your excellencies would insinuate it tions! In addressing a world, you ought to have to be; and to recommend that your excellencies some attention to the propriety of your recor{“reflect seriously upon your present condition,” mendations, if only from a regard to your own re- and abandon "the unjust cause in which you are putation. engaged" while you yet may preserve your reputation from the reproaches of posterity. Your excellencies call upon the inhabitants at You are pleased to term our cause "unjust." In this there is nothing so surprising, as your being large "to return to their allegiance." It is as if lured to give such a sentiment under your handssigning your own disgrace with posterity. You know, that the virtuous characters throughout Europe, on this point differ with your excellencies; and I most respectfully submit, whether there is not some little degree of presumption in your signing an opinion, in contradiction to the opinion of thousands, who, without derogating from your excellencies, are at least as well able to judge up on the point as you are? you had commanded a body of troops to advance to the assault, before you had put them in order of battle. I tell your excellencies, that protection must precede allegiance; for the latter is founded on the benefit of the former. That the operations of he forces by sea and land under your orders, demonstrate that your king is not our protector. And, that the allegiance of America to the king of Great Britain is now utterly out of the question. But you attempt to allure the inhabitants by But you add, that our cause is "precarious." telling them they may "be secured in a free enjoyAllow me to make a proper return to your excel ment of their liberties and properties, upon the lencies by informing you, that all the affairs of true principles of the constitution." Will your men are precarious, and that war is particularly excellencies tell us where those principles are to So. However, if your excellencies meant to be found? You must say they are not to be found insinuate that our cause is precarious from an in the present British government. Do we not inability in us to maintain it, I beg leave to ask general Howe what progress his arms made during his command at Boston: And what shining victories, and important conquests you have achieved since your junction at Staten-island? The eulogium, duo fulmina belli Scipiadas know that the majority of the two houses of parlia ment are absolutely under the king of Great Britain's direction?-They make and repeal laws; they agree with or reject motions; they vote money even without limitation of sum, at the pleasure of that king's minister, in whose pay they actually are; and your excellencies as men of honor dare not cannot yet be applied to your excellencies. Gene deny these things. Will you then say that, where ral Howe's repulse from the lines on Long-island, there is such a dependence, the true principles of and his victory over the advanced guard of 3000 the constitution operate! The history of the premen, reflect no great degree of glory on the corps sent reign, all Europe, would witness against you. of at least 12,000 that he commanded. Nor can Those principles have been long despised by the you boast much of the action on New-York-island rulers, and lost to the people-otherwise, even at on the 15th September, when a few more than 800 the commencement of the present reign, we should Americans, attacking three companies of light not have seen the dismission of the virtuous troops supported by two regiments, the one Scotch, chancellor of the exchequer, LEGGE, because he the other Hessian, drove them from hill to hill back would not quit his seat in parliament at the instigato your lines, and carried off three pieces of brass tion of the lust prince of Wales; nor the massacre Cannon as trophies of their victory. And when in St. George's fields and the royal thanks to the general Washington, on the second of October, assassins; nor the repeated and unredressed comcaused a large detachment to draw up to Harlaem plaints to the throne; nor the unheard of profusion plains to cover the inhabitants between the two of the public treasure, far exceeding the extravaarmies, while they carried off their effects, the gance of a Caligula or a Nero; nor the present ruinous march and continuance of the British troops in situation of Great Britain; nor the present war in |