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the same spirit animates the whole. Not less than of the Bostonians, or of the other provinces which an hundred and fifty thousand gentlemen, yeomen constituted their crimes. But it is the noble spirit and farmers, are now in arms, determined to pre- of liberty manifestly pervading the whole continent, serve their liberties or perish.-As to the idea that which has rendered them the objects of ministerial the Americans are deficient in courage, it is too and royal vengeance. Had they been notoriously ridiculous and glaringly false to deserve a serious of another disposition, had they been homines að refutation.I never could conceive upon servitudinem paratos, they might have made as free what this notion was founded.I served several with the property of the East-India company as campaigns in America the last war, and cannot the felonious North himself with impunity. But recollect a single instance of ill behavior in the the lords of St. James', and their mercenaries of provincials, where the regulars acquitted them-St. Stephen's, will know that, as long as the free selves well. Indeed we well remember, some in- spirit of this great continent remains unsubdued, stances, of the reverse, particularly where the late the progress they can make in their scheme of colonel Grant, (he who lately pledged himself for universal despotism, will be but trifling. Hence the general cowardice of America) ran-away with it is, that they wage inexpiable war against Amea large body of his own regiment, and was saved rica. In short, this is the last asylum of persecuted from destruction by the valor of a few Virginians. liberty.-Here, should the machinations and fury Such preposterous arguments are only proper for of her enemies prevail, that bright Goddess must the Rigby's and Sandwich's, from whose mouths fly off from the face of the earth, and leave not a never issued, and to whose breasts, truth and trace behind. These, sir, are my principles; this decency are utter strangers. You will much oblige is my persuasion, and consequentially I am determe in communicating this letter to general Howe, mined to act. I have now, sir, only to entreat that to whom I could wish it should be considered in whatever measures you pursue, whether those some measure addressed, as well as to yourself. which your real friends (myself amongst thera) Mr. Howe is a man for whom I have ever had the would wish, or unfortunately those which our highest love and reverence. I have bonored him accursed misrulers shall dictate, you will still for his own connections, but above all for his believe me to be, personally, with the greatest admirable talents and good qualities. I have court- sincerity and affection, ed his acquaintance and friendship, not only as a pleasure, but as an ornament; I flattered myself that I had obtained it.-Gracious God! is it possi ble that Mr. Howe should be prevailed upon to accept of such an office? That the brother of him, to whose memory the much injured people of Bos. ton erected a monument, should be employed as one of the instruments of their destruction!-But the fashion of the times it seems is such, as renders

Your's &c. C. LEE. A letter from general Burgoyne, in answer to one wrote him by general Lee.

BOSTON, July 9, 1775. Dear sir-When we were last together in service, I should not have thought it within the vicissitude of human affairs that we should meet at any time, or in any sense as foes; the letter you have honored me with, and my own feelings com. it impossible that he should avoid it. The combine to prove we are still far from being personally

such.

mands of our most gracious sovereign, are to cancel all moral obligations, to sanctify every action, even those that the satrap of an eastern despot would I claim no merit from the attentions you so kindly start at. I shall now beg leave to say a few words remember, but as they manifest how much it was with respect to myself and the part I act.-I was my pride to be known for your friend: Nor have bred up from my infancy in the highest veneration 1 departed from the duties of that character, when for the liberties of mankind in general. What II will not scruple to say, it has been almost genehave seen of courts and princes convinces me, that ral offence to maintain it: I mean since the violent power cannot be lodged in worse hands than in part you have taken in the commotions of the theirs; and of all courts I am persuaded that ours colonies. It would exceed the limits and propriety is the most corrupt and hostile to the rights of of our present correspondence to argue at full, humanity. I am convinced that a regular plan the great cause in which we are engaged. But has been laid (indeed every act, since the present anxious to preserve a consistent and ingenuous chaaccession, evinces it) to abolish even the shadow racter, and jealous, I confess, of having the part I of liberty from amongst us. It was not the demoli- sustain imputed to such motives as you intimate, tion of the tea, it was not any other particular act I will state to you as concisely as I can, the princi

ples upon which, not voluntarily, but most con- which of these purposes do the proceedings of scientiously, I undertook it.

I have, like you, entertained from my infancy a veneration for public liberty. I have likewise regarded the British constitution as the best safeguard of that blessing, to be found in the history of mankind. The vital principle of the constitution, in which it moves and has its being, is the supremacy of the king in parliament; a compound, indefinite, indefeasible power, coeval with the origin of the empire, and coextensive over all its parts—

America tend? Is it the weight of taxes imposed, and the impossibility of relief, after due representation of her burthens, that has induced her to take arms? Or is it a denial of the legislative right of Great Britain to impose them, and consequently a struggle for total independency? For the idea of a power that can tax externally and not internally, and all the sophistry that attends it, though it may catch the weakness and prejudices of the multitude, in a speech or a pamphlet, is too preposterous to

I am no stranger to the doctrines of Mr. Locke and weigh seriously with a man of your understanding, and I am persuaded you will admit the question fairly put.

other of the best advocates for the rights of man. kind, upon the compact always implied between the governing and governed, and the right of Is it then for a relief from taxes-or from the resistance in the latter, when the compact shall be controul of parliament, “in all cases whatsoever," so violated as to leave no other means of redress. that we are in war? If for the former, the quarrel I look with reverence, almost amounting to idolatry, is at an end-There is not a man of sense and inupon those immortal whigs who adopted and ap-formation in America, who does not see it is in plied such doctrine during part of the reign of the power of the colonies to obtain a relinquish Charles the 1st, and in that of James the IId.ment of the exercise of taxation immediately and Should corruption pervade the three estates of the forever.-I boldly assert it, because sense and inrealm, so as to pervert the great ends of their formation must also suggest to every man, that it institution, and make the power, vested in them for can never be the interest of Britain to make a the good of the whole people, operate like an abuse second trial. of the prerogative of the crown, to general op. pression, I am ready to acknowledge, that the same doctrine of resistance applies as forcibly against the abuses of the collective body of power, as against those of the crown, or either of the com. ponent branches separately: still always understood that no other means of redress can be obtained.A case, I contend, much more difficult to suppose when it relates to the whole than when it relates to parts. But in all cases that have existed, or can be conceived, I hold that resistance, to be

But if the other ground is taken, and it is intended to wrest from Great Britain, a link of that substantial, and I hope perpetual chain, by which the empire holds-think it not a ministerial man. date; think it not mere professional ardour; think it not prejudice against any part of our fellow sub. jects, that induces men of integrity, and among such you have done me the honor to class me, to act with vigor:-But be assured it is conviction that the whole of our political system depends upon preserving entire its great and essential parts, and none is so great and essential as the supremacy of legislation-It is conviction that as a king of Eng land never appears in so glorious a capacity as when he employs the executive power of the state to And here you will discern immediately why I maintain the laws, so in the present exertions of drew a line in the allusion I made above to the that power, his majesty is particularly entitled to reign of Charles the first. Towards the close of iour zeal and grateful obedience, not only as soldiers the true principle of resistance was changed, and but as citizens. a new system of government projected accordingly. The patriots, previous to the long parliament and during great part of it, as well as the glorious revolutionists of 1688, resisted to vindicate and restore the constitution; the republicans resisted,

justifiable, must be directed against the usurpation or undue exercise of power, and that it is most criminal when directed against any power itself inherent in the constitution.

to subvert it.

Now, sir, lay your hand upon your heart, as you have enjoined me to do on mine, and tell me, to

These principles, depend upon it, actuate the army and fleet throughout. And let me, at the same time add, there are few, if any, gentlemen among us who would have drawn his sword in the cause of slavery. But, why do I confine myself to the fleet and army: I affirm the sentiments I here touched, to be those of the great bulk of the nation. I appeal even to those trading towns which

are sufferers by the dispute, and the city of London | wise communicated to lord Percy the contents of at the head of them, notwithstanding the petitions your letter and my answer. They all join with me and remonstrances that the arts of parties and in compliments, and authorise me to assure you factions have extorted from some individuals; and they do the same in principles. last, because least in your favor, I appeal to the General Lee's answer to general Burgoyne's letter. majorities of the last year upon American questions CAMBRIDGE, HEAD-QUARTERS, July 11, 1775. in parliament. The most licentious news writer General LEE's complimen sto general BURGOYNE. wants assurance to call these majorities ministeral; Would be extremely happy in the interview he much less will you, when you impartially examine the characters of which they were in a great degreeneral BURG NE has already made up his mind on so kindly proposed. But as he perceives that ge composed—men of the most independent principles this great subject; and that it is impossible that and fortunes, and many of them professedly in op- he [gen. LEE] should ever alter his opinion, he is position in their general line of conduct. apprehensive that the interview might create those Among other supporters of British rights against jealousies and suspicions, so natural to a people American claims, I will not speak positively, but struggling in the dearest of all causes, that of their I firmly believe, I may name the men of whose liberty, property, wives, children, and their future integrity and judgment you have the highest opi-generations. He must, therefore, defer the happi. nion, and whose friendship is nearest your heart: Iness of embracing a man whom he most sincerely mean lord Thanet, from whom my aid de camp has loves until the subversions of the present tyrannical a letter for you, with another from sir C. Davers. ministry and system, which he is persuaded must I do not enclose them, because the writers, little be in a few months, as he knows Great Britain can. imagining how difficult your conduct would render not stand the contest.-He begs general BURGOYNE our intercourse, desired they might be delivered will send the letters which his aid de camp has into your own bands. for him. If Gardiner is his aid de camp, he desires his love to him.

For this purpose, as well as to renew "the rights of our fellow-ship," I wish to see you; and above Copy of a letter sent by William Tryon, esq to his all I should think an interview happy if it induced excellency governor Trumbull, of Connecticut. such explanations as might tend in their conse. NEW YORK, April 17th, 1778. quences to peace. I feel, in common with all around SIR-Having been honored with the king's cɔm. me, for the unhappy deluded bulk of this country mands, to circulate the enclosures to the people at -they foresee not the distress that is impending large, I take the liberty to offer them to you for I know Great Britain is ready to open her arms up. your candid consideration, and to recommend that, on the first reasonable overtures of accommoda. through your means, the inhabitants within your tion; I know she is equally resolute to maintain province may be acquainted with the same; as also her original rights; and I also know, that if the the other provinces to the eastward. war proceeds, your hundred and fifty thousand I am, sir, your obedient servant, men will be no match for her power. I put my Governor TRUMBULL. honor to these assertions, as you have done to others, and I claim the credit I am willing to give.

W. TRYON.

His excellency's answer. LEBANON, April 23, 1778. The place I would propose for our meeting is SIR-Your letter of the 17th inst. from New York, the house on Boston Neck, just within our advanc-is received, with its enclosures, and the several ed sentries, called Brown's house. I will obtain similar packets, of various addresses, with which authority to give you my parole of honor for your it was accompanied.

secure return: I shall expect the same on your Proposals of peace are usually made from the part, that no insult be offered to me. If the pro-supreme authority of one contending power, to the posal is agreeable to you, name your day and hour similar authority of the other; and the present is —And, at all events, accept a sincere return of the he first instance, within my recollection, when a assurances you honor me with, and believe me vague, half blank, and very indefinite draught of a affectionately yours, bill, once only read before one of the three bodies of

J. BURGOYNE.

P. S. I have been prevented by business answer he legislature of the nation, has ever been atdresing your letter sooner. I obeyed your commandssed to the people at large of the opposite power, as in regard to general Howe and Clinton; and I like-an overture of reconciliation.

"The means of constitu ional legislation in this colony, being now interrupted, and entirely precarious, and being convinced that some rule is ne

of defence, we, in an especial manner, recommend this matter to your consideration in convention; and you may depend that any general tax, by that body imposed, for such purposes, will be cheerfully submitted to, and paid by the inhabitants of this county.

"We desire that you will consider the Bostonians as suffering in the common cause, and cheerfully join in their support to the utmost of your power:

"That you will direct the deputies to congress, on the part of this colony, to use their best endeavors to establish a trade between the colonies; and to procure a quantity of gun-powder, and a number of cotton and wool cards from the northward, or elsewhere.

There was a day, when even this step, from our then acknowledged parent state, might have been accepted with joy and gratitude; but that day, sir, is past irrecov-ra ly. The repeated insolent rejec-cessary, for speedily putting the colony in a state tion of our sincere and sufficiently humble peti tions, the unprov ́ked commencement of hostilities; the barbarons inhumanity which has marked the provocation of the war on your part, in its several stages; the insolence which displays itself on every petty advantage; the cruelties which have been exercised on those unhappy men whom the fortune of war has thrown into your hands-all these are insuperable bars to the very idea of concluding a peace with Great Britain, on any other conditions than the most absolute and perfect independence. To the congress of the United States of America, therefore, all proposals of this kind are to be ad. dressed; and you wil give me leave, sir, to say that the present mole bears too much the marks of an insiduous design to disunite the people, and to lull us into a state of quietude, and negligence of the necessary preparations for the approaching campaign. If this be the real design, it is fruitless. If peace be really the object, let your proposals be it in every particular." properly addressed to the proper power, and your negociations be honorably conducted, we shall then have some prospect of (what is the most ardent wish of every honest American,) a lasting and honorable peace. The British nation may then, perhaps, find us as affectionate and valuable friends, as we now are fatal and determined enemies, and will derive from that friendship, more solid and real advantage, than the most sanguine can expect from con. quest.

I am, sir, your humble servant,

J. TRUMBULL.

WILLIAM TUYox, esq.
"Instructions from the freeholders of Cumberland coun-
ty, Virginia.)

"To John Mayo and William Fleming, gentlemen,
their delegates, March, 1775.

"We, the freeholders of Cumberland county, having elected you to represent us in a provincial convention, to be held in the town of Richmond, on Monday the 20th of this instant, and being convinced that the safety and happiness of British America depend on the unanimity, firmness, and joint efforts of all the colonies, we expect you will, on your parts, let your measures be as much for the common safety, as the peculiar interests of this colony will permit; and that you, in particular, comply with the recommendation of the continental congress, in appointing delegates to meet in the city of Philadelphia, in May next.

"We desire further, that you will not depart from the association formed by the continental congress in September last, but will strictly adhere to

Forces of America.

The following was the estimate which general
Gage laid before the British ministry in 1775, of
the force which could be raised in the colonies,
and maintained in the field.
New England
New York

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Pennsylvania and Jersey.
Virginia and Maryland
Carolinas

37,000

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11,000

16,000

13,000

5,000

82,000

The speech of the right hon. the earl of Chatham, tn
the house of lords, January 20th, 1775, on a mo-
tion for an address to his majesty, to give immediate
orders for removing his troops from Boston, forth-
with, in order to quiet the minds and take away the
apprehensions of his good subjects in America.
My lords-After more than six weeks possession
of the papers now before you, on a subject so mo-
mentous, at a time when the fate of this nation
hangs on every hour, the ministry have at length
condescended to submit, to the consideration of
the house, intelligence from America, with which
your lordships and the public have been long and
fully acquainted.

The measures of last year, my lords, which have produced the present alarming state of America

were founded upon misrepresentation-they were country, and the magnitude of danger hanging over violent, precipitate and vindictive. The nation this country from the present plan of misadminiswas told, that it was only a faction in Boston, tration practised against them, I desire not to be which opposed all lawful government; that an un- understood to argue for a reciprocity of indulgence warrantable injury had been done to private pro- between England and America: I contend not for perty, for which the justice of parliament was cal. indulgence, but justice, to America; and I shall led upon, to order reparation;-that the least ap-ever contend that the Americans owe obedience to pearance of firmness would awe the Americans us, in a limited degree; they owe obedience to our into submission, and upon only passing the Rubicon we should be fine clade victor.

ordinances of trade and navigation; but let the line be skilfully drawn between the objects of those ordinances, and their private, internal property: Let the sacredness of their property remain invio.

That the people might choose their representatives, under the impression of those misrepresen-late; let it be taxable only by their own consent, tations, the parliament was precipitately dissolved Thus the nation was to be rendered instrumental in executing the vengeance of administration on that injured, unhappy, traduced people.

When I urge this measure for recalling the troops from Boston, I urge it on this pressing principlethat it is necessarily preparatory to the restoration of your prosperity. It will then appear that you are disposed to treat amicably and equitably, and

necessary, as I affirm it will, those violent acts and

declarations which have disseminated confusion

given in their provincial assemblies, else it will cease to be property: As to the metaphysical refinements attempting to shew that the Americans are equally free from obedience to commercial reBut now, my lords, we find, that instead of sup-straints, as from taxation for revenue, as being unpressing the opposition of the fac ion at Boston, represented here, I pronounce them futile, frivothese measures bave spread it over the whole con. lous and groundless.-Property is, in its nature, It is indivisible, can belong to tinent. They have united that whole people, by single as an atom. the most indissoluble of all bands-intolerable one only, and cannot be touched but by his own wrongs. The just retribution is an indiscriminate, consent. The law that attempts to alter this disunmerciful proscription of the innocent with the posal of it annihilates it. guilty, unheard and untried. The bloodless victory, is an impotent general, with his dishonored army, trusting solely to the pickaxe and the spade, for security against the just indignation of an injured and insuited people. My lords, I am happy that a relaxation of my into consider, revise and repeal, if it should be found firmities permits me to seize this earliest opportuni. ty of offering my poor advice to save this unhappy country, at this moment tottering to its ruin. Bu as I have not the honor of access to his majesty, I will endeavor to transmit to him, through the constitutional channel of this house, my ideas on Ame. rican business, to rescue him from the misadvice of his present ministers. I congratulate your lord-or enslave your fellow subjects in America, who ships that that business is at last entered upon, by feel that tyranny, whether ambitioned by an indivithe noble lord's (lord Dartmouth) laying the padual part of the legislature, or by the bodies which pers before you. As I suppose your lordships are compose it, is equally intolerable to British printoo well apprised of their contents, I hope I am not ciples. premature in submitting to you my present motion As to the means of enforcing this thraldom, they (reads the motion,) I wish my lords not to lose a are found to be as ridiculous and weak in practice, day in this urging present crisis: An hour now lost as they were unjust in principle: Indeed I cannot in allaying the ferment in America, may produce but feel, with the most anxious sensibility, for the years of calamity: but, for my own part, I will not situation of general Gage and the troops under his desert for a moment the conduct of this mighty command; thinking him, as I do, a man of humani. business from the first to the last, unless nailed to ty and understanding, and entertaining, as I ever my bed by the extremity of sickness; I will give it shall, the highest respect, the warmest love, for the unremitting attention: I will knock at the door of British troops. Their situation is truly unworthy this sleeping, or confounded ministry, and will pent up, pining in inglorious inactivity. They are rouse them to a sense of their important danger. an army of impotence. You may call them an army When I state the importance of the colonies to this of safety and of guard; but they are in truth an ar

throughout your empire. Resistance to your acts, was as necessary as it was just; and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of parliament, and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, will be found equally impotent to convince

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