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member his interest annually, and his principal according to the terms of lending.

This is the mode the friends of the cause are endeavoring to promote here, that all persons whatever may have an opportunity of subscribing.

When I see large societies formed in your city to promote their own particular sentiment about the constitution of government, I cannot think they would be backward in a measure of this sort, which possibly may be the means of saving the very exist. ence of that government.

credit of the money. 'Tis well enough that they should alarm the people, that every exertion may be made by them to support congress in their mea sures for raising the value of the money-but if congress be too much alarmed themselves, they will not be so likely to direct these exertions in the best manner to answer effectually the purpose intended. Congress, in my humble opinion, ought to be cool, uniform and firm, in what they do on this head. Taxation, if not impeded by other means, will restore the money much sooner perhaps than congress apprehend; for, by this means, without destroying one bill, one half the money, at least, will be taken out of circulation, and the people will soon be amazed to see the money disappear, without hearing that any of it is destroyed. This position will appear evident to you when you consider, that, from the moment the present tax is collected, (if the plan is pursued), there will always be at least sixty millions of dollars locked up in the treasuries-and as fast as any part of this sum is dealt out to supply the exigencies of the war, it ought to be supplied by the taxes coming in. I think there can be no doubt but a sum, equal a moment. to what I have mentioned, will always remain in the Once this example is set, he that is able, and treasury; that is, between the hands of the first col- does not follow it, will give the strongest proof of lectors and those that pay it out to the people his disaffection, and ought to be regarded accordagain: and while it is there, it will be out of sightingly.

and out of circulation.

The mode that I would advise in your city would be this: Let each class of people, according to their calling, associate together—and let the merchants, who we may suppose the monied men, begin-their example will soon be followed by the

rest.

This would convince both our friends and enemies, as well abroad as at home, that the people are determined to support the public credit, and the only hope that Britain now has would vanish in

There are few evils but what have benefits prơBut if taxation has been too long neglected, and portionate attendant on them. War cannot be caris now too slow to supply your present demand, it ried on without supplies, and the high prices given is better to borrow, than emit any more money-for them for twelve months past, has encouraged but not upon unusual interest;—a higher interest the merchant and the farmer in such a degree, that than usual, holds out that the people are not ready and willing to support the public credit, and that the security is doubtful. An accumulating interest, to be in proportion to the increase of the quantity of money, holds out that you intend to emit more-that is, that you will make the monster yet more terrible, that has frightened every bodyalmost out of their wits already.

Borrowing is a measure I never would advise, if the necessity of our circumstances did not drive us

we see industry, enterprize and plenty abound eve. ry where-so that, in my private view, (notwithstanding the state of our finances), our circumstances are the most flourishing that they have been since the war began.

Casar Rodney, esq.

THOMAS RODNEY.

Philadelphia, July 22d, 1779. DEAR SIR-I have received your favor of the

into it, by being past the opportunity of better 17th, for which and the enclosure I am much obligmeans; but as we are now circumstanced, borrowed, as I shall always be for a communication of ing may have an extraordinary good effect, if the your sentiments on public affairs.

measure is wisely conducted-that is, if the friends I so much agreed with you concerning the exto America would form themselves into bodies, or pediency of acceding to the confederation, though, small societies, and every man subscribe according as you justly observe, in several particulars excepto his abilities to lend the public at usual interest, tionable, that I used what little influence I had to and each society to appoint one or more of their forward its ratification by our state; advising, at members to take a certificate for the gross sum the same time, a strong declaration upon the parts they all subscribe, in trust to receive and pay each jobjected to, addressed to congress, and pointedly

expressing our expectation of a revision and alter-demands as possible, that the mediating powers, ation thereof at a more convenient season. may thereby receive favorable impressions of our Your reflections on our loan, and on some other equity and justice. The same mediating applicaproceedings, I fear, are too well founded.-Our dif. tion was made to the court of Spain, and their an ficulties are prodigious. We see the wisdom of swer was, that they could not do any thing but in your proposal to stop the presses-we perceive conjunction with their ally, the king of France—so that the congress of mediation is likely to be detaxation to be of as much importance as you menlayed till our despatches reach France. However, the king says that, if he is so pressed that he cannot decently delay sending a plenipotentiary till that time, he shall insist on the preliminary before mentioned, and then only proceed in the negocia tion so as to have it in such forwardness as will not injure America against their plenipotentiaries and instructions arrived. The king of France thinks that very equitable terms of peace may be obtain

tion-we are desirous of borrowing on the lowest terms-but, while we have so many thousands to supply with necessaries, and while the demands up. on us for the articles we must purchase are daily and hourly rising upon us, with such a boundless stretch-to what purpose are loans and taxes?

I have esteemed it my duty since I have been in congress, to keep my eyes constantly fixed on the preventing further emissions and several steps ed through this mediation, but urges us strongly have been taken towards that point, that are to exert ourselves this campaign-as the wresting known but by very few to lead towards it: some the southern states out of the hands of the British, others are now under consideration-and I am im- will contribute greatly to lessen their demands and patiently waiting for the moment, when a prospect make them more readily incline to equitable terms of carrying on affairs without further emissions, of peace; and that our exertions ought to be quick and a likelihood of succeeding in the attempt, will permit me to move for stopping the presses.

Mrs. Dickinson and Sally, with myself, desire to be very affectionately remembered to your family. I am, sir, your sincerely affectionate and very humble servant,

JOHN DICKINSON.

To Thomas Rodney, esq. Dɔver.

Philadelphia, June 14, 1781. SIR-You will find by the contents of this, that it is a confidential letter, conveying you very important and pleasing intelligence.

and vigorous, lest a truce should take place: and to ensure the success of this mediation we ought to make the most ample and vigorous preparations for carrying on the war. Britain made an attempt, through a Mr. Cumberland, to negociate a separate treaty with Spain; but this has failed, though Mr. Cumberland is still at Madrid. Spain would not treat but in conjunction with France, and France cannot treat but in conjunction with America. Thus are we linked together, so that the indepen dence of America now stands on prosperous ground, and no further doubt need to remain about it: for this much is certain-all the powers of Europe, Congress has received a letter from the king of (Britain excepted), wish us to be independent. France, and are also otherwise officially informed Thus far in confidence, with this addition, that by his minister here, that the empress of Russia congress have appointed Dr. Franklin, J. Adams, threw out an invitation for the belligerent powers J. Jay, H. Laurens and governor Jefferson, their to apply for her mediation, at which the court of plenipotentiaries for settling the peace. They first London eagerly caught, and mentioned the empe- agreed to appoint but one, and Adams was apror of Germany as another mediator-and a con-pointed before I came up; they then agreed to add gress was proposed to be opened at Vienna, for the two more, then Jay was appointed-then Jefferson purpose of settling a general peace. The answer had five votes, Franklin four, and Laurens ont. of the court of France was, that they could send The states voted the same way three times. Then no plenipotentiaries to said congress, till they had I proposed to the members of Virginia and Pennconsulted their allies; but, as the mediators are sylvania that we should appoint them both, which such respectable powers, and may be so fully relied being generally agreed to, this day was appointed on for justice, the king presses the United States for the purpose, and then Laurens was includedto submit to the mediation-and that the first pre- so the appointment now consists of five. New liminary he will insist on, previous to any other ne- Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, gociation, shall be, the independence of the United were for Franklin, South Carolina for Laurens, and States, in full-and upon obtaining this, request Massachusetts, Connecticut, Jersey, Virginia and that the states may be as moderate in all other North Carolina for Jefferson, Rhode Island and

New York unrepresented; Georgia absent. Mr.fing whipped. Their desertions, I believe, have M'Kean wanted to alter in favor of Jefferson and been rare, and their sickness but little. When leave Franklin out, which, upon Georgia's coming will our army bear the comparison?

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Cæsar Rodney, esq. Dover.

AMERICAN AND FRENCH SOLDIERS,

Williamsburg, 16th Dec. 1781.

Thomas Rodney, esq.

JAMES TILTON.

British Parliament.

Extract from the speech of JOHN WILKES, delivered in the house of commons, on the 6th of Feb. 1775, on lord NORTJ's propositions to declare, that a rebellion existed in the colony of Massachusetts, Sc. From Botta's history.

same men who have been so often overwhelmed

"I am indeed surprised, that, in a business of so much moment as this before the house, respecting the British colonies in America, a cause which comprehends almost every question relative to the common rights of mankind, almost every question DEAR SIR-After the departure of gen. Wash of policy and legislation, it should be resolved to ington, the French quartered themselves upon the proceed with so little circumspection, or rather people, of this and some other towns, a la mode with so much precipitation and heedless imprumilitaire, and gave no small offence; but they are dence. With what temerity are we assured, that the now dancing them into good humor again by a ball every week. I had myself a petit guerre with a with praises for their attachment to this country, French officer, by which I was turned out of my for their forwardness to grant it the necessary quarters, and, consequently, came off but second succours, for the valour they have signalized in best. Being summoned before count Rochambeau its defence, have all at once so degenerated from to answer for my rebellious conduct, I received a their ancient manners, as to merit the appellation long lecture on the subject of politeness to friends of seditious, ungrateful, impious rebels! But if and allies, with intimations of his power to punish such a change has indeed been wrought in the obstinacy. Although I was put into quarters equally minds of this most loyal people, it must at least good with those I was compelled to leave, I must be admitted, that affections so extraordinary could confess, I did not perfectly understand the French only have been produced by some very powerful politeness, in the mode of exchange. The old count, cause. But who is ignorant, who needs to be told I believe, has either forgotten or forgiven me, as a of the new madness that infatuates our ministers? day or two ago he gave me an invitation to dine-who has not seen the tyrannical counsels they with him.

have pursued, for the last ten years? They would now have us carry to the foot of the throne, a It must be mortifying to our poor devils to ob resolution, stamped with rashness and justice, serve the comfortable and happy life of French fraught with blood, and a horrible futurity. But soldiers. They appear on parade every day like before this be allowed them, before the signal of fine gentlemen, as neat as their officers, and hardly civil war be given, before they are permitted to to be distinguished from them. They are paid force Englishmen to sheath their swords in the once a week, and, by their happy countenance, ap-bowels of their fellow subjects, I hope this house pear to want nothing. A centinel is not allowed will consider the rights of humanity, the original to stand upon duty without a warm watch-coat in ground and cause of the present dispute. Have addition to his other clothing. The officers treat we justice on our side? No: assuredly, no. He the soldiers with attention, humanity and respect, must be altogether a stranger to the British con. and appear to employ all the means necessary to stitution, who does not know that contributions are inspire them with sentiments of honor. Except voluntary gifts of the people; and singularly blind, some horse jockeying and plundering, at the re-not to perceive that the words "liberty and production of York, I have heard of no stealing among perty," so grateful to English ears, are nothing them.-Theft is said to be a crime held in univer. sal abhorrence among them. I have not seen or heard of any instance, yet, of a French soldier be

better than mockery and insult to the Americans, if their property can be taken without their consent. And what motive can there exist for this

new rigour, for these extraordinary measures?-country, on so grave an occasion, and at the apHave not the Americans always demonstrated the proach of such direful calamities. Know, then, a utmost zeal and liberality, whenever their succours successful resistance is a revolution, not a rebellion. have been required by the mother country?

"In the two last wars, they gave you more than you asked for, and more than their faculties war ranted: they were not only liberal towards you, but prodigal of their substance. They fought gallantly and victoriously by your side, with equal valor, against our and their enemy, the common enemy of the liberties of Europe and America, the ambitious and faithless French, whom now we fear and flatter. And even now, at a moment when you are planning their destruction, when you are branding them with the odious appellation of rebels, what is their language, what their protestations? Read, in the name of Heaven, the late petition of the congress to the king; and you will find, they are ready and willing, as they ever have been, to demonstrate their loyalty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts in granting supplies, and raising forces, when constitutionally required.' And yet

Rebellion, indeed, appears on the back of a flying enemy, but revolution flames on the breastplate

of the victorious warrior. Who can tell, wheaddress to his majesty, the scabbard may not be ther, in consequence of this day's violent and mad thrown away by them as well as by us: and whether, in a few years, the independent Americans may not celebrate the glorious era of the revolution of 1775, as we do that of 166%? The generous efforts of our forefathers for freedom, Heaven crowned with success, or their noble blood had dyed our scaffolds, like that of Scottish traitors and rebels: and the period of our history which does us the most honor, would have been deemed a rebellion against the lawful authority of the prince, not a resistance authorized by all the laws of God and man, not the expulsion of a detested tyrant.

"But suppose the Americans to combat against we hear it vociferated, by some inconsiderate us with more unhappy auspices than we combated individuals, that the Americans wish to abolish James, would not victory itself prove pernicious the navigation act; that they intend to throw off and deplorable? Would it not be fatal to British the supremacy of Great Britain. But would to as well as American liberty?' Those armies which God, these assertions were not rather a provoca- should subjugate the colonists, would subjugate tion than the truth! They ask nothing, for such also their parent state. Marius, Sylla, Cesar, are the words of their perition, but for peace, li-Augustus, Tiberius, did they not oppress Roman berty, and safety. They wish not a diminution of liberty with the same troops that were levied to the royal prerogative; they solicit not any new maintain Roman supremacy over subject provinces? right. They are ready, on the contrary, to defend But the impulse once given, its effects extended this prerogative, to maintain the royal authority, much further than its authors expected; for the and to draw closer the bonds of their connexion same soldiery that destroyed the Roman republic, with Great Britain. But our ministers, perhaps to subverted and utterly demolished the imperial punish others for their own faults, are sedulously power itself. In less than fifty years after the endeavoring, not only to relax these powerful ties, death of Augustus, the armies destined to hold but to dissolve and sever them forever. Their the provinces in subjection, proclaimed three emaddress represents the province of Massachusetts perors at once; disposed of the empire according as in a state of actual rebellion. The other pro-to their caprice, and raised to the throne of the vinces are held out to our indignation, as aiding Cæsars the object of their momentary favor. and abetting. Many arguments have been employed, by some learned gentlemen among us, to comprehend them all in the same offence, and to involve them in the same proscription.

"I can no more comprehend the policy, than acknowledge the justice of your deliberations.Where is your force, what are your armies, how are they to be recruited, and how supported? The "Whether their present state is that of rebellion, single province of Massachusetts has, at this moor of a fit and just resistance to unlawful acts of ment, thirty thousand men, well trained and disci power, to our attempts to rob them of their pro-plined, and can bring, in case of emergency, ninety perty and liberties, as they imagine, I shall not thousand into the field; and, doubt not, they will declare. But I well know what will follow, nor, do it, when all that is dear is at stake, when however strange and barsh it may appear to some, forced to defend their liberty and property against shall I hesitate to announce it, that I may not be their cruel oppressors. The right honorable gen. accused hereafter, of having failed in duty to my tleman, with the blue riband, assures us that ten

thousand of our troops and four Irish regiments, fate. But you would declare the Americans rebels; will make their brains turn in the head a little, and and to your injustice and oppression, you add the strike them aghast with terror! But where does most opprobrious language, and the most insultthe author of this exquisite scheme propose to ing scoffs. If you persist in your resolution, all send his army? Boston, perhaps, you may lay in hope of a reconciliation is extinct. The Americans ashes, or it may be made a strong garrison: but will triumph,-the whole continent of North Ame the province will be lost to you. You will hold rica will be dismembered from Great Britain, and Boston as you hold Gibraltar, in the midst of a the wide arch of the raised empire fall. But I country which will not be yours: the whole Ameri-hope the just vengeance of the people will over. can continent will remain in the power of your take the authors of these pernicious counsels, and enemies. The ancient story of the philosopher the loss of the first province of the empire be Calanus and the Indian hide, will be verified; where speedily followed by the loss of the heads of those you tread, it will be kept down; but it will rise ministers who first invented them." the more in all other parts. Where your fleets

bility might be argued for the vulgar maxim, that the crazed read the future often better than the sage; for, among other things, it was said also of Wilkes, at that time, that his intellects were some

and armies are stationed, the possession will be Thus spoke this ardent patriot. His discourse secured while they continue; but all the rest will was a prophecy; and hence, perhaps, a new probabe lost. In the great scale of empire, you will decline, I fear, from the decision of this day: and the Americans will rise to independence, to pow. er, to all the greatness of the most renowned states; for they build on the solid basis of general public liberty.

"I dread the effects of the present resolution; I shudder at our injustice and cruelty; I tremble for the consequences of our imprudence. You will urge the Americans to desperation. They will certainly defend their property and liberties, with the spirit of freemen, with the spirit our ancestors did, and I hope we should exert on a like occasion.

what disordered.

Captain Harvey answered him, in substance, as follows:

"I am very far from believing myself capable of arguing the present question with all the eloquence which my vehement adversary has signalized in favor of those who openly, and in arms, resist the ancient power of Great Britain; as the studies which teach man the art of discoursing with elegance, are too different and too remote from my profession. This shall not, however, deter me from declaring my sentiments with freedom, on so important a crisis; though my words should be misinterpreted by the malignity of party, and myself represented as the author of illegal counsels, or, in the language of faction, the defender. of tyranny.

They will sooner declare themselves independent, and risk every consequence of such a contest, than submit to the galling yoke which administration is preparing for them. Recollect Philip II. king] of Spain: remember the Seven Provinces, and the duke of Alva. It was deliberated, in the council of the monarch, what measures should be adopted respecting the Low Countries; some were disposed for clemency, others advised rigour; the second "And, first of all, I cannot but deplore the misery prevailed. The duke of Alva was victorious, it is of the times, and the destiny which seems to per. true, wherever he appeared: but his cruelties secute our beloved country. Can I see her, withsowed the teeth of the serpent. The beggars of out anguish, reduced to this disastrous extremity, the Briel, as they were called by the Spaniards, not only by the refractory spirit of her ungratewho despised them as you now despise the Ameri- ful children on the other side of the ocean, but cans, were those, however, who first shook the also by some of those who inhabit this kingdom, power of Spain to the centre. And, comparing the and whom honor, if not justice and gratitude, probabilities of success in the contest of that day, should engage in words and deeds, to support with the chances in that of the present, are they and defend her? Till we give a check to these so favorable to England as they were then to Spain? incendiaries, who, with a constancy and art only This none will pretend. You all know, however, equalled by their baseness and infamy, blow the issue of that sanguinary conflict-how that discord and scatter their poison in every place, in powerful empire was rent asunder, and severed vain can we hope, without coming to the last forever into many parts. Profit, then, by the ex- extremities, to bring the leaders of this deluded perience of the past, if you would avoid a similar people to a sense of their duty.

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