no.

threats which had been held in case the Bill was thrown out, he would rather die in the execution of those threats than not do his duty, perhaps for the last time, by putting his veto against the Bill. All change was not Reform; and he would be as ready as any one to effect changes for the benefit of the people; but he would never sanction such a system of revolution as the provisions of this Bill must produce. After making some remarks as to this being the most important Bill he had ever heard discussed, and that it was quite incompatible with the continued existence of a House of Lords, his Lordship somewhat abruptly concluded with declaring his determination to resist the Bill. The Lord Chancellor then rose to address their Lordships, in reply to the objections which had been made against the Reform Bill by those Noble Lords who had preceded him. Many of them had stated that the Bill meant "revolution;" but this was a mere fiction: on the contrary, it had no connexion with revolution, except to prevent it. It had been asked, "Who were the men that proposed the measure?" if this rule were good, he would ask "Who resisted it?" Amongst the opponents, there was one Noble Earl (Winchilsea) who only a few months ago supported the Bill. The Earl of Winchilsea loudly and distinctly exclaimed, "No, The Lord Chancellor: Then, if that be the case--and as the Noble Earl denied it, he must believe him-and if the denial were correct, he (Lord B.) had been strangely practised upon. He had an extract from a speech, purporting to have been delivered at Maidstone, on the 24th of March last, by the Earl of Winchilsea. In that speech the Noble Earl was reported to have addressed the men of Kent, in county meeting assembled at Maidstone, amongst other matters, on the subject of the Reform Bill. Having spoken of its merits and its necessity, the Noble Earl was reported then to have declared, that "his Majesty's Ministers, for what they have proposed, are entitled to the thanks and gratitude of the country." "Earl Grey (continued the report of the Earl of Winchilsea's speech at Maidstone in March last) possesses political honesty not surpassed by that of any man, and leaves those who have abandoned their principles at an immeasurable distance.". "Earl Grey is entitled to the eternal gratitude of his country." The Noble Earl was reported then to have proceeded to say-" The Reform Bill has not yet been introduced into the House of which I am a member." Now, though the Bill had not been formally introduced into their Lordships' House, it had been fully known in the Commons, and discussed in papers, pamphlets, and books of all sorts; so that the Noble Earl knew its contents, and was adequately prepared to express an opinion on it. Well, then, his Lordship was reported to have added"To this Reform Bill I am prepared to give my most cordial opposition." I beg pardon (continued Lord B.), I ought to have read, support. Then (Lord B. repeated), had they not a right to ask," who" and "what" they were who now opposed this Bill?-[To follow the Noble and Learned Lord through all the allusions to the tergiversations of those who formerly supported the measure, and had now abandoned it, would fill the whole of our allotted space: it is utterly impossible to do justice, either to the matter or the manner of the Noble Lord's address.] The principle of the Bill (continued his Lordship) was to get rid of boroughs which have no inhabitants-to get rid of representatives who had no constituents, and to give representatives to large places that were without. His Noble friend (Earl Grey) had read a lesson to them on the subject that was well worthy of the nineteenth century, in which there was not one single word or sentence which would not have been lauded had it been spoken by Bacon in the seventeenth century, and which he would have sanctioned. The Noble Lord contended that the measure was not one of innovation, but one of restoration. The Noble Lord then addressed himself to the Archbishop of Canterbury, relating to expressions he had used on a former occasion, and said he was duly impressed with the solemn admonition, and he would take the whole of the finishing sentence, which was to restore that which had gone into decay. If it was said, that hither they should go and no farther, then the surge must break over him, for he was determined to support that which was falling, and to restore that which was going to decay. The Noble Lord then went into an examination of the comparative claims of the present and late Ministry, and remarked that the Noble Duke, in his political career, had always waited for fitting moments when his weight should tell; like Grouchy, on a memorable occasion, he always had come in at the time just to turn the balance. He at great length dwelt upon the general defence, that the system had worked well, and scouted that pretext for opposition, which he said only amounted to this, that it worked well for the borough proprietors. He enumerated many things complained of, which might have been prevented by a reformed Parliament. The Slave trade and the French war, he said, would have been stopped in judicious time, if his late Hon. Friend (Mr. Fox) had been supported by a kindred spirit, which might have been met with in a reformed Parliament. But was it (continued the Noble and Learned Lord) a right and pro per way to treat a Parliamentary Reform Bill to refuse it before considering it in Committee? He begged to remind Noble Lords that when the Peerage Bill, in Sir Robert Walpole's time, was brought into their Lordships' House, although its

introduction was opposed, yet it was considered in Committee, and in the end turned out by a majority of 120 against it. He entreated of their Lordships to treat the Commons' House with the same courtesy on the present occasion, whatever might be the result. A Noble Earl intimately connected with the county of Kent, had complained much of the influence of the press in this great question. That the press influenced the public mind could not be denied, and if it went in opposition to public opinion it would soon cease to exist. But how became the press so powerful? The people found no representatives in the other House of Parliament, and had chosen the press as their organ of representation; so long, and just so long as the representatives in Parliament were not the representatives of the people would the press maintain its sway. But to return to the Bill itself, it had been characterized as radical and revolutionary. What did Noble Lords say to the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl Marshal-(Order, order)-well be (the Lord Chancellor) admitted he was out of order in making use of names; but Noble Lords around thought it quite legal to use Christian names, therefore he would say John Russell and George Cavendish, and others, who had so much Norman blood, or whatever else made their Lordships so proudthese distinguished individuals were all men of property, and yet they were for this revolutionary Bill. His Lordship concluded the most magnificent speech, eclipsing every effort of oratory made within the walls of Parliament in the memory of the living generation, by appealing to their Lordships for judgment on the case before them. "Your Lordships (said the Noble and Learned Lord) are the highest judicial authority in the realm; you sit here as judges in all causes, civil and criminal, which can come between subject and subject. It is the first office of judges never to decide in any the most trifling cause, without hearing every thing that can be given in evidence concerning it. Will you do so now? Will you decide the great cause of a nation's hopes and fears without a hearing? Beware of your decision. Rouse not the spirit of a peace-loving but determined people-alienate not the affections of a great empire from your body. As your friend, as the friend of my country, as the servant of my Sovereign, I counsel you to assist with all your efforts to preserve the national peace, and perpetuate the national prosperity. For all these reasons, I pray and beseech you not to reject this Bill. I call upon you by all that you hold most dear, by all that binds every one of us to our common order and our common country-unless, indeed, you are prepared to say that you will admit of no Reform, that you are resolved against all change, for in that case opposition would at least be consistent-I beseech you, I solemnly adjure you, yea, even on bended knees, my Lords (here Lord Brougham slightly bent his knee on the woolsack), I implore you not to reject the Bill." (Loud cheering, which lasted for a considerable time.) Lord Lyndhurst proceeded at great length to oppose the principles of the Reform Bill as republican in their tendency; and in the course of his remarks quoted a letter which had appeared in the public prints, purporting to be from the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, in which that Noble and Learned Lord's opinions on the question of Reform were of a different complexion to those he now professed. The Lord Chancellor interfered: the letter alluded to had been stolen from him, and he applied at the time for an injunction in the High Court of Chancery to prevent its publication. Lord Lyndhurst admitted that he should not have alluded to that letter, had he been previously acquainted with the Noble and Learned Lord's statement. Lord Tenderden opposed the Reform Bill, inasmuch as the rights of many corporate bodies were wholly annihilated. The Archbishop of Canterbury was anxious to have addressed their Lordships at an early period of the debate; had he an opportunity he should have entered more fully into the details of the measure, and given his reasons for the painful necessity he was under of opposing the present measure. He was not blind to the defects in the Government; and if these could be remedied by constitutional means he should have supported the measure; he believed he spoke the sentiments of his Right Rev. Brethren on the subject. The Duke of Sussex rose, and claimed the courtesy of the House; he was not in the habit of addressing their Lordships, except on questions where the rights of the people were concerned. His Royal Highness said, as to the alarms about the French Revolution, they were all "humbug." He used a strong expression, because he wished to speak strongly. England required not to take a leaf out of the mushroom constitutions. As to the Bill, he felt persuaded that it must pass; he said so, because he thought it ought to pass; and if it did not, he feared they would have to deal with something not quite so advantageous. The Duke of Gloucester said he had always been a Reformer, but he could not vote for this Bill, as he did not deem it to be a Reform Bill; but one of a quite different character. The Marquis of Hastings, amidst considerable cheering, expressed his determination to vote for the second reading. The Earl of Harewood admitted that there was a strong feeling in favour of Reform, and that the question would ultimately prevail; but he also believed that there was considerable division as to the propriety of this Reform. Lord Barham said he supported the Bill, as calculated to promote peace. November, 1831.-VOL. II. NO. VII.

1

Somehow or other their Lordships possessed an influence which they ought not to possess; and was it consistent with justice, morality, or religion, to retain that to which they had no right? Earl Grey (at four o'clock) rose to reply. He repeated the declaration which he had avowed as a Member of the Friends of the People, and since that he wished Reform to preserve the Constitution. He denied that the Government had produced excitement-it existed before they came into office; and the Bill had done much to allay that excitement. His sole motive for bringing for ward the measure was the belief that it was requisite for the tranquillity of the country. That measure the people had with almost one voice approved-and they were tremblingly awaiting for the result of this night's proceeding, which, if it were hostile to the measure, he should contemplate with anxiety. The rejection of this Bill would be general discontent and dissatisfaction, that could not be safe in any country. What he should do he could not say; but this he would declare, that he would not abandon the King so long as he could be of any use to the Sovereign and the country. It would be highly culpable if he did: the ties of gratitude would prevent him: he felt too deeply bound to the King. (Immense cheering marked the conclusion of the Noble Earl's impassioned and affecting reply, which lasted till nearly six o'clock). The bar was cleared, and the House divided on the amendment, that the Bill be read that day six months; when the numbers were, Contents Present, 150; Proxies, 49; Total 199: Non-contents, 128; Proxies, 30; Total 158'; Majority against the Bill, 41. The House adjourned at twenty-five minutes past six.

Oct. 10.-Numerous petitions in favour of the Reform Bill were presented, signed, as the Marquis of Westminster stated, by hundreds of thousands.

Oct. 11.-Lord King presented a petition from Suffolk in favour of the Tithe Prescription Bill.-Lord Suffield deprecated the conduct of certain Right Rev. Prelates on the great question of Reform, whom he had always considered as throwing so many votes into the scale of Government, which led him to consider what sort of a Government that was; but, in the present instance, the moment that men of liberal principles were found on the Ministerial Bench, then those Right Rev. persons were seen in opposition to the Government. He had seen them in a phalanx supporting Governments in measures, however arbitrary. So long as measures oppressed the people they were satisfied. Lord Carnarvon spoke to Order; the votes of Peers or Bishops could not be questioned. The Bishops of London, Llandaff, and Exeter, declared that they had not been actuated by any desire to thwart his Majesty's Government; but that there was reason to complain of the manner in which the Noble Earl (Grey) had treated the Bench of Bishops. He had used the language of irritation and insult towards the Church. Earl Grey denied that there was the remotest ground for any such complaint, and defied the production of proof of it. The Duke of Wellington explained that the Bishops voted as they did from a sense of duty, because they viewed the measure as a dangerous one. The Duke of Newcastle complained of the remissness of Government in not affording sufficient protection to the Peers in their communication with the House, Oct. 12.-Numerous petitions were presented against the Vestries Bill from Select Vestrymen.-The Lord Chancellor, in presenting a petition for Reform from Peterhead, Scotland, wished to take that opportunity of stating, that a more effectual scheme could not be devised for frustrating a measure of Reform, and preventing a Bill to that effect from passing, than that of committing breaches of the King's peace, whether as against any Member of their Lordships' House, or any other of his Majesty's subjects. All these ebullitions, if they were meant for the Bill, were the very worst things that could take place with a view of forwarding it. The Bill, continued the Noble and Learned Lord, with great emphasis, the Bill will pass; or one, framed on a similar efficient principle, will undoubtedly pass; but it will not pass if the friends of Reform are not at the same time the friends of order. He said so, not so much as an individual holding a high official situation in their Lordships' House, and the head of the magistracy of the country, as in his character as a friend of the Reform measure; and he repeated there was but one way of frustrating that measure, and that was by breaking the King's peace.

Oct. 13.-The Irish Embankment Bill was passed.-The Earl of Harrowby stated he was not opposed to all Reform; but to the extended range of the present Bill. The Earl of Haddington expressed similar sentiments.

Oct. 14.-The Lord Chancellor, on presenting a petition in favour of the Bankruptcy Court Bill, took an opportunity of defending himself against the attacks which had been made upon him with reference to that Bill.

Oct. 15.-The Lord Chancellor moved for various returns, to show the emoluments of his Lordship's Secretary, &c. His Lordship took that opportunity to correct two misrepresentations that had gone forth. First, the Bankruptcy Court Bill, instead of increasing his Secretary's salary, reduced his income from 2,500l. to 1,2001. Secondly, so far was he from differing on an important part of the Reform Bill from Earl Grey, that he had concurred and still did concur with the Premier, and in every provision of the Bill.

Oct. 17.-The Duke of Wellington entered into some general details as to the state of the finances, and contended that the management of them under the late Administration was better than that which followed. Earl Grey thought that allowing the money to remain in the pockets of the people, instead of extracting it to maintain a Sinking Fund, was far more beneficial to the country.

Oct. 18.--Various petitions were presented in favour of Reform; and some unimportant business was gone through.

Oct. 19.-The Vestry Bill was passed, and the amendments of the Lords in the Bankruptcy Court Bill was agreed to.-The Churchwardens and Overseers of the Poor Bill was passed.

Oct. 20.-His Majesty proceeded to the House in his usual state, and delivered the following speech :

"My Lords and Gentlemen,-I am at length enabled to put an end to a session of unexampled duration and labour, in which matters of the deepest interest have been brought under your consideration.

"I have felt sincere satisfaction in confirming, by my Royal assent, Bills for the amendment of the Game-Laws, and for the reduction of Taxes which pressed heavily on the industry of the people; and I have observed with no less pleasure the commencement of important improvements in the law of Bankruptcy, from which the most beneficial effects may be expected.

"I continue to receive the most gratifying proofs of the friendly disposition of Foreign Powers. The Conference assembled in London has at length terminated its difficult and laborious discussions, by an arrangement unanimously agreed upon by the Plenipotentiaries of the Five Powers, for the separation of the States of Holland and Belgium, on terms by which the interests of both, together with the future security of other countries, have been carefully provided for. A Treaty, founded on this arrangement, has been presented to the Dutch and Belgian Plenipotentiaries; and I trust that its acceptance by their respective Courts, which I anxiously expect, will avert the dangers by which the peace of Europe was threatened whilst this question remained unsettled.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,-I thank you for the provision made for the dignity and comfort of my Royal Consort in the event of her surviving me; and for the supplies which you have granted for the service of the present year. You may be assured of my anxious care to have them administered with the strictest attention to a well-considered economy.

"The state of Europe has produced the necessity of an increased expenditure in the various establishments of the public service, which it will be my earnest desire to reduce whenever it can be done with safety to the interests of the country. In the mean time, I have the satisfaction of repeating, that those demands have been provided for without any material addition to the public burdens.

My Lords and Gentlemen,-In the interval of repose which may now be afforded you, I am sure that it is unnecessary for me to recommend to you the most careful attention to the preservation of tranquillity in your respective counties. The anxiety which has been so generally manifested by my people for the accomplishment of a Constitutional Reform in the Commons House of Parliament, will, I trust, be regulated by a due sense of the necessity of order and moderation in their proceedings.

"To the consideration of this important question, the attention of Parliament must necessarily again be called at the opening of the ensuing session; and you may be assured of my unaltered desire to promote its settlement, by such improvements in the representation as may be found necessary for the security of my people, and the full enjoyment of their rights; which, in combination with those of the other orders of the State, are essential to the support of our free Constitution."

The Report of the proceedings of the House of Commons, Memoirs of Persons deceased, and Marriages, will appear in our next.

THE REVENUE.

The Quarterly Statement of the Revenue, as made up to October 5, is as follows:

Abstract of the Net Produce of the Revenue of Great Britain in the Years ended on the 10th of October, 1830, and the 10th of October, 1831, showing the Increase or Decrease on each head thereof.

The official accounts of the state of the Revenue for the quarter ended the 10th of October, exhibit, as might be expected, from the operation of remission of duties upon beer, coals, &c., so liberally conceded by Parliament-(amounting, according to the last financial statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to 4,500,0001. in round numbers, within the year)-a serious defalcation as compared with the incomes of the corresponding quarter of last year, and as between the two years severally ending the 10th of October, 1830, and 1831. The principal falling off occurs in the Excise, which, as to its fellow quarter last year, shows an amount less by 748,0381., and, upon a contrast of the two whole years, of no less than 2,037,0561. The Customs have fallen off upon the quarter 729,6081., and upon the year 848,0551. This deficit, however, in both these great items of national income, if deducted from the amount of duties and taxes reduced-namely, 3,357,000l. for the Excise, and 1,120,000l. for the Customs-making a total of 4,477,000l., will give a real increase of 1,591,889., instead of a deficiency, upon the whole year. Under the head of "Stamps," the Revenue continues to decline, and for the present quarter, as compared with the corresponding one last year, the falling off is 19,363., and upon the whole year 93,6011. In the "Miscellaneous," also, the amount is less by 98,9241. for the quarter, and 114,154l. for the whole year, than it was at the conclusion of the last quarter. The Assessed Taxes and the Post Office alone exhibit an increase upon the whole year, but the influence of the last quarter has notwithstanding been felt. The total defalcation upon the quarter, as compared with that ended the 10th of October, 1830, is 1,590,8081, and upon the whole year 3,072,2011. The amount to be provided for in Exchequer Bills for the quarter is 4,511,393/.