charge and there is little reason to believe that the candidacy of either was hurt by such charges.

Worn-out issues divided interest with new ones. The Democrats, called "Polkers"41 by the Whigs, kept up the old pretense that the Whigs held the principles of the old Federalists, and while such a charge must have had its effect upon some voters, it appears to have lost the potency it had possessed in previous campaigns. The Democrats came out openly against the distribution of the proceeds of the land sales among the states, while the Whigs favored such a scheme.42 Likewise the former party favored the annexation of Texas. The Whigs approached that question with considerable hesitation. In order to be regular the Whig press opposed annexation during the campaign, and afterwards poured out their wrath upon Tyler for favoring the scheme, but it would appear from an examination of the files of these papers that their opposition was halfhearted and halting.13 Many men from Illinois had gone into the Texas country, and their reports stimulated those remaining at home to desire that that great empire be added to the United States. Something inherent in the western country made its citizens favor expansion, and blinded their eyes to abstract justice. In addition, the arguments made against the annexation of Texas by those opposed to the expansion of slavery failed to have their full effect upon the people of Illinois, and when it was hinted around that Great Britain had designs upon the Texas country, many regular Whigs broke with their party.

For the first time in Illinois politics the question of Native Americanism assumed alarming proportions. With the coming of large numbers of foreigners, especially from Germany and Ireland, politics took on a new tone and Americanism became an issue that would not down. Each party of course desired the support of the new emigrants, and in states like Illinois where citizenship was not a prerequisite for voting, the scramble for this support was the more evident." Although the proportion of foreign vote given to either party can never be mathematically determined, there seems to be no doubt that the Democrats 41 See any Illinois newspaper of the time, also G. Churchill to G. Flagg, December 3, 1844. (Flagg MSS.).

42 Nashville Union, June 6, 1844; Alton Telegraph, February 4, 1843. 48 See Alton Telegraph, October 19, 1844. See also Baker's reply to the question of annexation in State Register, July 12, 1844.

44 All white males twenty-one years of age and over were entitled to vote after a residence of six months. Constitution 1818, Art. II., par. 27.

46

received the lion's share of it.45 Following what were called anti-foreign riots in Philadelphia in 1844, the Democratic press in Illinois made the charge that the rioters were Whigs, and that it was a determined policy on the part of the Whigs as a party to oppose any attempts by foreigners to take part in the government. As was to be expected the Whig newspapers denied that the rioters were Whigs, and to prove their position quoted from letters purporting to have been written by prominent Philadelphians in which the Democrats were said to be the rioters. In addition the counter charge was made that the rioters were Democrats, and that Democratic clubs in Philadelphia had adopted measures hostile to foreigners.

During the campaign the Whigs said little about the tariff. Apparently the leaders of that party were satisfied with the tariff act of 1842. Consequently they left offensive action to the Democrats, who appear to have done little with the issue.

In addition to what may be called paramount issues such as the foreign vote, tariff, banks, expansion of territory and abolition, there crept in and colored the campaign to a marked degree others of a more or less personal character. The Whig press charged that Polk had branded his slaves, had opposed paying pensions to Revolutionary soldiers, had favored the annexation of Texas or disunion, and that he was merely a stool pigeon for designing politicians within the Democratic ranks. The Democrats charged Clay with being a duelist, murderer, perjurer, gambler, Sabbath-breaker, and an all around scalawag, and that he held political principles similar to those held by the Hartford Conventionists; furthermore that he was opposed to equal rights, equal privileges, and equal laws.18 Charges of an even more trivial nature were made by both sides. Polk's aristocratic tendencies were shown by the price paid for the chair he used while speaker of the National House of Representatives; Clay's private life was laid bare by his political enemies, and the people were called upon to vindicate "American manhood" by rejecting his candicacy.

Both parties made strenuous efforts to carry the Congres

45 Koerner, Memoirs, Vol. I., throws light on this subject.

46 State Register, August 16, 1844, passim.

47 Alton Telegraph, September 28, 1844.

48 State Register, August 23, 1844.

sional election in August.19 It was considered that the result of that election would be a criterion of the presidential election to follow on the first Monday in November.50 In some of the congressional districts the Whigs had no candidate, in others they had regular candidates. In the First district the contest was between Robert Smith of Madison and John Reynolds of St. Clair. The former seems to have been a Whig about 1836, while the latter had a leaning toward that party at opportune moments. Both, however, were avowed Democrats in 1844. In the Second district McClernand had no organized opposition. The only out and out Whig elected to Congress was Baker from the Seventh district, and his lead over his Democratic opponent was too slight for comfort. Ficklin, Wentworth, Douglas, and Hoge, all Democrats, were re-elected by substantial majorities. The election, while it was a great disappointment to the Whigs, was not in itself an exact criterion of the presidential election, because of coalitions in several districts, and the tremendous personal strength of such men as Douglas, Wentworth, and McClernand. The Alton Telegraph voiced the opinion of its party when in commenting on the election it declared that Illinois was the "only state which has not made some progress in bursting asunder the shackles of Locofocoism, and giving some evidence of returning sanity.""51

On the whole the presidential election of 1844 resembled very much the election held in the previous August; in both the Whigs were decisively beaten. Clay carried scarcely one-fourth of the counties, and in several of these his majority was small; in several of them the combined vote of the Democrats and Abolitionists exceeded his. The Clay counties may be grouped into five distinct geographical groups: Coles, Vermilion and Cumberland in the east central part; Madison and Jersey in the southwest; Sangamon and neighboring counties in the central part; Edwards and Wabash in the southeast; and a contiguous territory in the northwest extending from Warren and Knox on the south to the Wisconsin line on the north. Thus but three counties south of the mouth of the Illinois River supported Clay, and none within a radius of sixty miles from Chicago. The abolition vote had considerable effect upon the election, although it was not until four years later that it was

49 Congressional elections had been changed from odd numbered to even numbered years.

50 State Register, July 26, 1844.

51 Alton Telegraph, August 17, 1844.

a deciding factor. In sixteen counties this vote was worth while. In some, either the one or the other of the old parties received a majority; in others, the successful party had to be content with a plurality. Between the August election and the November election the Whig strength increased something like twelve and one-half per cent., while the strength of the Democrats and Abolitionists each showed an increase of about five per cent. Apparently the Whigs drew from the Abolitionists, many of whom supported Clay because of his reputation as a statesman, or because they had formerly been Whigs. In those counties where the Abolitionists held the balance of power, the successful candidates for the General Assembly were usually elected by plurality vote.52

Clay's defeat was a hard blow to his most zealous followers, for it seems to have been the consensus of opinion that never again would he be a candidate for the presidency. Although there was a feeling that an unknown candidate would have made a better race than had Clay, no one could deny that his services both at home and abroad merited recognition of the highest order. The reasons offered by the Whig press for Clay's defeat by an unheard-of candidate were well put by one editor: "The diversion made in favor of its old opponents by the partisans of the accidental executive, by a large portion of the abolition party and above all, by the foreign population, naturalized and unnaturalized-who, deceived by the grossest misrepresentations have been induced to rally almost to a man . . . has turned the scale in favor of the locofocos; and thus enabled them, once more, to riot on 'the spoils of victory.' "'53 Stung by defeat, the more ardent Whigs denounced the foreign vote cast for Polk, and declared that in spite of Clay's defeat, he had been supported by a majority of those in whose hands the Constitution intended to place the selection of presidents. The expressions of some were truly pathetic, even prophetic. They saw free trade, nullification, disunion, and the extension of slavery as the logical result of Polk's victory. In their hearts they cursed Tyler as the evil spirit that had brought defeat, and in their despair took consolation in the belief that he of all public men in the country was hated the most.

52 See MSS. Election Returns, (Secretary of State's Office, Springfield, Illinois.)

53 Alton Telegraph, November 23, 1844.

54 Alton Telegraph, November 23, 30, 1844.

APPENDIX.

Under the first state Constitution, which was in force from 1818 to 1848, the election for members of the General Assembly was held on the first Monday of August in even numbered years; and the regular session of each General Assembly convened on the first Monday of December following each election. Senators were elected for four years and representatives for two years. The Ninth General Assembly (1834-36), was composed of 26 senators and 55 representatives; the Tenth (1836-38), the Eleventh (1838-40), and the Twelfth (1840-42), of 40 senators and 91 representatives; the Thirteenth (1842-44) and the Fourteenth (1844-46) of 41 senators and 121 representatives. Important variations from the apportionments are explained in the text, but there never was any variation from any of the apportionments "owing to a variation of population," as is sometimes stated.

It is hoped that the political affiliations noted below are correct, although, as will be noticed, there are a few cases in which some doubt is expressed. The authorities for making the determination of political affiliation are newspapers, political votes in the General Assembly, histories of Illinois, reminiscences, county histories, county archives, state archives, and personal letters and inquiries.