JAN. 7, 1831.] Claim of James Monroe. [H. of R. between man and man this is not the case; there is a spirit pendence. But the same circumstances, the same urgent of selfishness, traffic, and speculation carried on; the pay-necessity, did not exist when Mr. Monroe was minister in ment of debts is withheld, in order to use the money in France. Besides the want of authority, the purchase some other way, and hence it is right to charge interest. would have been impolitic. Our Government would not If, therefore, the claims of Mr. Monroe had been just and confine their ministers in St. Petersburg, Paris, or Lonproper had he brought them forward in due season, and don, to a residence at one particular spot, any more than sustained them by the requisite proof, they would have they would compel the officers at home to live in one parbeen promptly paid. At that time, I mean in Mr. Jeffer- ticular street or house in the city of Washington. What son's administration, from 1803 to 1807, there was a re- would suit one might not suit another, and hence it must dundancy of money in the treasury, and we were as much be left to the discretion of each individual to select for puzzled to find out ways and means to get clear of the himself. If Mr. Rives were now to buy a house in Paris, surplus as we are at the present day. But he tells us, in or Mr. McLane in London, and were to lose money in the the documents, that he reserved or held back these claims speculation, should either of these be permitted to throw till a more suitable time to present them; in other words, the loss on his Government? No one, I presume, will as I understand it, till he should be out of office. Mr. contend that he ought, and yet he has exactly the same Pleasanton, the Fifth Auditor, also gives the same reason. right to do it as Mr. Monroe had in 1794. Now if these claims were not paid because Mr. Monroe Another item of the new account, to which I beg leave was in office, is it right he should be allowed interest on to call the attention of the House, is number ten of the that account? The United States did him a favor by keep-report of the committee, made at the last session. It will ing him in office, and now, forsooth, we are called upon, be observed that number nine is an allowance of interest as a wrongdoer, to pay interest. The continuance in 66 on outfit of second mission to France, from January, office, if, in fact, it prevented the settlement of his claims, 1803, to May, 1810, three thousand nine hundred and fifmust be regarded as his own act; otherwise you place the teen dollars." The tenth item is for interest on the foreGovernment in the awkward predicament of being obliged going sum from May, 1810, to March, 1829, four thouto pay interest on damages, because they had previously sand four hundred and twenty-three dollars and ninety-five done him a favor by keeping him in office. In no event, cents. Now, sir, I have never before known any case, therefore, as I can perceive, ought interest to have been even between individuals, where compound interest was allowed. The whole amount paid him in 1810, and by the required to be paid, and least of all should it be required act of 1826, in principal and interest, on account of this of the Government. second mission, embracing a period of four years ten [Mr. MERCER explained: He said the tenth item had months and four days, is about one hundred and five thou-been struck out by the committee, and he had so stated sand dollars. Gentlemen will not, they cannot now say in the remarks submitted to the House.] that Government has dealt with a sparing, niggardly hand. Mr. W. replied, that the difficulty of hearing in the But the bill before us proposes to do a great deal more, House was great, and, although he had endeavored to and to allow him sixty-seven thousand nine hundred and catch every word spoken by the gentleman, that part of eighty dollars and ninety-six cents, in addition to what he his remarks had not been heard. Not doubting the fact has already received. to be as stated by the gentleman from Virginia, he [Mr. The first item I shall notice in this new account, is the W.] would forbear to say any thing further in relation to charge for the purchase of a house in Paris, during the the tenth item in the new account. For, if the committee first mission to France, stated at ten thousand dollars. He who had reported the bill, had themselves become conwas not authorized to make the purchase, and the United vinced that it was wrong to make the allowance, any thing States have derived no benefit from it; and this, to my I might be disposed to say in regard to it would certainly mind, is a sufficient objection to the claim. If, as is al. be superfluous. leged, the house was purchased by him for the Govern- As the other items in the new account fall generally ment, did he also sell it for the same purpose? No; he within the range of the objections already stated, I will sold it for himself, and put the money in his own pocket-proceed, said Mr. W., to notice the charge made for comconsequently, he purchased for himself. Had he purchas-missions on the money borrowed during the late war. This ed for the United States, he would have been prohibited amounted to thirty-seven thousand twenty-eight dollars from selling without permission; and whatever obligation and ninety-three cents ($37,028 93;) and he was wholly was imposed on the Government by the purchase, was re- at a loss to perceive how the Government was so benefitleased by the sale. The whole affair, then, from begin-ed by the transaction as to throw upon it an obligation to ning to end, was a private transaction, and Mr. Monroe, pay that sum to Mr. Monroe, who, at the time, was an according to every principle, must bear the loss. From executive officer of the United States, and, as such, bound the testimony of one of the witnesses, whose name I do to exert all his influence to accomplish the objects the nanot now recollect, it appears that an extravagant price tion had in view. If he interposed his personal responsiwas given for the house. He states that the same proper- bility, and thereby conferred a benefit upon the country, ty had been offered to him, but he would not buy it, be- I agree fully that Government ought to save him from cause he could purchase other property of the same kind any ultimate loss. But I do not understand this to have on better terms. Had Mr. Monroe designed to benefit been the case: on the contrary, he has not lost a cent by the Government in this way, he should have known that the liability he assumed to obtain money, either from the he was making a good bargain; that he was purchasing on banks or individuals. In that respect, he is perfectly safe the cheapest possible terms. Not having done so, would and sound-free from all detriment or injury whatsoever; be a great objection to the course pursued, and conse- and I repeat that he was bound to exert all his official quently the claim he makes, in the absence of every other influence to further the objects the country had in view. reason. The purchase by the United States of a house at With that influence the Government had clothed him, to the Hague affords no excuse or precedent for Mr. Mon- be exerted for that particular purpose; and, if he had not roe in this instance. As well as I recollect, the house at the done so, he would have failed to perform his duty-he Hague was bought during the revolution, and by the au- would have betrayed the public confidence. But who ever thority of the United States. They then believed it would thought that because he acted the part of a vigilant, faithbe politic to have something like a permanent foothold in ful public functionary, he would be entitled to more comHolland, which was disposed to be friendly to us in that pensation than the salary allowed him by law? In fact day of trouble, and from whence we expected to draw our and in truth, the salary ought to have been withheld from greatest supplies of money to carry on the war for inde- him, if he had not exerted all his faculties, both political VOL. VII-28 H. OF R.] Claim of James Monroe. [JAN. 7, 1831. and physical, to advance the cause of his country--of that the report of the committee, or any other document I have country which had confided in him, and promoted him had an opportunity to examine, except in the message of to office, in order to be benefited by his entire devotion the President. It is, then, a fair inference to assert that, to the public interest. in making the allowance upon that principle, he entirely The allowance made to Daniel D. Tompkins is pleaded mistook the laws, and the extent of the authority with as a precedent, but I do not think the cases are analogous, which he had been invested. As great as is the differand certain I am Congress never intended by that exam-ence between receipts and expenditures, so widely did the ple to sanction any such claim as the present one. To President misjudge his powers, and misinterpret the debring this subject more distinctly before the House, I must signs of Congress. When, therefore, you tell me Mr. refer to the law passed in February, 1823, for the relief Monroe must be paid according to the rule adopted in the of Daniel D. Tompkins, and some other documents con- case of Governor Tompkins, and be allowed a commission nected therewith. It will be found in the seventh volume on the loans obtained, I answer, no. The cases are not of the Laws of the United States, page 331, and, being analogous. If Governor Tompkins was allowed a comvery short, I will read it, as follows: "Be it enacted by mission on receipts, it was because the law was misunderthe Senate and House of Representatives of the United States stood, and consequently misapplied. of America in Congress assembled, That the proper ac- But if Congress had intended to allow a reasonable counting officers of the treasury be, and they are hereby, commission to Governor Tompkins on the sum obtained, authorized to adjust and settle the claims of Daniel D.still it would not follow that Mr. Monroe should have the Tompkins, late Governor of the State of New York, on same allowance. The latter was in the cabinet: he was a principles of equity and justice, subject to the revision and high officer in the civil department of the Government, final decision of the President of the United States." and bound to act as he did: whereas the former was not Now, sir, what are we to understand as the true import so engaged. This difference in the situation of the two and meaning of a law which directs the settlement of an persons would manifestly sanction an allowance to the one, account upon principles of equity and justice? Such a and a rejection of the claims of the other. law relates only to the proof, to the degree of evidence I have, sir, thus concluded an examination of the sevewhich shall be received at the department, and not to the ral items constituting the demand against the United States; claims or the items composing the account. If the party and, in no instance, have I discovered that it is well foundcan adduce no evidence of higher dignity, he is at liberty ed. On the contrary, it appears to me wholly unsupportto resort to his own oath, but he is not permitted to make ed by the laws and usages of the Government, in all analoany unusual, extraordinary, or unlawful demand upon the gous cases; and that to pass the bill would, in effect, be Government. Finding this to be the case, it seems resort a gift or gratuity bestowed upon Mr. Monroe. Are we was had by the accounting officers, or by the President, prepared to make a similar grant to every other individual who supervised and controlled them, to the report of the who may be disposed to ask for it? If we are not, then I committee to ascertain the true extent and meaning of the contend we should not make it to him; because that prinlaw. Whether this was right or wrong, it is not necessa-ciple of equality, to which I have alluded as the essence ry now to inquire. The committee, after stating the facts, of our whole political system, utterly forbids it. No man, and assigning a variety of reasons, come to four distinct or set of men, should be entitled to separate or exclusive and separate resolutions, to the second of which I beg privileges or emoluments. What is granted to one as a leave to call the attention of the House, in the following matter of right or of favor, should be granted to all; otherwords, viz. "That it would be just and equitable to allow wise the course of legislation will be at war with the naa reasonable commission on all moneys disbursed by him ture and spirit of our republican institutions. The prece(Governor Tompkins) during the late war." The mean-dent proposed to be established in this case is dangerous, ing of the committee in this resolution cannot be mistaken. and the more so, because the individual favored by it has They evidently intend, and so express it, that Governor been eminently distinguished among his fellow-citizens. Tompkins shall be allowed a reasonable commission on all It is always in behalf of such characters that pernicious moneys disbursed or paid out by him, and not on the mo- examples are set. An obscure, private in. lividual could not neys received or loans negotiated by him. The disburse-command influence enough to carry through this House ments is one thing, and the receipts another; and it never measures which are inexpedient, impolitic, or forbidden entered into the mind of the committee to believe for one by the genius of our system of Government. A bad or ill moment that Governor Tompkins had better credit, or advised measure, in the case of distinguished persons, will could obtain money on more reasonable terms, than the always be more known, and, of course, the evil consewhole nation. But it was known that he acted as a sort quences resulting from it will be more widely diffused. of paymaster general to all the troops in the State of New In this respect, also, the precedent is more dangerous. York; and for this kind of service, which he was capable The gentleman from New York [Mr. CAMBRELENG] of performing, and which he did perform, the committee says the eyes of the world are upon us; that we should intended to remunerate him by allowing a reasonable com- make the appropriation to avoid the reproach which will mission. The whole reasoning of the committee, and the be cast upon us if the claim be rejected. But, sir, shall resolutions they reported, show that this, and this only, was we be required to abandon our principles because the eyes the idea intended to be conveyed. But what says Mr. Mon-of the world are upon us? No; certainly not. But, on roe in his message on the 28th of April, 1824, informing Con-the contrary, we should, for that very reason, be the more gress that the accounts of Governor Tompkins had been determined to support them. Foreigners reproach us for settled? In the Journal of the House of Representatives, many things: for our republican Government; for the page 464, he says: "On the second head, that of a reasonable commission for his disbursements during the late war, I have allowed him five per cent. on the whole sum disbursed by him, amounting to ninety-two thousand two hundred and thirteen dollars and thirteen cents. I have made him this extra allowance, in consideration of the aid which he afforded to the Government at that important epoch in obtaining the loan of a considerable part of the sum thus disbursed." Here the idea of allowing a commission on money borrowed or loans obtained is introduced for the first time. It is not to be seen in the law itself, economy with which it is administered; for the plainness and general frugality of our people. But shall,we, on that account, change our Government, and establish monarchy? Shall we introduce extravagance into the administration of public affairs, or wasteful profusion of expenditure into the pursuits of private life? No doubt, foreigners would gladly see us imitating them in these respects; for then they would think we had become converts to their systems, and the example we have been professing to hold out to the world no longer dangerous to them. Whence those portentous signs--those threatening indications wit JAN. 7, 1831.] Claim of James Monroe. [H. or R. nessed at this moment, throughout the European world? barrassed in his old age, Government will sustain and supIs it not that the people are about to commence a strug-port him. Such must be the calculation of every one who gle for their rights; that they are willing to encounter all takes an office, and has a disposition to expend more money the perils of revolution, in order to redress the wrongs and than the salary allowed by law. The country has granted correct the evils of legislation as it has existed among them? to Mr. Monroe all the honors and emoluments which could With them, legislation has been for the benefit of the few, be bestowed upon him. He has sought every thing, and to the prejudice of the many; and at the moment when, by has in fact obtained every thing. I, then, cannot admit, a mighty effort, they are endeavoring to arrest that evil that, after he has been thus gratified with every thing he tendency in their affairs, we are called upon to pursue the desired; after he has been advanced to every station of very course which has been so disastrous to them. Is it trust and profit which could be conferred upon him, he wise that we, at this critical juncture in the affairs of the should be allowed to turn upon us again, and say, you world, should hold out such a lesson--such a practical ex- have not yet done enough for me: you have not paid me emplification of our doctrines--to the view of mankind? as much as I ought to have had. He knew the salary atWill not the advocates of free Government be dishearten-tached to every office he has filled; and at this late day he ed by it, rather than strengthened in their faith, and stimu- should not be permitted to plead that it was not enough; lated to further efforts in the great cause of human liberty that he is entitled to additional compensation-in other which they have undertaken to support? Pass this bill, words, to institute an action of damages against the Govern and, my word for it, our beautiful theories, of which wement on account of the favors which the Government has have boasted so much, will be regarded as a vain delusion; bestowed upon him. Although he may be embarrassed, still the precepts we have inculcated, as so much idle profes- I think it may be asserted that he is better provided for than sion, intended to deceive and mislead others, while we our- ninety-nine out of a hundred of the constituents of every selves are unwilling to practise them. The world will member on this floor; and there is not the least danger he see through this disguise, and we must expect to meet the will ever want any of the necessaries or luxuries of life. odium it will occasion. No, sir, let us pursue a different Mr. W. concluded, by saying, if any thing had fallen course-let us act up to the letter and spirit of our pro- from him calculated to wound the feelings of the friends fessions--let our example go forth to the world in all pu- of Mr. Monroe, he begged them to be assured he did not rity and perfection--unimpaired by any act of insincerity design his remarks to have that effect. It was altogether on our part. Then we may expect it to be regarded by foreign from his purpose to excite the feelings of any genothers, and to have that influence upon them which may tleman, in discussing this delicate question. He had spoken be necessary to support the great cause of free and equal with no more freedom than the case required; and so much Government. as the case required, he should always feel bound to use. It has been said, Mr. Monroe is now in reduced or em- Mr. PEARCE, of Rhode Island, followed. He said, barrassed circumstances. If this be so, it is much to be Mr. Monroe, in his communication addressed to us, this regretted: but whose fault is it? Are we not equally bound session, in his last appeal to Congress, says, "I wish it to to provide for any other one whose circumstances are simi- be distinctly understood, that, in regard to my claims, I larly embarrassed? On this principle, there would be ask no indulgence or favor; that I ask nothing which is demands enough against the treasury, at every session, to not strictly due to me, on sound principles, and which my exhaust the whole revenue of the country? Instead of country shall, on full consideration and unquestionable transacting the business of the people whom we repre- evidence, think that it owes it to itself to allow me." He sent; instead of looking to the great interests of the nation, closes that communication, and takes his leave of us, in as they may happen to be affected by questions growing similar language-"In the decision on my claims, (says out of our foreign intercourse or views of domestic policy, he,) I repeat that I ask no favor or indulgence; that I ask we should be exclusively devoted to the consideration of nothing but what shall appear to be strictly due to me, on private demands, made not upon the justice, but the cha- sound principles, on full consideration, and unquestionaritable feelings of Congress. The extent and pressure of ble evidence, the withholding of which for so long a these demands would be so great in a little time, that they time has subjected me to pains and troubles which may could not be met by the ordinary revenue of the Govern-readily be conceived." Does, then, Mr. Monroe come bement; and new taxes or burdens upon the people must fore this House different from other claimants? And shall necessarily be imposed. It is obvious that continuance in not his claims receive the same respectful consideration, such a course would be impracticable--nay, sir, impossi- candid examination, we are in the daily practice of giving What, therefore, cannot be pursued or followed out to every other man's? That he asks no more, we have his to the end, should never be commenced. written declaration; whether this is to be denied him, is the question to be settled. ble. But I am unwilling to admit, for one moment, that any citizen, situated as Mr. Monroe has always been, should I did hope, Mr. Chairman, and I did expect, before I be at liberty to demand from the Government any further witnessed the course of this debate, that, as Mr. Monroe compensation. Every one who takes an office is presum-asked no more than was accorded to every one who ed to know the salary attached to it. The Government knocked at our door, what was asked would be given; promises him the salary, and nothing more; and when he that as he expected no favors from a long and faithful disenters upon the discharge of his duty, it must be supposed charge of public services, and the important stations filled, he is satisfied with the assurance thus given. Let him, then, that because he had rendered those services, and filled be content with this salary, and regulate his expenditures those stations, in considering a claim that he had preferred accordingly. It is our policy to allow moderate but suffi-against the Government of his country, they would not cient salaries, in order to preserve those habits of fruga-be referred to for the purpose of prejudicing that claim. lity which should characterize every republican people. Our fears to do wrong should not so operate as to cause The pomp, and splendor, and folly of European courts us not to do what we may know to be right. But, sir, it should not be attempted by any officer in this nation; and, is with regret I say, the tendency of the acts of gentleif his disposition will not restrain him, the limited amount men who have participated in this debate, (I impugn the of his salary should do it. But, pass this bill, and what motives and intentions of no one,) has been such as to deny will be the consequence? In effect you proclaim to the to Mr. Monroe that hearing to which no one in his place world that every officer is at liberty to expend just as much here would dare to say there was a man in this nation not as he pleases; that his habits of waste and extravagance, if entitled. The amount of money he has received from the he has any, need not be corrected; that if, by improvi- public treasury has been mentioned, and we have been dence in his past life, he should become indigent or em- told that he has been for a long time in the employ of the H. or R.] Claim of James Monroe. [JAN. 7, 1831. Government of the United States, longer than any other say, for the last ten or twelve years have watched the man. For the argument, be it so. If he was at the head treasury with Argus eyes, but men, from my knowledge of of one of the departments for six years, did he receive as them, I did suppose were not willing to arraign, without a compensation for his services more than was allowed by good cause, the motives or conduct of others. Sir, I law? If he was President eight years, was he paid more heard with regret the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. WHITthan his predecessors, Madison, Jefferson, or Washing-PLESEY] say, that because we had received from the cititon? If he was twice Governor of Virginia, was he not zens of Albemarle county, Virginia, the county in which paid as the other Governors of that State had been? If, Mr. Monroe was born, and from the citizens of the city in our revolutionary struggle, young as he then was, he of New York, where Mr. Monroe now is, petitions urging fought our battles, and moistened the soil of New Jersey upon us the necessity of considering and examining his with his blood, did he then receive, or has he since claim-claim, and nothing more, that those citizens were Mr. ed, more than what was allowed to others of the same Monroe's creditors, and were consequently actuated by grade? Sir, what do these arguments lead us to? If the sinister motives. Sir, this must have been said without Government of the United States contract with one of its much reflection: it was well enough for the gentleman, most distinguished citizens for the performance of certain because he opposed this claim in 1826, to oppose it now; acts, the compensation for which is by law regulated, and but he ought at least, more especially as he had no proof the contract in all its parts has been complied with, and to the contrary, to have had charity enough to have bethe money paid, and there is afterwards between the same lieved that the citizens of Albemarle and of New York parties another contract for other services, a compliance might have been actuated by motives different from those with the terms of the first, according to the declaration of which he has thought proper to ascribe to them. He gentlemen, (I will not say argument,) is a full discharge might have supposed that it was known to them, Mr. Monof the second. This is the effect of their reasoning; it roe had, as he thought, a claim, an honest and legal claim, has nothing to do with the question now before this com- upon the United States, and all he wanted was a fair, dismittee. No man, Mr. Chairman, has heretofore thought passionate, and legal investigation of this claim; and, when that, because by his meritorious services, great experience, he had satisfied himself of this, he might, without any and superior qualifications, he had, in the estimation of great tax upon his own mind, suppose that the citizens his fellow-citizens, some claim for important trusts, that of Albemarle, who know Mr. Monroe best, because they claim, in regard to his other rights, should operate against have known him the longest, and have been more closely him; but this is the measure of justice to Mr. Monroe. If connected with him than any other portion of this coungentlemen be disposed to do what they have professed a try, the citizens of New York, who know what Mr. Monwillingness to do, why have they resorted to such re-roe now is in regard to his pecuniary concerns, from marks? The gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. WIL-seeing him with them, and by this are also reminded of LIAMS, who has just resumed his seat, has reminded the what he once was, might, without being influenced by committee of what a late Governor of Virginia (Mr. such motives as the gentleman has ascribed to them, have Giles) has said of Mr. Monroe, in regard to the amount sent to us the petitions which are now on the files of the of money he has received from the public, and, in telling House in his behalf. us one thing that gentleman said, has, no doubt, whether Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman from Ohio is warranted he so intended or not, reminded every member of this in his supposition from what he would call testimony, upcommittee of another thing that Goveror Giles said of Mr. on what ground do we stand, who may differ from that Monroe, that he had always been a public pauper, and gentleman on the merits of this claim? Under what imputhat the United States must, as they always had, continue tation does a majority of both Houses lie, who, in 1826, to support him. What is the effect of this but to enlist voted for what was then allowed Mr. Monroe? The same the prejudices of every devoted friend of the late Go-insinuations which have been made against the citizens of vernor of Virginia against the claim of James Monroe? Albemarle and New York, (and there are the same grounds This does not agree with the professions of the gentle- for them,) can be made against us. man from North Carolina, made when he commenced his I hope, Mr. Chairman, that the gentleman from Ohio, remarks, and is hardly excused by his apology, made from further reflection, will conclude that what he has said when he concluded them. His greatest apprehenson at was gratuitous, uncalled for, and, by evidence before us, first appeared to be that Mr. Monroe's claim would be unwarranted. We are required to meet another objecmore favorably considered than other men's, from the tion made by the gentleman from Ohio, presented as a great services he had rendered, and high offices he had legal one. By the act of 1826-'7, Mr. Monroe is to be filled: when relieved of that, I submit it to that gentle-paid the sum of money by that act granted, in full of all man whether it was fair, or just, or comports with his his claims against the United States; and because in the ideas of what is correct, by any allusion of his, to awaken passing of that act, in reference to the phraseology of prejudices that will deprive Mr. Monroe's claim of that con- which Mr. Monroe said nothing, and could not say any sideration we are bound to give every man's in the nation. We are not now called on to pass upon the bickerings of two men, one now in the grave, and the other upon the brink of it; in other ages and other times, justice will be done, as I hope, to both, when the passions of the moment shall have subsided, and when we, too, who may now have our prejudices and personal predilections, shall be gathered to our fathers. Then, perhaps, some men's reputation and fame will not depend upon what they might have said against the purity of James Monroe's character, but upon their being born in the same State, and living in the same age with him. thing, because he knew nothing, Congress thought proper to use the language now in use, in reference to all our enactments in regard to claims, "in full satisfaction and discharge of all the claims of James Monroe against the United States," whether it were so or not, he is thereby precluded the right to present the claim now before us. Sir, to every bargain, contract, or agreement; to every lease, relinquishment, or release, I have always been taught to believe there must be at least two parties-one to give or execute, and the other to take or receive, in pursuance of terms previously arranged and agreed on. When did Mr. Monroe, or any one acting in his behalf, any But, Mr. Chairman, there are other objections to this friend of his, say for him, that appropriation for his beneclaim, which ought to be considered by some one, before fit at the time mentioned should be a full and complete liquithe merits of it are examined, as well from their peculiar dation of his claim? At no time, never-so far from this character, as the quarter from which they come. I must being the case, the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MERconfess I was surprised to hear such objections from such CER,] under whose paternal charge the claim of Mr. Mona source; from men who, to do them justice, I ought to roe then was, as it now is, declared to the House, that so JAN. 7, 1831.] Claim of James Monroe. [H. OF R. far from the sum then appropriated being in full discharge own opinion due, rather than cavil with them about it: he, of Mr. Monroe's claim, so great, as he supposed, would however, gave no discharge, nor authorized any one to be be his dissatisfaction, that he did not believe he would given in his name. He was soon called to the office of take what was allowed him: he did take it, but not at any Chief Magistrate of Virginia, and had hardly served his time with an acknowledgment that it was in full satisfaction constitutional term, before he was called to his second of his claim--all his acts, all the acts of his friends, from that mission. So soon as that was ended, he was again called by time to this, showed that the amount appropriated was not the citizens of his native State to the same office from to his and their minds a satisfaction of his claim. At the which he was transferred to the departments here, which next session, his friends from Albemarle petitioned us in he left for the office of President of the United States, in his behalf, for the balance; and this petition, if not gotten which he remained eight years. up at his instance, (I do not believe it was,) it is fair to pre- He was in public life, with a very small interruption, sume was not presented against his will. Sir, from that from the time he was called to his first mission to the end time to this, there has been a petition before us in favor of of his Presidential term. After his successor was chosen, James Monroe. Does this look like a relinquishment of what then he made out and afterwards presented this claim he considered was fairly due him, and what he was legally now under consideration, anterior to which there was no entitled to? No, it cannot be so pretended-I was an eye-period in which he could with propriety have done it. witness of the mode in which we legislated upon the claim Sir, the relative situation of Mr. Monroe furnishes a rein 1826-'7: the report of the select committee was made ply to the objection, and removes the presumption of at a very late period of the session, and the bill did not payment from length of time. come before us until our night sessions had commenced, favorable to any thing but sober deliberation. I have now, Mr. Chairman, replied to most of the objections brought against this claim by gentlemen who are At the close of the session, and in the hurry of the mo- opposed to any allowance whatsoever; others will be conment, the friends of the bill were willing to take any sum sidered in the examination more directly of the merits of rather than continue the whole question to the next ses- the claim itself. I am sensible I have already trespassed sion; and I take upon myself to say that, in relation to the somewhat upon the patience of the committee, but they amount to be appropriated, there was not a full, or even will bear in mind that I was the first who obtained the a deliberate discussion. This claim is not, then, Mr. Chair-floor after these objections were made; and, as a friend of man, as one gentleman [Mr. CHILTON] has charitably as- the bill, it was as much my duty to meet them, as it would serted, an afterthought on the part of Mr. Monroe, or be any gentleman's on the same side of the question who any of his friends; nor has the money received been a might succeed me. waiver of what he conceived heretofore, and now alleges The gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MERCER,] who preto be due him. I therefore submit to the committee, sented this claim with so much clearness, and urged its whether there is any good ground for the objection found- adoption with so much zeal and eloquence, certainly did ed upon the appropriation made to Mr. Monroe, as con- not anticipate these objections; and, if he had, it would stituting a barrier to the present application; and whether not have been his province to reply to them. One word as this is an application to indemnify Mr. Monroe for moneys to the effect of the pending motion. The gentleman from expended in feasting his friends. I will fully consider that, Kentucky [Mr. CHILTON] no doubt thinks there is nothing when I come more directly to the merits of this claim. due James Monroe; but ought he not to have supposed There is one objection more, however, made by the gen- there might be some gentlemen on this floor who might think tleman from Kentucky, which I might as well consider there was some part of the claim which ought to be paid, now as at any other time-an objection that applies just though not the whole of it? If his motion prevails, those as well to any other claim as this; if good in this case, gentlemen will be debarred the right of moving for the equally so in any other. Why should we, says the gen- lesser sum, when in their consciences they believe there tleman, pay Mr. Monroe, when there are others who is something due. Is this the motion, then, which, at this have claims upon us we do not pay; the war-worn ve- stage of the inquiry and investigation, ought to be made? teran, the soldier of the revolution? If, sir, this argu-I think not. ment is to obtain, we never can pay any one, because I come now, Mr. Chairman, to a consideration of those we cannot or may not be disposed to pay all at the items which constitute Mr. Monroe's claim, and will state same time. When the case of the soldier of the revo- them as I understand them, before I read them from the lution is called, we cannot act upon that, because Mr. committee's report. First, a claim for contingent exMonroe has a claim that is not satisfied: we cannot pay penses during his first mission to France, with interest; a Mr. Monroe, because the soldier and others have not been claim for allowances after his recall, during his detention paid. in Europe, before he could embark for this country; inteI believe the gentleman will do me the justice to say rest upon the money which he was compelled to hire, in conthat I have gone as far as any one, certainly as far as he sequence of his outfit not being paid before he sailed from has gone, in satisfying what I deemed to be the rightful this country; an additional allowance for contingent exclaims of all the officers and soldiers of the revolution, penses while in England; losses sustained in the purchase whose cases have been before us. The gentleman's argu- of a house in Paris; money disbursed to, and expenses inment has been one, too, common with all those that have curred to effect the liberation of Thomas Paine; and comobjections to paying any one. Another objection has missions on loans of money to the Government of the been made, which claims a moment's consideration; and United States, obtained by extraordinary exertions and by this, from the lapse of time since the items accrued, this his personal credit during the late war. These are the would be tenable, if unexplained, not repelled by facts principal items of his claim. and circumstances which gentlemen might have acquainted As Mr. Monroe's first mission was attended with pecuthemselves with, if they had read the communication of liar circumstances, and at a critical period in the history Mr. Monroe, or attended to the report of the committee. of France, we must for a moment advert to the situation To my mind, sir, satisfactory reasons are given why at- of that country, to show that his services were extraorditempts have not been made to enforce it before. Called nary, his expenses necessarily great, and that no allowance from his first mission, under peculiar circumstances, he to any minister before, or any similar claim since that had, in the first place, to vindicate his character and repu- period, could form a just criterion by which we can judge tation as a public man, more dear to him than money; and of the sum which ought to be paid to him. The French while he was doing that, he was willing the Government revolution was just over; the nations of Europe were should pay his agent what at that time might be in their combined to crush the French nation, and they had to |