H. OF R.] The Tariff. [JAN. 23, 1832. the tariff law was oppressive and ruinous in its operation subject of the tariff had in one of its aspects been very in a large portion of the Union, without having the evi- fully referred to the Committee on Manufactures, and as dence submitted to them which should go to prove that fully in another view of it to the Committee of Ways and such an impression was something more than mere delu- Means. Why should they continue a discussion by which sion. He had no belief whatever that the allegation in neither side would be advantaged the weight of a straw? the memorial could, by any possibility, be sustained to the He thought the subject of the memorial in its most imsatisfaction of the deliberate judgment of any human be-portant aspect ought properly to go to the Committee on ing. He believed the whole representation there made Manufactures, while, as it also involved a great question as neither more nor less than a delusion; yet he was dis- of finance, it might without impropriety be sent to the posed to treat it with respect, so much so that he was de- Committee of Ways and Means. As one friendly to the sirous it should pass under that examination which the interest of the manufacturers, he was willing it should gentleman who presented the paper had himself pointed take the latter direction. The petition proceeded from a out; and having thus satisfied them of the willingness of source which he was always inclined to regard with the that House to treat their representations in a fair and can-greatest respect. It came from the Legislature of one did manner, he would leave them no cause of complaint of the States, and he was willing that the honorable genon that score. As to the consequences which had been tleman who had been the organ of its presentation to that threatened, they might come, but he did not believe that House, should in its reference choose his own committee. they ever would. He never would believe that the peo- He could not see that any interest would be in the slightple of the South were prepared to throw up their glori- est degree endangered by such a course, and he hoped ous constitution, and a Union in which they were so deep- the gentleman from Pennsylvania would have the goodly interested, on the ground of any delusive statement, ness to withdraw the motion he had made. He was desuch as that in the memorial. He would not believe that sirous the House might save its strength until the great the South would, at this time, or at any future time, wage question at issue should be discussed upon its merits, that war against the North for the sake of a law which had it would save its feelings from the irritation produced been fairly enacted by the majority, and the effect of by such premature sparring, and that gentlemen on both which was, while it gave one portion of the country a sides would save their facts and arguments from being market at home, to give to the other a market abroad and thus frittered away in disputes which led to nothing. at home too. Mr. DENNY said that, when he made the motion to Mr. CARSON said that the South ought doubtless to refer the memorial to the Committee on Manufactures, feel herself much indebted to the eloquent and learned he had not anticipated any discussion, much less that it gentleman from Rhode Island, for the respect he had would have elicited remarks of such a character as those shown to their delusion. It was possible that they might which had proceeded from the gentleman from North be in a delusion, but he would put it to the good sense Carolina, [Mr. BRANCH.] It seemed that the subject of of that interested judge, whether delusion or self-inte- protecting our own industry could not be presented in rest was the most likely to lead men astray. There was any form, but there must be an attempt to alarm the House, much truth and wisdom in an expression used by the fa- and the flag of disunion must be unfolded to their view. ther of the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, He trusted that gentlemen would be permitted to decide [Mr. ADAMS,] who had declared interest to be the main- questions in that House, fairly and deliberately, and that spring of human action; he thought that maxim was addresses to their fears would not thus be indulged in. abundantly exemplified in that Hall. With all the re- After the remarks which had fallen from the friends of spect professed by the gentleman from Rhode Island for the protecting system, he was disposed to withdraw the the delusion of the South, he might be permitted to say motion he had made, but he trusted that, as much had that it was the interest of the manufacturers which caused been said of the severe distress experienced at the South, their delusion. It was not to be presumed that the tax the House would receive on that subject not merely allepayer was more likely to be deluded than the tax re- gations and declamations, but facts also. He should withCeiver. They of the South were the tax payers-nothing draw his amendment, but he wished the gentleman from uld be more plain to all disinterested persons than North Carolina to understand that it was not from any reat position-but persons personally interested would gard to the language of menace. ot so decide. The House had daily too many proofs to Mr. BRANCH rose in explanation, and disavowed all the contrary. He made no charge against the patriot- such feelings as would have led him to language of meism of gentlemen, although they seemed to think it pa- nace. He had spoken under the embarrassment incidentriotic to drain money from one part of the country to tal to his situation, and might not have been as explicit pour it into the pockets of another. The people of the as he desired to be. Far from any desire to menace South had often been chidden as persons complaining gentlemen, he had aimed at calling into action only without reason, but he had hoped that they would at their generous and just feelings. He had endeavored to last meet with a fair and respectful hearing, and he depict the fatal consequences which were likely to retrusted they would be spared the reproach of delusion, in sult from a perseverance in the present system. There however respectful a manner the reproach had been conveyed. was nothing which he believed more firmly; and all he desired was, that the gentleman should look at the subMr. EVERETT observed that the House, on Saturday ject in all its bearings, and meet it dispassionately. He last, had sustained a call for the previous question in re- was fully aware whom he addressed. He knew that he ference to the very topic on which they seemed now was speaking to men as independent and honorable in about to embark in discussion, and he had understood their feelings as any at the South; men who were not to their seconding the call to proceed from an impression be influenced by any appeal to their fears, but who could that it was inexpedient to discuss at this time a great and be moved only by calm and dispassionate reasoning. momentous subject which was soon to come regularly The question being then put, the memorial was referbefore the House. Every reason that influenced the de-red to the Committee of Ways and Means. cision on Saturday, applied to-day with all its force, and Mr. DRAYTON presented another memorial from a should the debate be persisted in, it would at least lead large number of journeymen tailors, in the city of Philato nothing. He would appeal to gentlemen on both delphia, stating the injury they had received from the sides of the House to say what great good they could ob- tariff, and praying that the duties might be reduced twentain by carrying, or what great evil they could suffer ty-five per cent. from losing, the point now contended for. The whole Mr. D. explained the reason why he, and not the mem JAN. 24, 1832.] Minimum Duties.-Colonization of Free Blacks. -127. [H. of R. ber from Philadelphia, had presented this petition. It Whittlesey, E. D. White, Williams, Worthington, Young. had been enclosed to him under the impression that his sentiments coincided with those of the memorialists, while those of the gentleman from Philadelphia were of an opposite cast. He had not, however, been guilty of such a breach of the courtesy due from one member, and, he might add, from one gentleman to another, as to present this memorial without first having had a communication with that gentleman on the subject. It was, on Mr. DRAYTON'S motion, referred to the Committee on Manufactures. MINIMUM DUTIES. The House resumed the consideration of the resolution moved by Mr. BOULDIN on the 27th December ult.; when | Mr. NUCKOLLS begged leave to modify the amendment proposed by him on Saturday, the 21st instant, to the amendment proposed by Mr. STEWART on the same day to the said resolution, so as that his said amendment read as follows: “And, also, whether the prices of articles not protected in this country have not fallen in an equal or greater ratio; whether the protected articles have not fallen in price in Europe in an equal or greater ratio than in this country within the same period; and what they might now be purchased for, if the tariff were repealed." The previous question having been demanded and seconded on Saturday last, it was accordingly put, viz. "Shall the main question be now put?" and passed in the affirmative-yeas 111, nays 78-thereby cutting off the pending amendments. The main question was then accordingly put, viz. Will the House agree to the said resolution? which, as amended, is as follows: "Resolved, That the Committee on Manufactures be instructed to inquire into, and report to this House, (if they possess the information,) the practical effect of the revenue laws upon the commerce, agriculture, and manufactures of this country, designating the manner in which the sum upon which the duties are assessed is made up; and, also, the per centage assessed upon goods subject to the square yard duty, and whether any goods are prohibited by the amount of duties; also, whether frauds are not perpetrated in the importation of goods, and the revenue thereby reduced, and how such frauds may be suppressed; also, whether the statute value of the pound sterling ought not to be so modified as to conform to the actual value in the United States; and to accompany their report, if they shall make one, by the evidence upon which it shall be predicated." NAYS.--Messrs. Adams, Alexander, Angel, Archer, James Bates, Bell, Bergen, Bethune, Bouck, Bouldin, John Brodhead, John C. Brodhead, Carson, Chinn, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Conner, Coulter, W. R. Davis, Felder, Fitzgerald, Foster, Gaither, Griffin, T. H. Hall, William Hall, Hammons, Harper, Hawes, Hawkins, Hoffman, Holland, Horn, Hubbard, Cave Johnson, Charles C. Johnston, Kavanagh, Lamar, Lewis, Mardis, Mason, William McCoy, McDuffie, T. R. Mitchell, Newnan, Nuckolls, Rencher, Roane, Root, Speight, Standifer, Francis Thomas, Philemon Thomas, Wayne, Weeks, Wilkin, C. P. White, Wilde.-59. TUESDAY, JANUARY 24. COLONIZATION OF FREE BLACKS. Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for the purpose of removing from the United States, and her territories, the free people of color, and colonizing them on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere. Mr. THOMPSON, of Georgia, inquired of the Chair whether it would be in order to move the question whether the House would consider the resolution. The SPEAKER replying in the negative, Mr. ALEXANDER, of Virginia, moved to lay the resolution on the table; but withdrew his motion for a moment at the request of Mr. EVERETT, of Massachusetts, who stated that the mover of the resolution had consented to its postponement on Monday last, at the request of two gentlemen who wished time to look into the subject; and he asked whether it was proper, under such circumstances, to lay it on the table. Mr. ALEXANDER renewing his motion, Mr. THOMPSON, of Georgia, demanded that the question be taken by yeas and nays; which was ordered, and resulted as follows--yeas 71, nays 104. So the House refused to lay the resolution on the table. Mr. JENIFER said that, when the resolution had been submitted a few days since, and a motion made by a gentleman from North Carolina to postpone it for a week, he had understood that the object was to have it at that time considered by the House, more especially as one of the gentlemen who had wished the postponement had expressed his intention to move a substitute or an amendAnd passed in the affirmative, by the following vote: ment. Mr. J. regretted, now, that it had not gone to a YEAS. Messrs. Adair, Chilton Allan, Allison, Ander- committee at that time, who would have presented the son, Appleton, Armstrong, Arnold, Ashley, Babcock, House with their views on the subject, and a statement Banks, Noyes Barber, Barnwell, Barringer, Barstow, of the facts in reference to it. He was aware that this 1. C. Bates, Beardsley, John Blair, Boon, Branch, Briggs, was not the proper time to go, on a mere motion of referBucher, Burges, Cahoon, Cambreleng, Carr, Chandler, ence, either into the constitutional question or the question Choate, Claiborne, Collier, Lewis Condict, Silas Condit, of expediency, to which the resolution would naturally E. Cooke, B. Cooke, Cooper, Corwin, Craig, Crane, lead. The resolution asked for a mere inquiry into the Crawford, Creighton, Daniel, Davenport, J. Davis, Dayan, expediency of making an appropriation of money for the Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Dickson, Doddridge, Double-colonization of the free people of color. When gentleday, Drayton, Ellsworth, G. Evans, J. Evans, Findlay, Gil-men looked around, and saw that question agitated with more, Grennell, Heister, Hogan, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, so much earnestness and anxiety, not only in the State he Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, Irvin, Isacks, Jarvis, Jenifer, had the honor, in part, to represent, but in an adjoining Jewett, Kendall, Kennon, John King, Henry King, Kerr, State, which, next to Maryland, had the deepest stake in Lansing, Leavitt, Lecompte, Letcher, Lyon, Mann, Mar- the question; when they observed that it was openly disshall, McCarty, Robert McCoy, McIntire, McKennan, Mer-cussed in all its latitude in the Legislatures of both those cer, Milligan, Muhlenberg, Newton, Patton, Pearce, States, it really seemed to him singular that any gentle. Pendleton, Pierson, Pitcher, Polk, Potts, Randolph, J. men should be afraid of having it discussed in that Hall. It Reed, E. C. Reed, Russel, W. B. Shepard, Slade, was equally strange, whether gentlemen came from slaveSoule, Southard, Stanberry, Stephens, Stewart, Storrs, holding or from non-slaveholding States. Had it not Sutherland, Taylor, Wiley Thompson, John Thomson, been admitted in the Legislatures of the States that the Tompkins, Tracy, Vance, Verplanck, Ward, Wardwell, presence of the free colored population was a great evil? Washington, Watmough, Wheeler, E. Whittlesey, F. And ought gentlemen to be afraid of investigating the H. OF R.] Colonization of Free Blacks. [JAN. 24, 1832. means of being relieved from it? And how could gen- they would come to that House, and in the accents of hutlemen who came from non-slaveholding States, while manity would beseech Congress to furnish these wretched they constantly maintained that the condition of the whole outcasts with some asylum that they might call a home; black population ought to mitigated, consistently refuse where they might enjoy some opportunity of rising from even the inquiry how such a result might be effected? In their degradation, and have some hope for the future. looking at the constitution, a clause was found in the very preamble to that instrument, which seemed to show that its framers had cast an eye of paternal solicitude towards a state of things like the present. Could gentlemen profess to desire the amelioration of their condition, and yet refuse even to consider the only means which could prove effectual to produce it? Mr. J. said he had thought that the reference would have been agreed to without any discussion. He desired the inquiry should be gone into at once, that the respective Legislatures of the States concerned might know whether there was any prospect of relief from Congress, or whether they must look alone to their own resources. One of the objects of our National Union was declared to be "the promotion of domestic tranquillity." Let him ask whether such a clause did not come home to the subject of the resolution. What was the present situation of Maryland in relation to this subject? He would speak of his own State, because he was most conversant with its Mr. COKE, of Virginia, said that, on hearing the resocondition. Mr. J. here referred to the numerous public lution now read, he perceived its tendency went further meetings in various parts of that State, and to one espe- than he had supposed when it had first been introduced, cially held within his own district, at which certain reso- and he could not but say that he considered its introduclutions had been adopted, which he read to the House. tion into the House as a great evil. The honorable genA resolution had also been introduced into the Maryland tleman who had moved it might be justified in foro consciSenate, recommending an appropriation by Congress for entiæ, having probably been urged on by the excitement colonizing the free colored population; and that, if this existing in his own State, and knowing no means to allay should be deemed by Congress unconstitutional, then it but the course he had pursued. Though he felt inclinthe previous steps should be taken to get the constitution led to acquit the gentleman from that sin (for he could so amended as to permit it. Under circumstances like apply no lighter term) of introducing such a question at these, ought a resolution, such as that he had had the such a time, yet there were many considerations which honor to present, to be refused even a consideration? He ought to have led him to a different course. The gentlebelieved it accorded not only with the feeling existing in man had argued the constitutional question confessedly Maryland, but in all the other slaveholding States. If involved in the proposed measure, but had not touched gentlemen had doubts on the constitutional question, or the question of expediency, nor indeed said a single word the question of expediency, why refuse to submit the on the real subject of the resolution. The gentleman subject to the consideration of a committee? Was this a might take his choice of either question; he was ready question Congress ought to refuse to examine? or was to meet the discussion whenever the gentleman should this the time at which its consideration ought to be re- choose to enter upon it. fused? If gentlemen of philanthropic sentiments and As to the constitutional question, did not every body views ever intended to press the subject, he could say to see that this Government possessed already more powers them emphatically, "Now is the accepted time." The than it ever ought to have had? Was this a period for anxieties of society were roused to the subject. Mr. J. claiming to it yet more? A corps of topographical engisaid he was the representative of a slaveholding State, and neers had been appointed to march in advance of our was, in addition, himself a slave owner. He had no fears armies in time of war; and that authority had been peras to the effect of stirring such a question, either on verted in a manner to promote the purposes of gentlemen the safety of the Union, or of the slaveholding States; favorable to the scheme of internal improvement. Was and both the free and the slave population were alike in- that all? Did not the grasp of the Government extend terested in the result. The effect of such a measure, if itself in every direction? Was it not contended that, unresolved on, would be beneficial to the slave; inasmuch der the clause which gave Congress power to regulate as it was the presence and vicinity of this free colored po- commerce, Congress might do almost whatever it pleased pulation, which rendered it necessary to draw closer the to assume to be expedient? He asked, in the name of bands of discipline over him. Would not gentlemen humanity, what right was possessed by that House to tear willingly be freed from such an evil? It was admitted on the free colored people from their relatives, and all the all hands that free blacks in the slave States were and ties which bound them to their residence, and locate them must be among the most debased and wicked of the hu- in a land alien to all their feelings and affections? Was it man race. They possessed no place which they could humanity which led the steps of gentlemen in subjecting call their home. The law, indeed, recognised them as to certain punishment, and even to death itself, these very free persons; but were they so in fact and in truth? What people? had they in common with freemen besides mere existence? It was known to all, that several sections of the Union Did it not become American statesmen to take measures were already distracted with controversies on the subject for the amelioration of their condition? The evil was one of internal improvements, the revenue laws, and other of the greatest, as well to themselves as to others, which agitating subjects. And here came another in the shape could exist in any community; and it ought, if practicable, of a proposition to appropriate money from the treasury to be removed. of the United States for the removal of a species of popu What must be the situation of the people, if Congress lation residing but in eight or nine States of the Union. should refuse to legislate for their relief? The slave States, Here was to be a law confessedly partial in its effects, opefrom the impulse of self-preservation, of interest, and of rating for the benefit of nine only in the twenty-four humanity also, would be driven to the necessity of inhibit-States. And what state of things had the result of the ing emancipation; and the free colored population would vote just taken by yeas and nays on considering this prosoon be compelled to remove beyond the limits of those posal disclosed? The individuals who alone were to be States. Would they be received or rejected by the non-benefited by the scheme, had all been found voting slaveholding States? If they were received, he would against it, while all those gentlemen who had no interest predict that their non-slaveholding brethren would soon in the matter, but from feelings of humanity, had voted find reason to regret the inducements to their emigration with one accord in its favor. Was it not most singular to which had been held out by their laws. Would they re- see men thus unitedly declining favors offered them so fuse to receive them? If they did, could they forbear freely? What would it be that induced their brethren of taking some measures to secure a refuge for them? No; the North, the East, and the West, to volunteer a boon of JAN. 25, 1832.] Apportionment Bill. [H. OF R. such inestimable value? And what could induce the South- observation might inform him how lively was the sensibilirons to refuse so doggedly what the North and the West were alike willing to bestow? success. grow? The House again went into Committee of the Whole, and took up the APPORTIONMENT BILL. Mr. WAYNE, of Georgia, took the floor in support of the amendment of Mr. HUBBARD, (to substitute forty-four for forty-eight,) and occupied it until a late hour; when he gave way for a motion to rise. The committee rose accordingly, And the House adjourned. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 25. DLETON, that the House do now proceed to the consi- Mr. WAYNE, of Georgia, concluded his argument in favor of the amendment of Mr. HUBBARD, (for forty-four ty of the slave owners on such a subject; because, whatever might be the true bearings of the subject in the There must be some great mistake at the South, that opinion of the people generally, it touched the relation led them to believe that their danger was not as great as between master and slave. Why, then, should the House it really was; or else there must be some peculiar obtuse- go into the consideration of a grave resolution in relation ness of intellect and feeling on the subject. But the gen- to it, by which no new information was to be elicited, and tleman from Maryland had asked whether Congress did out of which much most painful irritation could not fail to not possess the power to make such an appropriation; and he had looked for an answer into the preamble of the constitution that sacred instrument, whose provisions he desired neither to diminish nor enlarge; and there the gentleman had discovered that one of the purposes for which it had been framed was "to ensure domestic tranquillity." The gentleman might as well have inferred from that clause that Congress had power to interfere with the minutest regulations of the police of the States on the subject of the transportation of commodities, as that it possessed the power to transport the free people of color beyond the limits of the United States. But the gentleman desired that the constitutional question should be deferred until the House should have heard the report of a committee: well, he was willing to wait till then: but if the gentleman was disposed to argue the question at this time, he would find a sufficient number of gentlemen on that floor abundantly prepared to argue that question with The gentleman had been induced to move his resolution by motives of humanity: but would not humanity have pointed out some place to which those poor wandering Jews were to be sent? The only designation of their asylum, expressed in the resolution, was "Africa, or elsewhere." Great God! exclaimed Mr. C., are the terrors which prevail on this subject so wild that we must thousand.) get rid of our free blacks at all cost and all hazard, both Mr. HUNT, of Vermont, then rose, and observed that to them and to ourselves? Are gentlemen so completely the subject under consideration was admitted by all to be under the dominion of nervous fears? I tell gentlemen of great importance; and as he knew it to be of deep inthat their fear is a mistaken one. And I appeal to the his-terest to the State which he had the honor, in part, to retory of my own State in proof that there never has been present, he must beg the indulgence of the committee in one period in her past experience at which she had any submitting a few remarks, not only upon the amendment thing to fear from her free black population, and no more proposed, but upon some of the principles involved in the from her slaves. For all acquaintance with the general bill. The general objections which he made to the ratio subject Mr. C. possessed the same advantages as the gen- of 48,000 are, that it will not give a sufficient number of tleman from Maryland; he was the representative of a representatives for the great and increasing population and slaveholding State, and himself the owner of slaves; and interests of this country; that it will deprive each of the he slept with as much security in the midst of the slaves four old States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Maryon his plantation, as if he had been himself a puffing direc- land, and Virginia, of one of its present numbers; and tor of a certain society. All that was needed to ensure the that it will impose upon some of these and other States safety of a slave owner, was kindness and proper disci- large and unequal fractions, which may in a great mea pline. He could assure gentlemen that the slave, however sure be avoided by substituting the ratio of 44,000. low his condition, was not dead to the sentiment of grati-Gentlemen in several parts of the House have complained tude. Virginia had been settled for two centuries, and of the great injustice that will be done to their respective how many insurrections had she witnessed? One in South- States; but, said Mr. H., permit me to remind you, that, ampton: and that originated, carried on, and terminated by adopting the ratio of 48,000, the State of Vermont by the death of a religious fanatic, who, with all his efforts, will sustain a fraction of more than 40,000, which is, achad been able to get but thirty or forty followers. They cording to her population, larger than falls to the lot of had paid on the gibbet the forfeit of their crime, and there any other State in this Union, with the exception of was an end of the affair. He had not the slightest appre- Delaware. And what renders this inequality more palhension of witnessing another. pable and oppressive, is, that, in the apportionment made This question, it was true, was now agitated in several under the census of 1820, this State was deprived of one of the State Legislatures. In that of his own State, two of her members, and left with an unrepresented fraction propositions respecting it had been moved; one which of something more than 35,000; so that, by passing the respected the removal of the free colored population, and bill establishing the large ratio as reported by the select one for the gradual emancipation of the slaves. Were the committee, she will be deprived of nearly one-fifth of her present even the proper time for considering it, the ques-political power in this House for the space of twenty years tion was not new. The gentleman, like himself, had left in succession. I am aware, sir, of the difficulty in fixing home before the subject had been brought up for discus-upon any ratio that will do equal justice, or give entire sion, and before he had any idea that the subject would be satisfaction, and that there is no definite rule for deterthrust upon them. The gentleman, he presumed, was no mining the exact number of this House. We have, howbetter informed what was the will of his own constituents ever, the constitution to limit the exercise of our power, in regard to it, any more than himself, and he confessed and the lights of experience to guide our judgment. his own ignorance of it. But what difficulties, what irri- the constitution declares that each State shall be entitled tation, must not its discussion occasion both in that House to one representative at least, and not more than one for and in the community at large? The gentleman's own every 30,000 of its inhabitants, it follows that the smallest As number of which this House can consist is twenty-four, equal to the number of States, and, with the present population, the largest number is three hundred and ninety seven. [JAN. 25, 1832. man voice and the ear. Although I am not disposed to deny the general correctness of this position, yet I believe it can have but little application to the question under consideration. The argument, if I understand it, is this: So far as it concerns the relation between the individual The present number has now great difficulty in hearing; member and his constituents, it may be presumed that therefore, it ought not to be enlarged; and this great reno reasonable objection can be made to any number, how- public, increasing in wealth and population, and spreadever large it may be. The laws being designed for the ing over new States and Territories, must never hereafter great body of the community, and not, as in some coun- expect any addition to the present number of representatries, for favored individuals or particular classes, it is es- tives. Sir, the number of persons that are able to hear a sential that the representatives should be fully and inti- speaker, must depend chiefly upon the size and form of mately acquainted with the wants, feelings, and interests of the room, and the construction of the seats. The princi the people, for the purpose of correctly and faithfully ex- pal inconvenience which we now experience, may easily pressing them here. Such is the vast multiplicity of pursuits find a remedy; remove these broad tables, loaded with in this extensive confederacy, in the different kinds of papers and stationery, these large, easy chairs, and subagriculture, manufactures, and commerce; so great and stitute in their place convenient seats, and I am satisfied rapid are the improvements, so numerous are the avenues to that four hundred persons might be well accommodated industry and enterprise, that are opening in every section upon the same space that is now occupied by two hunof the country; so multiplied are the relations, both com- dred and thirteen. And when the convenience of letter mercial and political, between the different parts of this writing and private business shall be dispensed with, the Union and with foreign nations, that a numerous repre- undivided attention of the members will be directed to sentation becomes indispensable to ascertain and concen- the subjects of legislation, and even with double our trate all the multifarious information that is requisite for present numbers the business would be done with more useful legislation. despatch, in better order, and more intelligibly than it now is. It is no less essential that the people, who are the fountain of power, should be correctly, and, if possible, The Congress of '76, which consisted of only fifty-four personally, acquainted with the character and qualifica. members, has been referred to in favor of a small House tions of their representatives, and of those who may be of Representatives. No one has more profound veneracandidates for a seat in this House, so that, of their own tion for the patriots of that illustrious assembly than myknowledge, derived from personal acquaintance, or other self; nor do I believe there ever was, or ever will be, a authentic sources, they may judge for themselves, and body of men so eminently entitled to the gratitude and select those who, in their opinion, will best represent admiration of mankind as that. But there is a wide difthem. If there is a want of this essential information ference between that Congress and the Congresses under among the people, candidates will then be proposed to the old confederation and the constitution of this House. the public by combinations, consisting of a few individuals, The Congress of '76 was created upon an extraordinary who are often but mere selfish and designing partisans; occasion, which seldom happens in the history of man. and nominations thus made will commonly control the The members of it were delegates in the nature of ambaselections. When you increase the number of the people sadors, appointed by sovereign States, representing, not so much for one representative, as to preclude them from the people, but the States, each State, though having acquiring this authentic and necessary information of the several delegates, being entitled to but one vote, under candidates proposed, you deprive them of all that is valua- powers derived from the States differing in their extent, ble in the privilege of equal suffrage, make but a mock- and liable at any time to be revoked. And it should be ery of their rights, and, in effect, transfer their own remembered that, before they assumed the high responlegitimate power to a mere caucus, a body that is self-sibility of putting their signatures to the declaration of created, unknown to the constitution, always active to independence, they had received express authority for accomplish its designs, and irresponsible either to the country, or any individual whatever. Members thus elected through caucus influence lose their proper sense of dependence upon the people, and, like those who come to Parliament from the rotten boroughs in England, will consult the wishes of their patrons rather than the welfare of their country. that bold measure from their respective Legislatures at home. But this House is a constituent branch of a settled Government, and the members that compose it are elected by the people; they act individually, and for the whole Union, and not for the States, directly upon the people, with powers that are equal, and prescribed in the constitution; and, from the nature of our representaWith regard to the size of this House for the conve- tive Government, their number should be so great as to nient performance of its duties, it may safely go on increas- afford assurance that they partake, in common with the ing, until, by its numbers, it becomes unwieldy, and em- people, of their wants and sympathies, and so intimately barrasses the transaction of business. I cannot believe understand their interests, as to act upon their own rethat two hundred and fifty-nine members, which will sponsibilities, expressing the public sentiment and opicompose the House by adopting the ratio of 44,000, will nion without the aid or necessity of special instructions. retard legislation, or obstruct the passage of any law ne- If the opinion of those fathers of our country who cessary for the great interests of the country. Experience assisted in achieving our independence, and who contrihas shown that the sessions of Congress are protracted no buted their counsels to the formation of our happy Golonger now than they were in the commencement of the vernment, and in first directing its operations, is of any Government, when the House consisted of less than half guide to us, we have their great authority in favor of a its present numbers. In comparison with other legislative numerous House of Representatives. The constitution bodies, we find that the House of Deputies, in France, con- had assigned to each of the thirteen old States its respectsists of nearly five hundred; that of the Commons, in Eng- ive number of representatives, making sixty-five in the land, of six hundred and fifty-eight; and that the popular whole, until an enumeration of the inhabitants should be branches of some of our State Legislatures are more nu- made. By a reference to the whole population of the merous than any one proposes, for the present, to make Union at that time, it is ascertained that there was one rethis body. The gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. ALLAN] presentative for each 44,000 persons, making the same has furnished us with a rule, founded, as he says, upon the ratio as is now proposed by the amendment, and forming unerring principles of nature, for determining the size of that striking coincidence upon which some gentleman a legislative assembly; and that is, the power of the hu- have dwelt with so much satisfaction. But the history of |