JAN. 26, 1832.] Apportionment Bill. [H. OF R. manner as they shall by law direct." Here is an impera- much as while he was very desirous of preventing the tive duty enjoined the number of representatives shall be determined, &c. State which he had the honor to represent from losing any portion of her relative weight and power, he could The moment the enumeration is made, which shall be not give his vote in favor of the amendment which had done once in every ten years, the relative strength of the been proposed by his colleague. Mr. K. said he had so parties to our political compact is changed, and the right far refrained from entering into the debate on the main to their full representation being vested, waits only for question of the ratio, notwithstanding his solicitude for legislation to give it full exercise. It is the duty of the the adoption of such a number as would secure to Marygrowing States to abide the effect of the last enumeration, land a right to the same number of representatives she and the representation based upon it; this is hard enough, now possessed, because he thought the subject had been for they increase so rapidly as to have eight years out of sufficiently argued by some of the ablest members of the ten a considerable number of citizens unrepresented. So House, coming from States similarly situated, in support soon, however, as a new census has been taken, you are of the number forty-four thousand, which, if adopted, bound by every consideration of constitutional duty-by would attain his object; and he had fully indulged the every obligation of justice, to give fair effect to the growth hope, as he had not been satisfied by any reasons which had of population, and to authorize a representation commen- been offered that any serious inconvenience could result surate with the aggregate of the citizens in every State, ac- from it, that courtesy, and a sense of justice, on the part cording to what shall be deemed a reasonable ratio. These of those States which were gaining representatives by the remarks apply equally to the electoral colleges that will new census, would have permitted those few old States, shortly be chosen, as to the delegation in the twenty-third which would lose by a high ratio, to retain their representCongress, except that the incongruity will be greatest in atives. He knew, he said, that some anxiety prevailed in the latter case, if the amendment shall be adopted; for then Maryland on this subject, and he would exceedingly rewe shall have on this floor representatives of 40,000, and gret that there should be a disappointment of the wishes at the same time, and in the same body, representatives of of the people, even if their desire to retain the same 48,000 souls. To show the sense of those who framed number of representatives were a mere prejudice, and the constitution, I refer to the act of March, 1792, in enact- although their actual relative weight in the Union were ing which many of those shared, who were in the con- still preserved by an apportionment upon a higher ratio. vention that formed the constitution. I regard this legis- But Mr. K. said, according to the rules of order, he could lative interpretation, as a true exponent of the intentions not now argue that point: it was to the amendment proof that body-almost as much to be confided in, as if the posed by the gentleman from Maryland he must confine construction had been declared by the convention itself. his remarks, and he repeated his request that he should The act provides that the "electors shall be equal to the feel himself bound, on this occasion, to oppose the views Senators and Representatives to which the several States expressed by that gentleman, and to act against a meamay, by law, be entitled at the time when the President sure which his constituents might consider as favoring and Vice President, thus to be chosen, should come into their interests. To his constituents, Mr. K. said he was office: provided, always, that where no apportionment of responsible; but, in this matter, he felt a paramount oblirepresentatives shall have been made after any enumera-gation from the oath which he had taken to support the tion at the time of choosing electors, then the number constitution. It was from constitutional scruples, he said, of electors shall be according to the existing apportion- he was compelled to go against this amendment, as he bement of Senators and Representatives." Here we see lieved it was in opposition to the spirit, if not to the exthat, in 1792, it was thought that, if an apportionment press letter, of the constitution. was made, the number of electors must be fixed by it, so that, according to this construction, the gentleman's amendment ought not to prevail; but I go further, and say that we are bound to give full effect to the new census, and that nothing short of some great moral or physical cause, creating a disability to discharge rightly this duty, will excuse us. Mr. K. then went into a constitutional argument to show that the exercise of the co-ordinate powers of the executive and legislative departments of the Government were designed to commence simultaneously, and that the moment any census or actual enumeration of the people of the United States, agreeably to the federal numbers, was perfected under an act of Congress passed for that Sir, if you have the legitimate power to postpone the purpose, the relative power and right of representation exercise of rights growing out of our present state of po- of the States at once arose, and adhered to them by force pulation until the 6th day of March, 1833, you have the of the constitution itself, and could neither be increased power to defer it until 6th March, 1837, and to deprive nor diminished. Sir, said Mr. K., this constitution was a large body of the citizens of the country of any parti- the result of great and anxious deliberation--attended cipation in the election of a Chief Magistrate, not once, with vast doubts and difficulties--and it was emphatically but a second time, and to prevent them from having a compromise; and the basis of that compromise was their due representative weight here for the next six the adjustment of this very point of the relative weight years. Might not the States that are not advancing of the States included within this Union, agreeably to nay, those that may hereafter retrograde, if such there shall be, by this mode of legislation postpone and avert for a time the effects of natural and moral causes, whose operation is as certain as the succession of the seasons? the federal enumeration prescribed. In the second section of the first article of the constitution, it is declared that representatives shall be appointed among the several States according to their respective numbers, to be estiI am sorry to be obliged to oppose with earnestness a mated from particular descriptions of persons; and this proposition coming from a quarter I so much respect and actual enumeration is imperatively enjoined to be made regard. But, sir, my sense of duty would not allow me within three years after the first meeting of the first Conto do less. I cannot, I will not, consent that any portion gress, and within every subsequent period of ten years. of this people shall not have their due political influence. This has happened, by the operation of the first apporTo deprive them of it, I am quite confident, could not tionment act, to fall upon or to be limited to the 3d day have been intended by the honorable mover, who, in of March of every tenth year, from the 3d day of March, his great, his commendable anxiety to preserve unbro- 1793; so Mr. K. insisted that, after the actual enumeraken to his own State her political consequence, seems to tion has been made agreeably to a law of Congress passed have overlooked for a moment what was due to others. for the purpose, the States were entitled to have reMr. KERR, of Maryland, professed himself to be spectively representatives in Congress proportionate to placed in a very peculiar and delicate situation, inas- their federal numbers, so ascertained. You may assume H. OF R.] Apportionment Bill. [JAN. 26, 1832. Mr. REED, of Massachusetts, in a short speech, explained and vindicated the course of that State at the last apportionment, when she had in committee uniformly advocated as low a ratio as could be obtained. Mr. LETCHER proposed to strike out forty-eight, and insert forty-seven. what ratio you please, said Mr. K., but your apportion- the constitution. Many of the arguments urged by the ment must be according to the respective numbers which various members who had addressed the House, admitted the States then have. You cannot, sir, postpone the a satisfactory answer; but, as this would unnecessarily operation of this constitutional provision; and as it is ex- consume the time of the House, he purposely abstained pressly also provided that each State shall appoint as from pressing the debate any further, and therefore withmany electors of President and Vice President as shall drew his proposition. be equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which she is entitled, the relative weight of the States, in the next election of a President, is equally and as unchangeably fixed by this actual enumeration. Thus, Mr. K. contended, the constitution itself clearly established the point, independently of the contemporary construction which had been given to it by the act of 1792, referred to by the gentleman from Tennessee, and to which Mr. K.'s own attention had been drawn on the preceding evening. By this construction, he said, the designed harmony of the system was preserved, whilst two of the great co-ordinate powers of the Government would be always simultaneously set in motion. He stood, he said, for his construction, upon the language of the constitution itself, though it was doubtless confirmed in his mind by the acts of those distinguished men who were in the Congress which passed the law of 1792, some of whom had been members of the convention, and by the uniform course and practice of the Government, as traced by the gentleman from Tennessee. Mr. MCDUFFIE declared his intention to vote for that number; as it would be a benefit to Kentucky, and some other States. Mr. TAYLOR, of New York, said he should not have risen at so late an hour, and after the impatience which had been manifested to get out of committee, did he not apprehend, from the favor with which the ratio of fortyseven thousand had been received in different quarters, that it might obtain the votes of a majority, and preclude an opportunity in this stage of the bill to have votes taken on other numbers. When the select committee brought their report into the House, nothing could be more unexpected by him than that the contest would be between forty-eight thousand and a lower ratio. During the last Congress, when this matter was agitated, he had heard no opinion expressed in favor of a less ratio of apportionment than fifty thousand. It seemed, then, to be generally conceded that our present numbers were sufficiently large for every valuable object of a deliberative assembly. But, during this debate, we have witnessed the zeal and ability with which efforts have been made to add to our present inconvenient numbers another corps of legislators, not less than forty-six. The gentleman from South CaroMr. CRAIG took the same side, and went into a calcu- lina [Mr. MCDUFFIE] has just informed us he shall vote lation to show that the effect of the amendment would for a ratio of forty-seven thousand, because it will give to be to disfranchise a million and a half of the people of New York, Georgia, and Kentucky, each, one more memthe United States. He also argued to show that the ber than the ratio of forty-eight thousand: the latter addtendency of the amendment was aristocratical, as it went ing to New York five, and the former six representato exclude a large portion of the people from the enjoy-tives above her present numbers; to Georgia two, and to ment of their rights. Mr. K. concluded by saying that he rose for the sole purpose of explaining the grounds of the vote which he felt himself compelled to give under such circumstances, as he thought it was due to himself, in respect to his responsibility to those whom he represented, that those grounds should be distinctly understood. Having gone so far, he would refrain from the task, which in him might seem invidious, of making more particular reply to the arguments of his honorable colleague. Mr. BEARDŠLEY, of New York, went at large into the constitutional argument, with a view to show that the right of the different States to a representation in proportion to a new census arose the instant that census was taken, but could not be carried into practical effect until the term of service of the representatives already in office should expire. Kentucky one. This consideration, said Mr. T., in no wise commends the proposition to my support. The representation of New York is at least large enough. I hope it will not be increased. We came into the Union with only six representatives. Under the census of 1790, they were increased to ten; under that of 1800, to seventeen; under that of 1810, to twenty-seven; and under that of 1820, to thirty-four. The average number of inhabitMr. MCDUFFIE remonstrated against the further pro-ants now represented in that State by a member exceeds traction of the debate; when fifty-six thousand, and the average number to a representMr. HOWARD, after some remarks on his right as a ative throughout the Union is fifty-three thousand. Why representative, made a brief reply, stating that before should we diminish it? Have we heard any complaints bringing his proposition before the House he had con- from our constituents that they are not sufficiently represulted some members in whose judgment he had confi-sented? I have heard none. I have heard complaints of dence, and who agreed with him in his construction of our disorder and tumult, and inattention to the business the constitution. He had not therefore relied solely upon of the country, of the time consumed in unprofitable dehis own opinion. Finding, however, that the proposition bate, but none that our numbers are too small. Do you would not prevail, he would withdraw it, but must be think, Mr. Chairman, that the real evils which oppress indulged in a single comment as to a remark that fell us, and are lowering this House in public estimation, are from the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. CRAIG,] who to be counteracted by adding to our numbers?-by bringhad condemned the proposition as having an aristocratic ing into these seats-no, not into these seats, for they are tendency. [Mr. CRAIG explained, and disclaimed all in- all occupied--but into others to be constructed for them, tention of imputing any improper feelings to Mr. H.] I know not how, or where, some twenty-five or thirty The constitution, Mr. H. said, was a compromise be- additional orators by profession, ready and willing, as was tween the large and small States, and the latter, in claim- said by one of the ablest and best men that ever sat within ing their rights, ought not, and could not be censured, these walls--yes, ready and willing to make speeches on Not a single man in the United States would be the less all subjects, great or small, for the benefit, and at the exentitled to vote under the amendment than under the pense, of the dear people! original bill. When the election of President was thrown But in regard to New York, whatever change she may into the House, and the vote taken by States, no one desire in her representation here, unless I am greatly miscontested this privilege of equality, and the right now taken, it is not founded on an increase of numbers. It contended for he held to be as plainly deducible from may, indeed, be convenient to those of us who are in, JAN. 26, 1832.] Apportionment Bill. [H. OF R. Mr. Chairman, I hope it will not be considered uncharitable in me to suggest the possibility that our opinions on this subject may be influenced by considerations, connected in some degree with the idea we may entertain of the importance to the country of our individual services. Such considerations in fixing this ratio should be laid out of view. We should separate ourselves from the ques tion, as entirely, as if a constitutional prohibition excluded all who participated in fixing the ratio from holding seats under it. In that event, does any one believe a majority would be found in favor of an addition to our present numbers? "Credat Judæus appella. Non ego." and wish to remain, and to those who are out, and wish to get in, to multiply the prizes in the election lottery. But the intelligent and patriotic people of New York, who have no other interest in this matter than that their business should be done, and well done, desire no addition to our numbers. They know that thirty-four members, properly distributed and wisely selected, are adequate to represent every interest in that State which has been confided by the constitution to the keeping of Congress. Nay, sir, said Mr. T. it is my firm conviction that her every interest would be better represented here by a less than by a greater number of members. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. REED] has in- We have heard much said about disfranchising States, formed us that 44,000 people have need of a representa- and lopping off their numbers, and reducing their importtive in Congress. I am unable to conjecture by what rule ance. I regard the whole of that matter as gratuitous in arithmetic the honorable member has produced this and irrelevant. We can fix no ratio which will operate quotient. Most of the gentlemen who have advocated unequally. The relative power in this House of New low ratios have professed to be well acquainted with the York and Virginia will remain the same whether their prewants and wishes of their constituents, but each member sent representations of 34 and 22 be preserved, or each here, on an average, represents not 44,000, but over be reduced one-half. If, indeed, it were proposed to re53,000 inhabitants. Why, then, is 44,000 the golden duce the representation of any State below her actual number? Several gentlemen have answered the question. numbers when admitted into the Union, there might be They say it is because that number will not change the some apparent hardship, although, even then, it would representation of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Con- not be real. But when I consider that the States have necticut. But, Mr. Chairman, it will change the repre- been varying at every census in population, and, of course, sentation of Maine, Vermont, New York, and nearly every in political power, that those which now lose have formerother State in the Union. It therefore is the golden num-ly gained, I am unable to discover even plausibility in the ber, because it will not change the representation of some objection. Massachusetts, including Maine, came into the States, and will change the representation of others. The Union with eight representatives. At a ratio of 59,000, select committee, however, repudiate 44,000, because it which, before I sit down, it is my intention to propose, she will occasion too large an increase of members, and re- will have ten, and her daughter, Maine, six. Is there commend 48,000 as their golden number. And why? hardship in this, when her actual representation has douThe only intelligible reason they have given, if reason it bled? As well might the miser upbraid fortune with the can be called, is, that their ratio deprives four States of accidental loss of one of the many eagles she had liberally one member each, while it adds twenty-eight to others, poured into his lap. As well might a citizen of New making a positive increase of 24; which is just two dozen, York talk of the ratio of 59,000 degrading that State, that is, two less than double the number of the old thirteen. because, although she entered the Union with six memIf there be a golden number, Mr. Chairman, it is not bers, it will reduce her from 34 to 32, while it will add to be discovered by such fanciful speculations, but ought seven to Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and to be sought in the volume of experience. Let us attend Alabama. Georgia, from which we have heard so elaboto her instructions. The number fixed for the convention rate and ingenious a speech in favor of a ratio which that formed the constitution of the United States, was would raise our numbers to 259 members, came into the sixty-five; of these, fifty-five attended, exactly the number Union with only three, and at 59,000 will have at least seven. of the signers of the declaration of independence. The I should propose 60,000 rather than 59,000, were it not Congress that carried the country through the war of in- that the former would reduce Connecticut one below the dependence consisted of still less numbers. The articles number allowed her at the adoption of the constitution, of confederation were signed by but forty-eight members, while it would reduce the aggregate representation in this and the first House of Representatives which met under House only two more than the latter. the constitution, and organized the Government, consisted Mr. Chairman, the example of Massachusetts has been of only 65 members. This was the golden number of invoked in support of a numerous legislative assembly. that day. The other branch of Congress then was com- It is said her House of Representatives now in session posed of 26 Senators, making the relative proportions of consists of 530, and, if each town was fully represented, it the two Houses as one to two and a half, or two Senators would be about 800 strong. Now, sir, as I have never to five Representatives. There are now 48 Senators, and seen any such general court, I must form my opinion conif the original proportion between the two Houses had been preserved, our numbers here would be 120 instead of 213. The statesmen who gave this constitution to the Union bore testimony in favor of 65 as the then golden number. It was established because their experience proved its sufficiency. If they had considered a larger House necessary to represent the interests, wishes, and feelings of the people, materials were not wanting of "While this measure, in some form which shall effect a which to compose it. The country possessed 65 more reduction of the number of representatives, has been long citizens, thrice told, good men and true, tried patriots, called for, with scarce a divided sentiment upon its neceswho might have been associated with the members of the sity, among the people, it has hitherto failed, through first House of Representatives, if an increase of numbers differences of opinion within these Halls as to the shape had been deemed expedient. But it was not. They re- in which it should be presented for their adoption. The gulated this matter upon great public considerations. present constitution of the House is felt to be an oppresThey created no places for themselves nor for their friends. sive and enormous evil, burdening the public revenue, Having settled in their minds the convenient number of delaying the public business, impairing the certainty and the popular branch, they left it to the States to regulate safety of legislation, and fruitful of dissatisfaction and the mode of election, and to the people the selection of complaint with the administration of the Government." their representatives. This is the example we are invited to imitate! The evil cerning it by the reports of others. Since I came into the House this morning, my eyes happened to rest on a Massachusetts newspaper containing the message of Governor Lincoln, of the 9th of this month. I will call your attention to only two sentences. Speaking of a reduction of the numbers in the popular branch of her Legislature, he says: H. OF R.] Apportionment Bill. [JAN. 26, 1832. is oppressive and enormous, all feel and acknowledge it, us look at this matter calmly, and it appears to me we all desire to correct it, and yet the united wisdom of her shall not consider it an act of injustice. Rhode Island "army of legislators" has not been able to devise a prac- and Delaware each came into the Union with but one reticable remedy! presentative. Both have since had two. The latter, by But Massachusetts is not the only State which should the law of 1822, resumed her original position. Is there serve as a beacon to warn us of the danger we are ap- any hardship, if the public good require it, that Rhode proaching. The ancient commonwealth of Virginia has Island should now do the same? Besides, in regard to recently had a convention, and reduced the popular branch federal political power, owing to the equality of all the of her Legislature from some two or three hundred to States in the Senate, a citizen of Rhode Island will conti130. New York called a convention, and limited her As-nue to enjoy a much larger share, even after she shall be sembly to 128, and reduced her Senate to 32 members. entitled to but one representative on this floor, than can The popular branch of the Legislature of Pennsylvania be enjoyed by any citizen of New York, Pennsylvania, or cannot exceed one hundred, and her Senate thirty-three Ohio. But were it otherwise, I cannot for a moment susmembers. Sir, we deceive ourselves in supposing that pect that enlightened State of entertaining a wish to retain the people desire us to enlarge this House. If I know any her two representatives at the expense of the public welthing of the popular will, they desire no such thing. They fare. If she sees that the high character of this House wish us to do our duty faithfully and fearlessly, and to keep for order, dignity, and decorum, no less than for learning our numbers within convenient limits. When the consti- and eloquence, is wasting away by extending our numtution was submitted to the States for adoption, it was ob- bers, so as to cover a space rendering it physically imposjected by leading men of the anti-federal party that Con-sible either to hear or be heard, she, I am sure, will not gress might reduce the representatives so as to allow but stand in the way of necessary reform. I appeal, then, to one to each State. How different would have been their every member of this committee who knew the House of apprehensions, could they have foreseen that, in a period Representatives while its numbers were less than one hunscarcely exceeding forty years, the representatives of a sin- dred and fifty, (before the act of 1812, which added forty gle State would equal the numbers usually in attendance members,) whether the case I have supposed does not on the continental Congress, and the whole body surpass exist. For one, truth obliges me to say that the change the utmost limit held allowable for a legislative assembly. for the worse is deplorable since the act of 1822, by which Reference has been made to the British House of Com- we were advanced to the present number of two hundred mons, consisting of some six hundred and fifty-eight mem- and thirteen. Not that there is less intelligence or intebers; and gentlemen have expressed an opinion that this grity here now than formerly, but that with every human House may be safely increased to an equal number. They effort it is impossible for half the members of the House seem to forget two important distinctions between these to know what the other half are doing. Those of us who bodies. In the House of Commons forty members is a occupy the centre, can hear, but then we cannot be heard quorum for the transaction of business; and, unless on great by a large portion of the members in their seats. In my questions, the members attending rarely exceed one hun- judgment, the language applied to the House in 1822, dred. In the House of Representatives, no business can when it was twenty-six less than at present, by the gentlebe done without a majority of the whole number. In the man to whom I have before referred, was most just: "It House of Commons, the votes of particular members are has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished." never recorded; but here they must be entered on the We have been told, during this debate, that a reprejournal whenever required by one-fifth of the members sentative in Congress should be intimately acquainted with present. This provision is one of the greatest improve- the interests of his constituents, and they with his princiments in representative Government of the eighteenth cen- ples and opinions. This is very true; but then the intetury. I like to see the votes of members taken down in rests important for him to know, are their federal rather black and white. I should feel safer to be one of ninety than local interests. The excellency of our frame of Gothousand constituents, with a representative whose votes, vernment consists, if in any thing, chiefly in this, that the on all important questions, were recorded and published, people have confided the business of legislation to two sets than to be one of nine hundred, the vote of whose repre- of agents. While the great interests of agriculture, masentative was not subjected to that responsibility. But as nufactures, commerce, navigation, revenue, public deyou increase our numbers, the yeas and nays are less likely fence, and federal jurisprudence, are committed to one, to be taken. Every member whose services here have all the local concerns of the States remain to the other. extended through a single session, must have frequently In regard to the former, the interests of my particular witnessed appeals like these, when the yeas and nays were constituents are as truly represented by the members of demanded: "O, no; it is too late. It takes too long." the districts adjoining Saratoga, as they are by me. The And, when ordered, he has often seen an adjournment federal legislation which is profitable to Washington, moved and carried before taking the question. A division Warren, Montgomery, and Schenectady, is equally proof the House, by yeas and nays, with our present numbers, fitable to Saratoga. Their federal interests are not only requires nearly half an hour. In proportion to our in-homogeneous, but identical. In New Hampshire, Concrease, it will be considered more and more invidious to necticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and Georgia, the redemand it, until at length it will be seldom required, ex-presentatives to Congress are chosen by general ticketcept for factious or party purposes. doubtless from a conviction in the minds of the people During the fourteenth Congress, with one hundred and that a general knowledge of the interests of the whole eighty-one representatives, the expediency of proposing State is more useful to him who represents them here, than an amendment to the constitution limiting the number of of their roads, bridges, and school-houses in each neighthis House to two hundred, was a subject of frequent con-borhood: the examples of those States are mentioned, howversation. The amendment was prepared, and about to ever, by way of illustration, and not commendation. be offered, but was laid aside in consequence of an opi- I think the spirit of the constitution requires single disnion, very generally expressed, that it would be altogether tricts; that whatever ratio is fixed by Congress, should be useless, as no Congress would ever think of going beyond faithfully carried out by the States in such manner as to that number. ensure to it a vote in this Hall. But it is not desirable that Several gentlemen have spoken of the injustice which the districts should be small. For nearly twenty years the will be done to Rhode Island by fixing a ratio above forty-county of Saratoga has been a congressional district. When eight thousand, whereby that gallant and patriotic State she first became such, it was her pleasure to call her humwill be deprived of one of her two representatives. Let ble representative from her service in the State Legisla JAN. 27, 1832.] Colonizing Free Blacks. [H. of R. But I forbear. If forty-seven thousand be rejected, I shall move fifty-nine thousand, which will produce a House of one hundred and eighty-eight members. If that fail, I shall propose fifty-three thousand, which will continue the present number, with the addition of only one member. Mr. IRVIN, of Ohio, moved to amend the amendment so as to make the number forty-seven thousand seven hundred. The question being taken without debate, his amendment was negatived. ture, to which she had spontaneously elected him at an mitted the decision of exciting questions of national conearly age, to a seat in this House. The town where he cernment. was born, and that in which he has resided for a quarter of a century, in common with several others, have sustained him with a constancy unexampled in New York, and scarcely surpassed in any other State. The teachers and schoolmates of his childhood and youth have been his active and zealous friends thus far through life. If deep and abiding gratitude be due from any representative to his constituents, it is due from him; and whatever may be the complexion of his remaining days, whether bright or gloomy, his obligations to them for their enduring support in war, conscription, and taxation, no less than in peace and prosperity, will fail from his heart only with its last pulsation. But the tide of population has rolled westward, and hereafter Saratoga will be united with some other county to compose a district. Will her rights and interests be less secure, or less faithfully represented? I fear it not. Before the apportionment of 1812, she was associated with counties remote from her borders. The residence of my predecessor was more than one hundred miles distant from mine; and yet I never heard any complaint that the interests of Saratoga were neglected, or that her wishes were not truly represented. Mr. BURGES now moved that the committee rise; but this motion, also, was negatived. Mr. ADAMS briefly stated why he should vote against forty-seven. He was replied to by Mr. LETCHER, who stated, concisely, the advantages of that number. Mr. MERCER was in favor of forty-seven, and insisted warmly on the necessity of a numerous House, to resist the encroachments of Executive influence. Mr. WAYNE was in favor of forty-four, and offered a few words in vindication of his course. The question was then taken on Mr. LETCHER'S amend Mr. Chairman, I should illy requite the patient atten-ment, and decided in the negative-yeas 81, nays 101. tion of this honorable committee, at so late an hour, and especially after the anxiety it had manifested to take the question, were I now to discuss the many other matters intimately connected with the general subject. I will not do it. But I hope to be pardoned if, before resuming my seat, a few of the opinions which observation and experience have taught me, be plainly stated, without illustration or argument. I am opposed, then, to any increase Mr. TAYLOR then moved to strike out forty-eight and insert fifty-nine. Lost. of members in this House Because in all countries where the press, the elections, and education are free, and the votes of representatives are recorded and published, the cause of liberty is in less danger from the corruption of money or Executive influence, than from faction, violence, excited passions, and blind devotion to political leaders. Because, from the very nature of our Government, pecuniary corruption, to any considerable extent, is utterly impossible. Because the patronage of the President, although important to the nation, as to the manner of its exercise, and formidable in theory, is more dangerous to himself than to Congress. Because, although instances are known to have occurred of representatives voting against their own opinions, for fear of offending the party to which they were indebted for election, and from which they hoped to receive a reelection, none is known or believed to exist where such votes have been given to conciliate Executive favor. Because the station of representative of an enlightened and liberal district in the Congress of the United States is, and ought to continue, more desirable and respectable than any office, at home or abroad, in the gift of the President. Because an assembly largely exceeding two hundred members is an unfit legislature for a free people. Mr. TAYLOR then moved to insert fifty-three. Lost. Mr. CRAIG moved to insert fifty-one. Lost. Mr. CONDICT moved to rise, and report the bill. Lost. Mr. VANCE moved to insert forty-six-yeas 75. Lost. Mr. PATTON moved to insert fifty--yeas 53. Lost. Mr. L. CONDICT moved that the committee rise, and report the bill; which motion prevailing, the committee rose accordingly, and reported the bill to the House without amendment. Mr. WICKLIFFE moved to commit the bill to a select FRIDAY, JANUARY 27. The following resolution, offered some days ago by Mr. Resolved, That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for the purpose of removing from the United States, and her territories, the free people of color, and colonizing them on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere. A motion was made, by Mr. THOMSON, of Ohio, to amend the said resolution, by striking out all after the word "Resolved," and inserting the following: "That a committee, to consist of one member from each State, be appointed, to take into consideration the constitutionality and expediency of procuring by purchase or cession a suitable quantity of land on this continent, or Because, in proportion as you extend the numbers, you some other, to be appropriated as a colony and an asylum diminish the personal responsibility and weight of each for all, or such of the free people of color, in these States, member, and inevitably produce a body like the House of as may choose to go; to which they may immediately or Commons in England, where all principles are settled, gradually be removed, as necessity may require, or cirand measures prepared, by a few leaders; and the mem- cumstances will permit. And to inquire into the expebers at large, the rank and file, are drummed in merely diency of continuing the present or some other reasonable to be counted for the party to which they belong. rate of duties on imports, for a definite term of years after Because I desire to put off the evil day when this Hall the existing national debt shall have been extinguished, shall be crowded by a mob bearing the name of repre- to constitute a fund for the payment of the land above sentatives, stamping and coughing down unpopular speak-mentioned, should it be purchased, and to defray the exers, and encouraging favorites with bravos and cheerings, pense of the removal to, and the support and protection as is done in the popular branches of the Legislatures of of that unfortunate race of beings in said colony for a reaboth England and France, and as will be done in all legis-sonable length of time; and that said committee have leave lative assemblies, of similar numbers, to which are com-to report by bill or otherwise." |