APRIL 3, 1832.] Wiscasset Collector. [H. of R. if the House acted under an injunction of secrecy, as the these cases, the House are to infer that favoritism and proSenate does in such cases, such inquiry would necessarily scription, for opinion's sake, and not justice, had here be made by a committee of the House, for it could not prevailed. One of these postmasters, he says, is a near be made elsewhere without a violation of that injunction relative to a former Senator, and distinguished friend of of secrecy. These cases before the Senate were altoge- the present administration, and he was acquitted of all ther ex parte; and one of the persons alluded to by my charges, and retained in office. The other, a political colleague, who was rejected by that body, was very anx opponent, was pronounced guilty and dismissed. If I am ious to have the injunction of secrecy removed, that he not much mistaken, the gentleman first named was a pomight meet the charges preferred against him before the litical friend of the last administration, though my colpublic. league is better acquainted with him than I am; still I am My colleague admits there was one other case where very confident this postmaster had the good opinion and the inquiry was made by order of the Treasury Depart- support of my colleague's predecessor in this House. ment, but he assigns as a reason why that department or- Complaint was made against this officer, and two gentledered the inquiry, that the offence was alleged to have men of high standing in society, of unimpeached and unbeen committed some twenty years before the accused impeachable character, were appointed to examine into was appointed to office, and which I think he cannot con- his alleged misconduct. They did so, and gave every sider a sound reason. My colleague now says I misun- opportunity to the accusers to prove their charges; and, derstood him, and that he said the department ordered after a fair and patient hearing, not a single material charge the inquiry because the charges were made there. Then, was sustained by even a shadow of proof, and the officer sir, it is admitted the case alluded to took the course was of course acquitted. The case of the other postmaswhich I again repeat the case now before us ought to take. [ter I never heard of until it was brought forward here by My colleague [Mr. EVANS] has given us a long and mi- my colleague. On inquiry, I learn that he was charged nute history of the services, disappointments, and griev- with various violations of his duty, and some of them of a ances of the competitor of this collector, which were all high and aggravated character. An inquiry was ordered, set forth, as he says, in the newspaper of that place. and the proof of those charges was conclusive, and the never had the pleasure of seeing the paper; but, as this offender was removed. I will now state two cases of colcompetitor's connexions are numerous and noisy, all of lectors of customs, where charges were made against them whom took up the cudgel in his behalf, I have no doubt and inquiry ordered by the Treasury Department, that all that was true, at least, was set forth in due form, and occurred under the last administration. One was a violent, that my colleague has given the statement as it appeared. zealous, and even indiscreet partisan of the last adminBut, after all, what does it amount to? It is almost the istration. He had been accused, by the surveyor of his same story with which all disappointed men entertain the district, of illegally depriving him of part of his fees, and public. a suit was brought by the surveyor in the United States' I am sorry that any man should think himself aggrieved, court for the recovery of the money wrongfully withheld especially so good, so influential, and so disinterested a by the collector, which resulted in the establishment of political friend of the present administration, as this gen- the surveyor's rights, and the recovery of the money tleman is represented to have been. But, sir, disappoint- claimed. He was charged with various abuses of power ed men are very apt to magnify their own importance, as and violations of the duty of his office; and a gentleman well as their sacrifices for the public good, and often re- now in the Senate, my colleague's predecessor on this collect promises and assurances of reward for their disin-floor, a warm political friend of the last administration, terested exertions, that never existed but in their own and its partisan collector, was appointed to investigate feverish imaginations. And if the House should decide these charges. The examination was made as directed, and to take cognizance of such complaints, and permit all the this political friend was pronounced guiltless, and retained wailings of disappointed applicants for office, and the his office. The other was the case of a political opponent scandal of village newspapers, to be rehearsed here in who was in office when the last administration came in. discussion, a few such cases will carry us through our He had discharged all the duties of his office faithfully longest sessions. and impartially, to the acceptance and entire satisfaction Some men have a peculiar faculty of obtaining the in- of every person transacting business at that port. And as fluence of every person whose name they suppose may it might look like proscription for his political opinions to be of service to them. These men are always sure of remove him without assigning some sufficient reason, success, while every body else is equally sure they will be charges were got up against him of having violated the disappointed; and when they find the object of their embargo laws fifteen years before he held the office. The pursuit and wishes lost to them, they are very apt to Secretary of the Treasury thought it was proved that a turn round and abuse those who, but the day before, were vessel, of which the accused was part owner, but over the object of their highest praise, and charge every man which the other part owner had ever exercised sole conwith a violation of his pledge, who had treated their im- trol, had violated these laws, and he was removed. Here, portunities with the least possible civility. It has been sir, I might say that political influence and party considersaid of a former President of the United States, that he ations governed with quite as much truth as such consireceived and treated all applicants in so plain and friendly derations can be said to have prevailed in the cases of the a manner that each left him sure of his friendship, and sa- postmasters; but I do not say it, nor do I believe that any tisfied that the President felt so great and lively an inte- thing but justice was intended to be done in either of the rest in his welfare, that the object of his wish was accom-cases. plished. But when the appointments were made, and My colleague [Mr. EVANS] complains that the present some half dozen aspirants disappointed, then this same administration have not only removed faithful officers plain and friendly officer was accused of duplicity, of without cause, but have attempted to stigmatize them as violating his promises, of injustice and cruelty, when, in defaulters, when, by the decisions of courts, they were fact, the only offence he could be fairly charged with, shown to be creditors. was the treating with too much courtesy such importunate patriots, who would insist on declaring to him their zeal for the public service. My colleague [Mr. EVANS] says that two postmasters have been tried in Maine, by order of the present Post master General; and from the manner in which he stated VOL. VIII.-148 Sir, the United States ever have had, and ever will have, but a poor chance in any of our courts, in a suit with any individual, on mere matter of account. Any sum, however large, is considered a mere trifle to the United States, while it is all-important to the unfortunate individual, for the fate of his numerous, helpless, and interest But, sir, as we all understand cases that happen near home, better than we do those that occur at a distance, I will name one connected with the office from which the last administration removed a political opponent. They selected a man who had held a subordinate office in that collection district, one who had been charged by a gentleman now in the Senate, whom the gentleman from Ohio so highly eulogized the other day, [Mr. HOLMES,] with having by improper and fraudulent practices obtained large sums of money annually out of the treasury, during the time he held this subordinate office. [APRIL 5, 1832. The ing family hangs upon the verdict of the jury, or the report the evidence. A long and impartial examination decision of the judge. And if a public officer can, in ad- was had, and report made; and notwithstanding some of dition to a salary of three or four thousand dollars a year, the charges were considered made out, they were charicharge the Government with as much more in the shape of tably put down to the score of indiscretions, and this pocommission on all the money of the United States that litical opponent was acquitted, and retained in office. I passes through his hands, no man ever can be a defaulter, know not what may have been done in other States; some if he can but get the case between him and the Govern- good officers may have been removed, and worse ones ment before a court. appointed, for aught I know; but I do know that a great majority of the people of Maine are perfectly satisfied with the removals made there, and I believe "the searching operations of reform" throughout the United States have met the approbation of a vast majority of the people. Much was left, which ought to have been done by the last administration, for the present to do. The integrity of many of the public officers had been strongly suspected, and the incompetency and unfitness of others were notorious. To expect such men voluntarily to resign, was out of the question, and the public service and the secu rity of the public funds required their removal. Reform This person, notwithstanding these charges, was ap- was demanded by a great majority of the people, and pointed, and held his office for the four years of the last these complaints of persons removed, and of their family administration. At the end of which, he proved a de- connexions and friends, were all to be expected. faulter to the amount of many thousand dollars, and, but example of Jefferson was before the present Chief Magisfor a decision of the United States' court, would have trate; and if the now acknowledged purity and patriotism been a defaulter to a much larger amount. This successor of that great reformer could not secure him and his adof a political opponent, when his term of office expired, ministration from the most vile and slanderous imputaand he found he had not much chance with the present tions, the present administration, or any other that shall administration, and would soon be out of power, prevail- follow in his track, can hardly expect or hope or even ed on merchants who were indebted to the United States wish to escape. for duties, and whose bonds were not due, to give him their notes, and take up their bonds; leaving the United States to look to him, who was already a defaulter to double the amount of his bond, for this additional amount. The present collector, when he took charge of the office, discovering that these bonds had been cancelled before they were due, and the dismissed collector refusing to account for the money, instituted suits against the several obligators; and, as they had no commissions to charge against the Government in offset, he prevailed, and thus saved to the United States many thousands of dollars, I have had a seat here for seven years, and no such case which otherwise would have gone to increase the amount has been examined by the House within my recollection; of this default, and been wholly lost to Government. and I am informed by a gentleman from Virginia [Mr. When this man was dismissed from office, the usual cry of McCox] who has held a seat here for twenty-one years, proscription for opinion's sake was raised, and the pre- that such a trial has never been had here within that pesent administration was accused of tyranny, oppression, riod; during all which time the records of the Treasury and reckless cruelty, for removing such a valuable and and Post Office Departments will show that not a single faithful officer. He was represented as a saint, persecuted year has elapsed without numerous complaints and exafor the firmness and purity of his political opinions; even minations into the conduct of officers acting under those the attempt was made by his political friends to construe departments. I therefore, sir, repeat, this complaint, this removal into an attack upon a numerous and highly for some reason not avowed, has not taken the usual respectable religious order of citizens to which this man course. The gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. STANBERRY,] and, after him, the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. ALLAN,] seemed to think that by sending this case to the Treasury Department we refuse all redress to the complainant, and they say it is unprecedented to refer such charges to any department. Sir, I should feel myself disgraced if I entertained a thought of refusing redress to this or any other man; but unless it can be shown that the House has entertained such complaints, it may with more truth be said to be here without precedent. had for years professed to belong. The whole vocabulary The gentleman from Kentucky also says that, if reof the opposition to the administration, for such cases ferred to the Treasury Department, the trial will be in made and prepared, was in due form brought forth and the dark; the parties will not know the witnesses producpublished, and the cry was kept up until the public were ed, or the evidence on which the decision is made. In tired of the noise, and became satisfied with the justice this the gentleman is entirely mistaken. Not a witness and expediency of the removal. I can name many other can be called, or a particle of testimony taken, but in cases of inquiry made by order of the Treasury and Post the presence of the accuser and accused, or of their Office Departments, under the two last administrations, as counsel. well as some under the present; and as this administration The gentleman also says the people ought to be heard have been accused in this debate of having removed offi- here, in their own House. To this agree. But while cers solely for their political opinions, regardless of all the people have four other houses, specially appropriated justice and of the interest of the public service, I will for such business, to which all complainants, except this, name one case which occurred last summer, and which have regularly gone for thirty years, I will require him was decided by the present Secretary of the Treasury. first to knock there, and then, if he is not admitted, the The captain of a revenue cutter, and a political oppo-doors of this House should at once be opened to him. nent, was accused of various violations of his duty to the all the complaints and concerns of the people are to be Government and to his men. The charges were preferred brought here in the first instance, because this is the peoby a gentleman who many years held a seat in the Senate, ple's House, we may as well break up the various departand who ever sustained as high a character for straight-ments established for despatch of the people's business, forward, honest, plain dealing and unyielding integrity as and bring the whole operations of the Government here. any man who ever held a seat in that body. The marshal I believe we have already more business of the people of Maine was appointed to investigate the subject, and before us, than we shall act upon; and, if a good portion If APRIL 3, 1832.] Indian Appropriations. [H. OF R. of what is annually brought here, was referred to some Mr. ASHLEY stated, in explanation, that he had been department, the great interest of the nation would be induced to offer this amendment in order to put a stop to promoted. The business of this or any other people a practice which had been productive of much abuse. can only be done by a proper division of labor; and the It had been heretofore the policy of this Government, establishment of the several departments was founded in when any difficulty arose amongst the Indian tribes, to good sense and practical knowledge of the wants and re-appropriate large sums of money to be given to them, to quirements of the community. I would let each depart-enable them to settle their disputes. But his experience ment attend to its own concerns and look after its own had convinced him that this practice had a precisely consubordinates; and, if it failed to do so, or neglected or re-trary effect to what was expected; for so soon as the fused to do justice to its humblest officer, I would hold money given for such purpose was expended, the Indians the head of such department accountable, for we have sought out other grounds for difficulties, with a view the same power over the head that we have over its low-to induce the Government to give them further grants of The amendment was agreed to. est servant. money. In attempting to hear and do every thing, we shall consume the session in useless debate, and do nothing. And The question being on the usual appropriation of nineif we invite complaints from this class of persons, the teen thousand five hundred dollars for the pay of superintime of the House will be taken up in hearing the story tendents and agents, of every subordinate officer in the United States who may Mr. EVERETT, of Vermont, said that when the bill have been so unfortunate as to lose his office. Men are was before the committee, he had asked for information not apt to believe themselves justly removed; and I doubt respecting the subagents of Indian affairs, for whose sawhether there ever was a removal under any administra-laries an appropriation was asked-that he had then waivtion, but what the removed thought great injustice done ed the inquiry on an intimation that answers would be him. All have some plausible story to tell, and will never given in the House-and he now rose to renew the call. admit that they were either intemperate, negligent, in- Before doing this, he would state his views on the subject, competent, or dishonest, but will much sooner accuse the that the object of his inquiries might be understood. The person removing them of corruption and oppression than system of Indian trading houses was established in 1796. confess themselves in fault. From the use of late made By an act of that year, and by another of 1806, the Presiof dismissed officers, a removal may be found as sure a dent was authorized to establish Indian trading houses, road to wealth, and surer to notoriety, as an appointment; and to appoint a superintendent of Indian trade, and an and as the importance and value of those removed gentle. agent for each Indian trading house. By the act of 1811, men will increase in proportion to the enormity of the in addition to these officers, the President was authorized charges they have to make against the persons causing to appoint, at discretion, an assistant agent for each Indian their removal, I shall hardly be surprised if they next trading house. By the act of 16th April, 1818, the apcharge our collectors with smuggling, or even with pira-pointment of these officers, and also agents of Indian afNo matter what the charge is, whether true or false, fairs, (then for the first time established,) was vested in as long as it will give pretence for action, and an oppor- the President and Senate: that act also provided that, after tunity of attacking those whose character or measures the 18th of that month, no person should act in either of cannot otherwise be assailed. those offices unless thus appointed. In an act passed on cy. Complaints of this kind are by no means new or of the 20th of the same April, in relation to their salaries, the rare occurrence; and if gentlemen will take the trouble assistant agents are called subagents. No law, however, to look at the records of the Treasury and Post Office De-had created assistant or subagents of Indian affairs. But partments, for the last fifteen years, they will find the the subagents were considered as attached to the Indian charges of oppression, corruption, fraud, and neglect of trading houses solely. By the act of the 6th of May, 1822, duty far more numerous, and the evidence in each case the trading houses were abolished, and, as a consequence, much more voluminous than they are aware of. And I the offices of agents and assistant or subagents for trading will here say, sir, that a less number of cases have occur- houses. There then remained only the offices of agents red under this administration, among their own appoint- of Indian affairs. ments, than any that has preceded it. The appropriation bill, however, of the same year, I remember one case of a postmaster under a former makes provision not only for the salaries of Indian agents, administration, in which over seventy depositions were but also for subagents; and a similar appropriation has taken. The evidence in one of the cases to which I have been made every year since: from the appropriation askbefore alluded will probably cover one hundred pages; ed for the present year, the number must be over thirty. and just as you increase the importance of the trial, you Two subagencies were established for Upper Missouri in must expect the volume of testimony to increase. Ithere-1824; and a few have been established by Indian treaties. fore repeat that as this business has always, from the or- Mr. E. then wished to be informed under what law the ganization of the Government, been transacted at the residue of the subagents were appointed; and whether department, I see no good reason for altering the settled they were appointed according to the provisions of the act course of things, and bringing it here. And when we of the 16th April, 1818, by the President, by and with consider the latitude in debate that always will be taken the advice of the Senate. in discussing such cases, the time of the House that must be consumed, we ought to look beyond any party effect that can by possibility be hoped to be produced, and weigh well the consequences to follow through succeeding administrations, before we establish such a precedent. The House then passed to the orders of the day. INDIAN APPROPRIATIONS. Mr. VERPLANCK felt indebted to the honorable member for bringing the subject before the House, as it was one which would demand some legislation. Governor Cass and Captain Clark had, in their report in 1829, mentioned the circumstance. The present power for the appointment of these persons rested in the general power given by the act of 1802: under this power, the interpreters were appointed; and when, in 1818, the salary was fixed, the appointment was in some sort recognised. The amendments to the appropriation bill for the Indian department, agreed upon in Committee of the Whole, There was no specific sum appropriated for them up to having been read in succession, and the question being 1800. This appointment was made in the cases where on the first of them, viz. that no money be paid to the In-they were stipulated to be made by treaty without the condians as a reward for settling their disputes with each sent of the Senate. It was altogether a subject which other, would require some attention and a liberal legislation. He would observe, as to the present appropriation, that The amendments were then concurred in, and the bill ordered to a third reading. REVOLUTIONARY PENSIONS. [APRIL 3, 1832. But when our consideration runs back to the origin, both of these claims, and of our ability to compensate them, and to the unity of purpose, exertion, and loss, which it is the object of the bill suitably to requite, a sense of practical partiality seems to rest on calculations for the exclusion of any. And when we perceive that the mere act of thus awarding but strict or scanty justice, at so late a period, to a particular class of men, by a formal national act, gives an air of distinction to the transaction, and bears a token of special remembrance and regard towards those who are made partakers, and must present them as a seThe House then again went into Committee of the parate and registered band on the records of the country, Whole, Mr. L. CONDICT in the chair, on the revolutionary distinguished and distinguishable from all others, we feel pension bill, the question being on the amendment offered that something more than partiality--something of neglect by Mr. H. EVERETT, of Vermont, to the amendment pro- and disrespect, falls on those who are left. And now, sir, posed by Mr. CRAIG, of Virginia. [Mr. CRAIG's amend- when we have, with all liberality of principle and expresment went to limit the benefits of the bill to claimants sion, embraced in the bill every rank and condition, reguwhose property amounts to no more than a prescribed lar, draughted, and volunteer, chaplains, commissaries, sum; that of Mr. EVERETT proposed to abolish all restric- and artificers; and when the fullness of time and means tions on that subject.] and inclination seems to have come, and we are professed Mr. YOUNG, of Connecticut, observed, that though ly about to close our last account with the days and men of he felt a deep interest in the success of the present the revolution, and fill up the measure of our duty and bill, he had had no inclination to address the commit- gratitude on the whole subject, as far as may be, how can tee on the general merits of it, being satisfied that ample we, with a consciousness of discharging all subsisting and justice had already been done, and that a sentiment full connected obligations, say to any whose merits would inand favorable existed towards it. He was, however, de- clude them--you are exceptions, you have neither lot nor sirous of presenting his views on the particular question part in this matter? raised by the amendments now offered for consideration, fearing he might differ in them from some gentlemen with whom he agreed in the main objects and provisions of the bill; and because one general and essential ground, if true, used both as an objection to the whole bill, and in favor of the restrictions proposed, seemed to be assuming new confidence in the debate. The effect of the amendment offered by the honorable gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. CRAIG,] was to exclude all officers and soldiers of the revolution from all participation in the benefits of this act, who possessed property to, or above, a certain amount. To be sure, said Mr. Y., the amount is left blank, and may be filled up with a sum ample enough to include the main body of this class of men, (and be no great sum either,) and it may be fixed at a sum so small as to exclude a large number who really need the assistance of their country;" as it now happens under existing laws and constructions, which it is the main object of this additional bill to remedy, and the object of the amendment of the gentleman from Vermont to expunge from all former acts on this subject. The only indication of the character of the contemplated limitation, as to its extent or restriction, discernible in the amendment first proposed, was to be found in the special mention and exclusion of "wearing apparel" in the estimate. And if, said Mr. Y., it is intended to reduce the amount so low as to constitute even the wearing apparel of the plain republican dress of an aged and decrepit soldier of the revolution, a particular and distinct item of consideration on the subject, for inclusion or exclusion, the range of discretion must be limited, indeed, and the discrimination sensibly felt. The amendment, however, would serve, as it was no doubt intended, and as the gentleman in a part of the discussion had intimated, to raise the general question of the propriety of any property qualification at all in the bill; and to this question alone, said Mr. Y., am I desirous of calling the attention of the committee at this time. But, sir, it may possibly be said that reflections of this kind are too general, and bear too lightly and liberally on the subject for practical legislation of so much financial magnitude and importance. In a case of so much and such variety of sentiment, feeling, and sympathy, as this now necessarily is, the great difficulty indeed lies in settling with ourselves, upon the distinct ground on which we ought to act. If we can discern distinctly why we are to act, we can ascertain distinctly how we are to act. The main object in all legisla tion both indicates and constitutes a governing principle. Those who support this amendment, as well as those who oppose the bill in all shapes, proceed on the ground that all our acts on this subject are mere gratuities in the shape of pensions or poor laws, and, therefore, claim the right to shape and modify them as policy or inclination may dictate. Others believe that we are discharging a debt which the nation owes, and, of course, expect the application of that rule of justice, as far as may be, which the obligation demands. And the great struggle seems to be, whether we are giving or paying, whether we shall be just or generous, in this matter; and which feature shall predominate, and give form and character to our proceedings. But, sir, I can hardly agree that, on this occasion, and towards the benefactors of the country, even on the ground of gratuities, we should disturb the liberal features of the bill. If what we do is generosity, that surely should be as liberal as justice. If it is gratitude, shall we in that fall below the rule which applies to the discharge of any other debt or obligation? If we are distributing pensions, property has no merits, and furnishes no qualifications in such a system. And if the other grounds of gratuitous action are abandoned, and these acts are left to rest on the merit of relieving or supporting the poor, we shall at once find the obligation removed to another place; but, sir, we ourselves feel-the whole nation, almost as by instinct, feel, that something more than mere presents, pensions, or But, sir, how few or many soever may be excluded by pauper laws, is meant in this case. And, beside, sir, I the eventual limitation adopted, those excluded are to be venture to predict that the advocates of the amendment so because they possess by any means this amount of pro- will not agree that either of these positions, as isolated perty; they being, in all other respects, equally merito- propositions, come within the legitimate scope of our rious and deserving with their fellows. This simple ex-powers here, or the spirit of our institutions, or admit the pression of the idea carries with it an unsatisfactory im- necessary effect of such precedents or policy on the fupression. ture legislation of the country. APRIL 3, 1832.] Revolutionary Pensions. [H. OF R. Invalid pensions I consider now as standing distinctly on if it average but fifty per cent., or thirty or twenty per the ground of original undertaking; and, though contin- cent., it is a debt due to all who suffered it, and equal, at gent in its operation, recognised as the right of the sol- this time, to all the bill proposes to give; and excluding dier as much as pay or rations. the necessity or the right of calling the payment generosity, pensions, or alms. Sir, for myself, I must place all our other acts of this kind, and this bill, on the ground of debt yet unpaid, as the only true ground, and the only ground on which I can give them my support. It was the prominence of the impression of remaining debt, and palpable pecuniary loss, arising from these facts, which pointed to the pecuniary mode of redress as the For if there is one prominent feature, one distinguish- only loss which admitted of any thing like amends. Iming incontrovertible fact, which characterized that day, pressions, not arising so much from the inadequacy of next to abounding patience and patriotism, it was the compensation, compared with the magnitude and grandeur grievous deficiency of pay and supplies, which, through of achievements, (for these the nation have never assumed the exigencies of the country, fell to the lot of the soldiers to be able adequately to compensate,) nor so much from of the revolution. Their final settlements were not final any supposed violation of the general and implied obligapayments. The facts themselves, their abiding impres- tions of gratitude, remembrance, and respect, (for these sions on the nation, and their evident effect on the subse- the country have been ever willing to yield, fully, freely, quent legislation of the country, unite in their testimony, and with all the heart,) as from the more distinguishable that justice was emphatically left undone to the army of fact, that the positive stipulations of the Government, the revolution. which, alone, it could positively make, and the army posi from the war and the national debt disappeared. It was seen struggling and laboring for effect, in most expressive language, in the doings of Congress at the close of the war, and contributed in establishing the funding system, when the opportunity arrived. It was the grand argument in the recommendations of your Presidents, in the resolutions of Legislatures, and in the original petitions of the people, and in the mouths of their representatives, which urged and produced the act of 1818; including only, under the accumulated debt of another war, such as were most needy, but, as means increased, embracing all, both poor and rich, of a certain class, in the act of 1828. And now, as the whole public debt is about to disappear, the same feeling may be seen, matured in the present bill, waiting for the accomplishment of the work so long begun, and for the final close of this account of honor and duty. It would be wholly ill-timed, and as unnecessary, to de-tively expect or demand, had never been fairly and fully tain the committee with particular facts on this subject. discharged. Around this conviction, as a centre, was colI shall only allude to one, and that merely for the pur- lected and embodied that decisive, abiding, and persevering pose of more definitely applying it to the point in dispute. sentiment, which produced our revolutionary pension sysAll knowledge of those days agree in this fact, that paper tem, yet mingled and blended, no doubt, with all that money, (as it was called,) or bills of credit, was the prin- variety of principle and feeling, which time and admiracipal means of sustaining the war, and of carrying us tion, and a grateful sense of blessings derived, had necesthrough that struggle, and of course of paying the army sarily infused, and thrown around the whole subject. And and supplying their individual wants. And all as well this sentiment may be distinctly traced, from the time know that, like the manna which fed the children of Is-these acts transpired, exerting its influence, and producrael in their journey through the wilderness, it served only ing a regalar progressive effect on the legislation of the to sustain life from day to day; the rest vanished before country, almost in exact proportion, as the exigencies the sun, or became corrupt at night, and nothing was left. To be sure, at some points, and on some emergencies, some little specie was, at some times, seen through the progress of the war; and the first issues of the first emissions of paper money, and when first issued, had something like specie value, and had sometimes, for the mo ment, some partial alleviation by the successive scales of depreciation, as it descended, till all, at length, was found sunk together into a mere mockery of worth-till it was eventually redeemed at the funding of the revolutionary debt, at the rate of one hundred dollars of it for one good dollar; and so the matter ended on the statutes of our country, except where the relief of the pension law has extended. And what, sir, is the answer relied on for this succession of depressions, and consequent necessarily heavy and unavoidable loss? Why, sir, that the final settlement certificates of the soldiers were funded at par, in And now, sir, I will close what I have to say on this the funding system, (with the abatement only of that por- part of the subject, by appealing, directly, to gentlemen tion of interest which the system required.) But if gen- who support this amendment, whether they believe that, tlemen will but recollect the facts as they were, they will if the original engagements of the nation to the army of perceive its unimportant bearing in the case. For these the revolution had been fully and fairly fulfilled, a feelcertificates were merely balances, which remained due to ing so decisive and availing would have arisen, and swaythe time of final settlement, and consisted principally of ed so conscientiously the hearts of the people, and the the bounty of eighty dollars to the private, and half pay hands of their counsellors. And, finally, whether there or commutation to the officer, under the special resolves is not a secret lurking desire within to discharge this of 1778 and 1780 to encourage them to serve to the end lingering injustice, which now gives them the disposition to of the war, and the remainder only of regular pay. How act at all on this subject, with or without the amendment. small these balances must be, compared with their whole Sir, my principal object in rising was to present this pay, and how few had any balances, compared with the view of the case, to meet directly the frequent suggestions whole army, let any one (remembering the evanescent and assertions made here, that the claim of existing debt funds which had supported them) calculate for himself. is the offspring of imagination and feeling, and entitled to And yet, sir, one thing more should be remembered; and no regard in making out the provisions of this bill. that is, that the original owners and earners of this scrip But I desire to make one or two more observations in were, from losses, from previous depreciations, obliged to another view of the subject before I close. I have an obsell this at an equal depreciation--at 2s. 6d. and 28. 9d. Jection to the practical operation as well as to the principle on the pound, the market price for years before the re- of the amendment proposed, which should, it may be, demption was provided. Sir, can there be a doubt of a deter us from adopting it more than the other, because it heavy general loss? Can the strongest advocate for the works injustice to those whom all agree to relieve, and amendment or rejection of the bill trace the soldier as he subtracts a portion of what even the friends of the amendstruggled step by step through the war, against this sweep-ment desire to give. I allude to that unpleasant and vexing current of depreciations, without discovering an inevi- atious scrutiny into property and concerns, which the pretable loss, worth noticing, remembering, and paying? And sent pension laws have introduced, and the present |