Canning, once said, between her attachment to the King and attachment to the kingdom. Delaware, this little State, the lowness of whose stature is wonderfully supplied by the loftiness of her soul, true as the needle to the pole. Maryland—if in other States [APRIL 5, 1832. should it not have increased? With federalists, the President is to destroy all the political distinctions which heretofore have existed; with democrats, the man who is to restore thé republican family to what it was in the days of Jefferson. In Pennsylvania, in favor of the tariff and internal improvements; in South Carolina, opposed to both, as we learn from the gentleman from that State, [Mr. MITCHELL,] and determined to bring the revenue down to the wants of the Government--if every wind is a fair wind, and every breeze is, to him, a pleasant breeze. Why, I again ask, should he not be a popular President, and why should not his popularity increase? "The dawn is o'ercast, the morning lowers, And, heavily, in clouds, brings on the day," here the faithful sentinel cries aloud, "all's well." In Virginia, of what can the administration boast? Mr. Randolph, in one of his communications last fall, spoke no doubt the sentiments of that State, when he said he should "support the re-election of General Jackson, not because he liked or thought him qualified for the office, but because [Here Mr. MITCHELL rose, and said he had been misrehe could not have the man he wanted, and he was better presented, as he had not said the President was opposed than some men he disliked more." Most extreme enthusi- to the tariff and internal improvements.] asm, this, sir-this compulsory choice between confessed I certainly, said Mr. P., understood the gentleman to evils. North Carolina, although not well pleased with the have said so, and if he is not, how can that gentleman conduct of the President towards one of her distinguished support him or his administration? But, if more agreeable sons, is as she has been, her attachments not increased, and to the gentleman from South Carolina, let it still be unperhaps not diminished. What shall we say of the Pre-derstood to be a question sub judice. sident's native State, South Carolina? Surely, sir, it will I have never been able satisfactorily to account for the not be said that his popularity is increasing in this State, President's decreased popularity in those portions of the a State swinging from her moorings, dragging her an- country where he is the best known. In his own State, chors, her experienced seamen in their proper stations, in this district, in the city of New Orleans-many gentlewith sharpened axes in their hands, listening for the men now on this floor, sent here by their constituents, unwords which are, perhaps, now trembling from the lips der pledges the most solemn to support this administration, of their commander, Are you ready-cut away! Heart are found to be lukewarm, or in opposition to it--procul rending as the apprehended separation will be, if South a Jove, procul a fulmine. Is the President, like hills upon Carolina enforce the common law doctrine of allegiance a turnpike, apparently the greatest when viewed as a disand expatriation, when she does secede, there are some tant object, or like objects which are magnified by the portions of this Union which will, with an assurance that fog and mist through which they are seen? Is it because this will be done, consider the horrors of separation in a at home the people see through a glass darkly? Here the great degree alleviated. As to Georgia, her course will representatives see him, face to face; at home the people depend, and well do gentlemen know it, on circumstances know in part; but here the representatives of the people yet to arise, and Alabama will follow in her wake. It have full knowledge. It is my business, Mr. Speaker, will not be pretended that the President's popularity has to speak of facts: let it be the province of others to increased in Mississippi, for her representative on this assign causes. It is true that, with a very decided mafloor has declared that he belongs to no party; he cannot jority in both branches, the wheels of Government could consequently be a Jackson man; and judging from some of not move without the aid and support of those who behis votes, especially one, I should suppose that in fact he long to what is called the opposition. Not intending any did belong to no party. How stands the President's in-application whatever, is the popularity of the head of an vincible popularity in Louisiana, the especial theatre of administration the conclusive evidence of the correctness his glory? Ecce signum! View the venerable patriot and of the course of that administration? Cæsar was popular his distinguished colleagues. Look, sir, at the living until he passed the Rubicon; Pisistratus was popular when proof of the President's popularity in the hero not of one the first entered Athens, continued so until he was banishwar, not of two wars, but of three or four, and stilled, was popular when he returned to that city from baenough of the amor patriæ left to prompt him to engage, nishment. Bonaparte's popularity continued until the when his country calls, in half a dozen more. In Missouri allied armies entered the city of Paris. and Illinois, if the tree is to be judged by its fruit, we The gentleman from Maine [Mr. ANDERSON] asks the should suppose that there is but little of which the Presi- House if there ever was before such an application as dent or his friends can boast in either of those States. The this. To answer his own question, he tells us that, in two representatives from these States are any thing but his examination, he has gone back twenty years. I do party men; although any party might justly be proud of not know that there ever was such an application as them, and any party composed of such men might well be this. I do not know that there ever was such a man tolerated in any country. as Thomas McCrate; and the gentleman has many conIn Kentucky and Ohio the administration has gained no-stituents, different, it is to be hoped, if he has correctthing, and those opposed to it have much to hope for. Of ly described them, from the rest of mankind. He has Indiana, I would say something, if I knew any thing. entertained the House with an account of those who were From Tennessee, we have a voice, not a still, small one, attached to the custom-house at Bath, and those who wishbut one loud enough and strong enough, sometimes, in ed to be attached to it, their crimes, their frauds, and pecuall conscience. Shall it be said, "the lion has been beard-lations. I heard something of those men under the late ed in his den," and that the attack has been made upon administration, and that of Mr. Monroe. They satisfied "Douglass in his hall?" This, I think, must be conced-all that many of them had been guilty of that which was ed; and the greatest proof that could be given of the po- but a little short of high treason, sailing in time of war unpularity of my friend [Mr. ARNOLD] in his own district, is der British licenses, trading with the enemies of the counfurnished by the legislative act of Tennessee repealing try, giving them aid and comfort. Why the gentleman the law regulating the choice of electors, substituting a should have such constituents, I know not: evil communicachoice by general ticket for that by districts. This does tions corrupt good manners. The people of Maine have had not look much like increased popularity near home. From bad neighbors. During the late war, one-third of the State this review, no one will conclude that, in the aggregate, was in the possession of the enemy, and the whole of the the President's popularity has received any increase. As, district represented by one gentleman, who has rendered however, he is in many things more fortunate than any of himself quite conspicuous by the part he has taken in this his predecessors have been, is all things to all men, why debate, [Mr. JARVIS,] and so continued until the war end APRIL 5, 1832.] OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. Wiscasset Collector. 2426 [H. OF R. Mr. ed, although General King, just before the conclusion of him an intemperate man, or something of that kind. the war, was about to organize an armed force to recapture Griffin procured the best testimony that the town and it. All who remained in possession of the conquered State, in which he lived, furnished, showing that there territory were required, I think, by a proclamation of Sir was hardly a man living less obnoxious to such a charge. George Prevost, to take the oath of allegiance to the It was sent to the Treasury Department, and it was subBritish Crown. The gentleman who is now a patriot of sequently ascertained that this collector, who avowed his the first order, can inform the House, when he gets the utter ignorance of the cause of his removal, was the asfloor, whether he took that oath. Perhaps, Mr. Speaker, sassin who stabbed his reputation. The gentleman frem as the people of Maine have for years had a disputed line, Maine may well say, there are more charges in the differthey have been occasionally, or some of them, on the other ent departments, against men removed, than they have side of the real line, when they thought themselves on any knowledge of. this. But from what I have seen in one of the newspapers of this city, this morning, we may hope for better things in the State of Maine. of the friends of this administration. They remind me of There is something peculiar in the character of many "For sale.--A large and valuable tract of land, lying on Nature; their march is in the right line of destruction; the Leming, an animal described in Goldsmith's Animated the northeastern part of the State of Maine. is well wooded, watered, and cultivated, abundantly and commence the work of destruction upon one another. Said tract they destroy every opposing object, and then turn round stocked with timber, game, fish, and inhabitants; which last will be sold separate, or included under the general have claimed, if it be acquired exclusively by the appointSir, give to the President all the popularity his friends head of game, at the option of the purchaser. The above ment of his friends to offices, and sustained by levying mentioned tract has, for some time past, annually produc- contributions upon those in office, wresting from them a ed a member of the State Legislature, who will be sold part of their emolument, for party purposes-by subsidizwith the timber or fish, as may be agreed on at the time ing presses in every part of the country; is it a populariand place of sale. The two first named articles will be ty of which he ought to be proud? It will not last long, sold very cheap for cash; the land will likewise be disposed although it may last as long as the Government itself. It of for cash, or exchanged for territory in Mokahika, the will be found dancing in the wind; "shaking its wings, it Moon, or the land of Nod; it is a matter of perfect indif- will not stay;" and the sooner the better it will be for ference to the subscribers which. mence as soon as the subscribers have finished their morn-of this administration, every friend of our common counSale positive, to com- him "he puffs the prostitute away." ing's bitters. No postponement on account of the weather." try, every man proud of the institutions of our country, Sir, every friend How vague the charge made by the collector against and attached to its laws, has a deep interest in giving to the inspector, how easily made, and how great the injus- this investigation its broadest and most extensive range. tice, when sentence is passed, before the party accused If the charges be not true, they should be repelled, and knows that complaint is made against him! Perhaps, sir, the administration and Government should be vindicated. in these days, since the establishment of temperance so-There may not be any foundation whatever for any of the cieties--societies which, I am happy to say, have been rumors in circulation, in regard to the officers of the cusproductive of, and are continuing to do, great good--no toms in different parts of the country. I do not know two men would agree in their ideas of intemperance. that there is; but, to show that others think differently, The totally abstemious men would call him who drank it is only necessary to call the attention of the House to but once a year an intemperate man. This inspector might what is also found in the Intelligencer of this morning: have been on but one occasion, and this investigation sought for might show it, a little excited; and this, in con-collector at Wiscasset, we have abundant reason to believe that the "With regard to the allegation made by the inspector against the sequence of great exertions at a town meeting, made to corrupt act complained of is by no means peculiar to that collector. sustain the cause of men now in power. In his excess of ing that many of the holders of subordinate posts in the principal cusWe are satisfied that we have good and substantial grounds for declar zeal, "he threw up his greasy cap," and cried, hurra! hur-tom-houses throughout the Union are compelled in like manner to ra!--I will not say here for whom. The collector's friends contribute a pro rata amount of their respective salaries, for electionsaw him; some of those, and the friends of those, who They are commonly given to understand, prior to their appointment, eering purposes, and for other matters tending to sustain the party. wanted his office. They all swear that they had seen him that an agreement to such contribution must be a condition precedent. when he was over-excited with liquor. None of them fix part, they go into office; and should they ever subsequently kick at Upon these terms, and sometimes even with an express pledge on their the time or place, and apparently the instances are as the arrangement, as in the Wiscasset case, dismissal from employment numerous as the witnesses are, who all saw but the one quired of all such subordinates as have brains, to devote their leisure improper act. The testimony is transmitted to the Treasu-ume to the composition of party paragraphs for the administration is the threat or the punishment. And further than this, it is also rery Department, and the man is there recorded a confirmed presses. Much of the editorial matter of the leading Jackson prints in drunkard. If this be the mode in which the administra- the seaports is obtained in this manner; and from this source most of tion uses its friend, what have its enemies a right to expect? the public indignation' recently manufactured has been drawn. I am able, upon the authority of a member of this House, of inquiry, we recommend to them the examination of some of the su"Should the subject of the Wiscasset collector go to a committee to cite as strong a case of injustice done an individual as which was partially successful, to extort moneys for the payment of bordinate officers in the Boston custom-house, relative to an attempt, can be adduced; a case showing, at the same time, the fa-interest on notes due from the holder of a certain fat office in that city, cility with which misrepresentations can be made, and the to the collector of that port. A meeting of the office holders was heid difficulty attending the detection of those who make them. payment of a certain sum, in proportion to the amount of his official inA Mr. Griffin, until very lately, was inspector of the port come, and each was directed to deposite the same, in a certain bank of New London, always reputed to be a good officer, a from a portion of his alieged great sacrifices, to secure the election of moral, exemplary man, and ardently attached to this ad- Andrew Jackson. Let the records of the Treasury Department, and in that city, to the credit of the individual thus proposed to be relieved ministration. It was, however, found necessary to pro- its correspondence, be also overhauled for evidence touching this transvide for a Mr. Muzzy, who was not long ago before the to deny; but on a representation thereof to Mr. Ingham, we are led to That what we have thus far stated are facts, no one will dare Senate, and whose nomination could not pass the ordeal believe that a stopper was put upon the intended extortion, amountof that body. Griffin, not knowing that any complaint ing to about ten per cent. on the salaries and fees of office; and that was made against him, conscious that there was no good tod that the tax would be remitted. some who had already paid in their instalments, were afterwards cause for any, found, unexpectedly, himself removed, year since."-N. Y. Evening Journal. This occurred upwards of a and Mr. Muzzy put in his place. When removed, he went to the collector for the cause of the removal. collector declared that he knew of none, but thought that The some person might have slandered him, by representing on that occasion, whereat a committee was chosen to doom each to the action. I am authorized to say, by the editor of the Telegraph, tleman now in this city, who was present at the meeting,) (and he can prove what he authorizes me to say by a genthat, last summer, the proprietor and editor of the Globe, H. OF R.] Revolutionary Pensions. [APRIL 5, 1832. "That Cato lived, and Tully spoke: has been divested of his robe of office, that is to us a small concern; but, as he says, attempts have been made to violate his integrity to heaven--this, I have contended, requires consideration. He has found out for his own satisfaction, "How wretched is that man who hangs on princes' favors!" He asks for That is exclusively a concern of his own. REVOLUTIONARY PENSION BILL. the organ of the administration in this city, went to the that sun, after it has sunk beneath the horizon: other Gocity of New York; a meeting of the officers of the cus-vernments may rise from the ruins of those which have toms was called, and the sum of two thousand dollars fallen; the sun of American freedom may shine with inraised for the benefit of that paper, by contributions creased effulgence, and the Western hemisphere continue which were levied upon them.--[Here Mr. PEARCE was to be an asylum for the oppressed throughout the globe. requested, by Mr. SPEIGHT and Mr. THOMPSON, to But these principles abandoned or neglected, here, as in state again what he said, which he did, adding that he was Rome, but a poor consolation will be derived from the not sure that he was told the meeting was composed ex-reflection, clusively of those who were custom-house officers; but sure he was that he was told it was composed of those who held offices under the authorities of the United States. For what Rome now is, we shall be. Mr. SPEIGHT requested him to name the man who was The inspector has not remaining, like the great Engpresent at the meeting, and asked if it was not Clement.lish cardinal, his robe and his integrity to heaven;" he Mr. PEARCE said he could not name the man; he never asked his name, and did not know it; that the editor of the Telegraph would give the gentleman from North Carolina any information he wanted, and to him he would refer him.]--Sir, I do recollect that a charge somewhat like this, which the gentleman may have read, was made in the Telegraph last summer; and what surprised me more at the time, was, that, although the editor of the Globe evaded the force of it, he did not declare it to be entirely destitute of truth. But recollect that I charge no one; I speak of things known to exist, and said to exist; and my great object is to convince the friends of the administration that they ought not to stop this investigation. Innocence has nothing to fear; but if, from any cause or from any consideration, the guilty should escape, Mr. DAVIS, of S. C., resumed his remarks, by advertand, more especially, from an unwillingness on our part to ing to one of the cases he had cited yesterday from the authorize the proper investigation of the offences which, in decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. He the opinion of many, have been committed, upon any rea- said several gentlemen around him, of legal experience sonable calculation, will offences hereafter be less frequent? and science, had thought and intimated that he had misI adjure gentlemen to let the investigation go on. All conceived the decision of the court in the case of Cohens these rumors which have been referred to, will, as on ea- vs. the Commonwealth of Virginia; and an honorable gengles' wings, fly from one part of this country to the other; tleman from New York [Mr. PENDLETON] had the kindand in justice, not only to the accused, but to those who ness yesterday, after adjournment, for which he desired may be suspected, it should go on. Cambyses's judges now to thank him, to place in his hands the volume of said, though there was a written law, Persian kings fol- Wheaton which contains a full report of that very imlow their own will. But, in this Government of equal portant case. He had cited a case yesterday from a melaw, there are none above it, and none so low as not to be mory not very tenacious, and after a lapse of several years affected by it. since he had seen it, and was, therefore, on the suggesI must now, Mr. Speaker, after having, as I very well tion of others, apprehensive that he had misstated it: but know, detained the House too long, conclude my re- he had, last night, given it a careful and scrutinizing exmarks; but, for the time I have consumed in this discus-amination, and found that he not only had nothing to resion, some apology will be found in the course given to tract or to correct, but that he had stated the principle this debate, not by me, but by those who preceded me.decided truly, and almost in the words of the Chief Justice. I have entered into it with no disposition to charge or cri- The case was decided in favor of Virginia, on the limited minate, with no feelings of acrimony or unkindness to- and peculiar language of the act of Congress authorizing wards any one; and all will bear witness that the discus-a lottery in the District of Columbia, but the principle dision, on my part, has been in perfect good nature. Irectly against her sovereignty, and was so received and have found it more agreeable to laugh than to weep. I considered throughout that State on its promulgation. have used the weapons of warfare sanctioned by parlia- Mr. D. said he was glad that his attention had been drawn mentary usage. Ridicule is one that has ever been con- to what he had said yesterday on this subject, as it had sidered lawful; to wit I have no pretensions, and, if I had, been suggested to him by a valued friend in the other end it would come uncalled for, if it come at all, and would be, of the capitol, that his language on the usurpations of according to the best definition ever given of it, the spon- the Supreme Court might, by misconception, be consitaneous effusions of a mind at ease. dered as harshly applied to the Chief Justice. Had I I considered this discussion and this debate involving done so, Mr. Chairman, said Mr. D., his lofty and gentle one of the sacred and fundamental principles of our Go- spirit, I well know--for I have the happiness of his pervernment; that the right to petition was in this country as sonal acquaintance--would have forgiven me much sooner sacred and as important to the citizens as the great writ than I would myself! I should be stung with shame, of right, a writ which has not been in England for the if I thought any one would suppose that I questioned the last one hundred and fifty years, notwithstanding all the purity of motive and purpose of that illustrious man; of storms and hurricanes of strife, convulsions and wars of him who has sustained my country's character on the every kind that country had experienced, suspended for bench, as Washington did in the field, and Jefferson in more than three or four times, and then, in the emphatic government. No, sir, I did not so intend. I could not. language of Sir William Blackstone, the people of Eng- But, sir, the Chief Justice is one thing--his opinion on land parted with their liberties for a moment, that they questions of political power is another. To him my heart might be enjoyed forever. Let these principles be che- renders the spontaneous homage due to intellect and vir ished, let them be held inviolate, and there will be hope tue, and moral beauty of character--for though a giant, even beyond the grave of the liberty we now enjoy; the he has all the simplicity of a child, with all the purity of sun of our glory may go down, but these principles che-woman--but against his political decisions, as it is our rished, they will be the magic stone retaining the rays of right, so it is our duty, to wage an incessant war, APRIL 5, 1832.] Revolutionary Pensions. [H. OF R. Mr. D. went on to remark that he had, yesterday, clusive charters, privileges, and immunities, to one set of asserted that money was the best measure, the best uni- men, by carving them out of the mass of rights that ought versal standard of liberty that civilized nations have, and to belong to the whole people alike. When the Governthat he had quoted the great Stagyrite to show that it was ment of England underwent a change under the protecso in his day; he would now lay down another proposi- torate of Oliver Cromwell, the same malignant principle tion, which he hoped to prove, of equal importance in of sovereignty over private property was retained, exerthe theory and practice of liberty, to wit, that practical cised, and abused, in the name of the Commonwealth of liberty cannot long exist under any political organization England. That this tyrannical power, with all its grim whose theory admits that the Government possesses sove- and bloody features, was still retained, although the Goreign power over private property. vernment had undergone a modification in its form, let the sudden, frequent, and enormous changes and transfers of private property, and cruel and remorseless confiscations of estates by the Government, bear melancholy witness. From whence arises the necessity of Government? Not so much for the protection of the person, as I have before said, as for the protection of the right of property, the securing to honest industry the right to enjoy the fruits it has earned. Governments of every form, societies, He would now proceed to show that sovereign power tribes, and nations, in all their various stages--whether in over private property was repudiated, denied, and inhithe hunter, shepherd, or agricultural state-all protect bited, by the spirit and letter of the constitution of the the persons of individuals: the Choctaw or Quapaw In- United States. Look, said he, (holding up the constitudians enact laws to protect the persons of their society, tion in his hand,) at this once pure and sacred instrument, and punish even with death their violation. They did, but now violated, poiluted, and debauched, and see the indeed, against the fraud or force of individuals, protect numerous provisions intended for the preservation of priproperty, too: but, in common with European Govern-vate property against the rapacity of Government. The ments, they have neglected to guard private property high and generous minds that framed it, had, with admiagainst the encroachments of Government. He said he rable wisdom, guarded public liberty and private properwas satisfied that a philosophical investigation and patient ty against the force, and, as they then thought, against historical research would convince all lovers of freedom the frauds of power. But the vitious principle of soveand good government (as a means of securing the peace reignty over private property, eluding all the salutary and happiness of the human family) that the fatal defect checks, had, by fraud and stealth, crept into the action of in the structure of all republics, ancient and modern, the Government, and, like the forbidden fruit, lost freewould be found to lie in the admitted principle that cor- dom's Eden, and brought with it all our political woes. rupted all of them, and caused their failure to accom- The very first page of this great charter presents a noble plish the purposes for which they were established, that check against any temptation to a majority to practise inGovernment possessed a sovereign power over private justice by high and unequal taxation. "Representatives property. It had been reserved for the honor and glory and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several of the eighteenth century to discover this great error, States which may be included within this Union, according and to have attempted, if not altogether successfully, the to their respective numbers." Had this plain, simple, and introduction of a better principle, and of adequate checks just mode of raising the revenue of the country been for its preservation! He would show, hereafter, the nu-adopted and continued, we would yet have been a happy, merous guards for the preservation of private property, prosperous, and united people; and the alarming aspect against the force or fraud of the Government, which had of public affairs-he would add, the momentous crisis that with true wisdom been inserted in the federal constitu- now casts a gloom over the statesman's mind, and sinks tion, but would postpone it for the present, as he had a in sorrow the patriot's heart-would long, long, have few general remarks to make on the objects and purposes been delayed. But that provision for the protection and for which Governments were constituted, and on the security of the right of property has been evaded by a recauses of their wayward, vitious, and irregular action. sort to indirect taxation, and a fraudulent perversion of The term sovereign, he said, was one of hyperbolical the power to levy duties on imports--to the dishonest flattery, first applied to kings, and latterly even to repub-purpose of transferring the property of the tiller of the lican Governments, but was originally used as descriptive soil to the thrower of the shuttle. But, again, section of an attribute only belonging to the Most High, and is 8th: "All duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform now blasphemously given to petty temporalities. The throughout the United States." Section 9th: “No caword, as applied to Governments, was naturally and easi-pitation or any other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proly enough extorted from the conquered by those Govern- portion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directments that were founded on conquest; it was then extended to be taken.” "No tax or duty shall be laid on articles ed to the hereditary successor of the victorious usurper; exported from any State." Why, pray? I defy the father and, finally, even to those Governments or forms of po- of the American system himself, if it has any, to show any litical power that were reorganized from the elementary sensible reason for this provision in the federal constitupowers of monarchies, and denominated republics. The tion, that will not equally apply to a tax upon imports, fatal principle to public liberty, however, was always re- when levied for any other purpose than revenue. Why, tained under every modification, although its origin was again let me ask, was the power of taxing exports with, not claimed from the same source; in the one it flowed held from you by the people--a power that every Governfrom conquest-in the other it was deduced from the ment that ever existed possessed and exercised? It was more softened and seductive term republica, or common- to shield the property of the people from the grasp of the wealth. In modern Europe, and especially the country Government, and from unequal taxation; to protect the from which we derive most of our institutions, it sprang minority against a majority, formed by a combination of from the feudal system, the great principle of which was, sectional interests. At the time the constitution was formthat the whole territory under the political sway of a ed, the distinctive interests of the three sections of the prince, lord, or baron, was his own property, and that it old thirteen States were as marked as they are now, and was through his grace and favor that it was parcelled out their different products for foreign markets were as easily to his followers. Hence, the admitted principle there, of recognised. Let me illustrate the injustice and oppressovereign power over private property; of the right of sion that would certainly follow a duty on exports. Supthe Government to grant and retake, with or without pose a duty were levied on the exports of manufactures, form, with or without fine and forfeiture, and to transfer and, to make it bear the semblance of justice and impar property from one individual to another; and to grant ex-tiality, it should be uniform throughout the United States; H. OF R.] Revolutionary Pensions. [APRIL 5, 1832. a would not the whole burden, notwithstanding its uniform-tled to be billeted on the tax paying people of this counity, fall exclusively on the Northern States, as the South- try forever, and to live and be supported by the industry ern and Western have no manufactures to export? Sup- of others? Is it because of the benefits conferred upon pose a duty were imposed on the exports of rice, cotton, the people? If that be the criterion, would not the pious and tobacco, would not the Southern States bear the divine, the skilful advocate, the learned and indefatigable whole burden of such a system of taxation? A similar re-judge, the active and benevolent physician, the care worn sult would happen to the middle and Western States, were statesman, the moralist, the faithful clerk, or sheriff of a the tax on exports laid on flour, corn, breadstuffs, provi- county; or, last, which perhaps I ought to have put first, sions, &c. The constitution prohibits, by its letter, this the virtuous schoolmaster, be all alike entitled to live upon injustice and oppression of taxing exports; but you elude the industry of their neighbors? Why should shouldering the dictate, and violate the spirit, of that instrument, by a a musket, when called on to do so in self-defence, be condishonest use, fraudulent abuse, of taxing imports. Yet sidered the greatest virtue under heaven belonging to huIs bravery and physical courage so rare a there is no difference, in effect, as it regards its partial re-man nature? sults; no difference to the contributor whether he pays virtue in America, that those who show it are to be pentoll as it goes into the mill, or as he comes out-whether sioned for it? The people of other nations have exhibited he pays it in grist or in corn. Here is a check, then, for as much courage as we have, and yet did not, even after the preservation of property and justice, that is wholly a long campaign of years, return to boast and live forever evaded. But there are many other checks for the pre- afterwards upon the hard earned proceeds of others' inservation of individual rights to the acquisitions of indus-dustry. Was it honorable, was it manly, was it honest try, which deny and repudiate, in the clearest and strong- and fair for the gallant soldiers to set up a claim to live est terms, the tyrannical principle of the sovereignty of upon the labor of the widows and orphans of their dead Government over private property. I will only bring comrades, and thereby add their own burdensome weight them to the attention of the committee by reading them. to the afflictions with which heaven had visited them, by a "No State shall pass any law impairing the obligation of deprivation of their protector? Mr. D. commented on contracts;" section 10th," or make any thing but gold the injustice, the hardship, and the cruelty of the system, and silver coin a tender in payment of debts;' "or emit and went on to observe that, after all the talk of heroism and valor, it was undeniable that courage was an attribute bills of credit;" "or pass any ex post facto law."--Ibid. Again: "No person, held to service or labor in one of all human nature-indeed, of the brute; for the game State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, cock, especially the spangled back, was unequalled in shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be that quality by any piece of animated nature. discharged from such service or labor, but shall be deli- Americans degrade themselves by holding up this single vered up on the claim of the party to whom such service virtue, which is so common, as a quality that must swallow or labor may be due." Amendments, article 3: "No up every other? soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law." And finally, article 5th, amendment, nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation." Have I not, said Mr. D., established my position, that this Government does not possess a sovereign power over private property; that it cannot be taken for public use without compensation, much less for private use, by transferring the property of one individual to the possession of ano ther; and, consequently, that your whole scheme of pensions, bounties, charters of exclusive privileges, protective systems, &c. &c. are, one and all, usurpations of power? Have I not proven that any Government, which acts upon the assumed principle of sovereignty over private property, violates the fundamental principles of the social compact, corrupts the public morals, degrades the people from the honorable station of the patron of the Government to the low estate of dependent supplicants; and that a perseverance on the part of the Government in such a system of measures, and a submission to it on the part of the people, must speedily end in its overthrow, and perhaps the destruction of human liberty, for a time, on the continent of North America? And shall This He referred next to some of the events of the late war, and especially to the gallant citizens of the West, who volunteered and rushed down the Mississippi, in unarmed and promiscuous crowds, to New Orleans, to defend that fair city, the mart of their commerce, and to protect the soil of freemen from the pollution of the hireling invader's These men never dreamed of extra pay, of bounfoot. ties and pensions. They could not have been kept back; they wished and felt like an Irishman during a row; they were anxious to be in it; it was not a stirring calculation of pecuniary gain, but a stirring of the blood for action. Gain! pecuniary profit! Where from? Government was then penny less and insolvent, and could not even furnish arms to meet the foe. Yes, sir, the same Federal Government, so feeble in war and so domineering in peace over the sovereign States who made it, "on that raw and gusty day, when the swoln Tiber was chafing with its floods," cried, like Cæsar, lustily for help; which help was afforded at the call by individual States, and the generous patriotism of their people, when you could not even equip them for action. men did not, and never will, until usurers, speculators, joint stock companies, banking institutions, &c. &c. shall, for their own selfish and fraudulent purposes, induce them to ask for, or rather accept, such a proffered boon as a pension for life. But these It follows, as a corollary, that the free choice of labor, and the right to the enjoyment of its acquisitions, belongs After some remarks on the historical fact, and parliaessentially to the people, and not to the Government; that they are rights which no people ever voluntarily conceded, mentary, or rather congressional record proof, that the and, whenever exercised, are usurped; and that the Se- South had been pensioning the North for the last fifty cretary of the Treasury, the Pacha of Egypt, and the ad-years, Mr. D. observed that, in most of the errors that vocates of the American system, are in error when they suppose that any Government, much less ours, possesses a legitimate power to control, manage, or direct the pursuits of individual industry; and that our tariff laws, and 'the order of the Pacha commanding his subjects to abandon their former employments and cultivate cotton, although a perfect parallel, are in violation of the fundamental principles of the social compact. But to return to the pension system. Why is it that military services are esteemed to be so pre-eminently enti occurred in life and legislation, a false step may be recovered and retraced, but that a great principle of truth and justice once given up, and surrendered by the supreme power of the land, like female character, is lost forever. And a principle or system, such as this pension scheme, when erected upon its ruins, will endure forever. Why? Because the faith of the Government, and the faith of an honest and generous people become pledged, and must, and will, and ought to be redeemed. He again referred to the fallacy of the estimates as to the amount of the civil |