APRIL 12, 1832.] cy. Revolutionary Pensions. 2494 [H. OF R. I can ken as well in the origin of our present pension system, as that country, during the period of the war, almost every in the manner in which this Government assumed jurisdic- cornfield was a battle field; men earned their daily bread tion over the subject. The pension system traces its birth not merely by the sweat of their brow, but by their blood; much further back than the law of 1806. 1785, the old Congress recommended to the several States house was his castle. Every boy that could shoot with a In the year not merely in civil, but in military language, every man's to grant pensions to such of the soldiers as had actually rest was made a soldier; and every woman, forgetting the received wounds in service during the war, and were una-natural timidity of their sex, fought by the side of their ble to support themselves; recommending, further, that husbands, in defence of their hearths and their children. the pensioners should be formed into corps, and required If the traditions of those wars could be embodied, they to do garrison duty. The recommendation was adopted, would furnish scenes of thrilling interest and high daring, and many pensioners received on the pension lists of the quite equal to any of the transactions of that time. respective States. Afterwards, when the first adjustment not understand why the Indian fighter is to be excluded of accounts between the confederation and the several from the "liberal justice" of the bill. The people of the States was attempted, the Congress in 1788 recognised Western country, by giving full employment to the Inthe payments made by the States to the pensioners on dians, guarded the flanks of the Eastern States, and allowtheir lists respectively, as charges against the confedera-ed them to direct all their efforts against the British enemy. Soon after the adoption of our present constitution, But the backwoodsmen were not content with this serCongress, by an act passed in 1792, recognised the obli- vice. gation of the General Government, under the arrangement tentimes the most effectual relief to their Eastern brethren made between the States and the old Congress, to pay all against the British enemy. In the pauses of the Indian wars, they afforded ofpensioners who had been admitted on the pension lists of from Massachusetts [Mr. CHOATE] has said that the capthe different States. The honorable gentleman stage of the pension laws, many frauds had been success-turned, and that the battle of Bennington was the first As, however, even in that early ture of Burgoyne was the hinge on which the revolution fully practised by applicants for pensions, very rigid enact- link in the chain of its success. ments were framed, in order to guard against the admis- it is equally true that the capture of Cornwallis, at Yorksion of improper persons on the pension list of this town, was at once the crowning glory of that war, and the Whilst this may be true, Government. Strict proof was required, to show that the consummation of our independence; and it is equally true applicant had been wounded in the actual service of the that the battles of King's mountain, the Cowpens, and country; and, in all instances, clear proof was required of Guilford, were the successive steps that led to the height the degree of disability under which the applicant suffer- of our safety. The battle of King's mountain, sir, was ed, and of his circumstances and mode of life. Owing to fought by the people of the district I represent, and the extreme rigor of these enactments, many persons who of the surrounding country, just after the memorable had been previously admitted on the pension lists of the se- defeat of the conqueror of Burgoyne, at Camden, when veral States, were not allowed a place on the pension lists of the cause of freedom seemed almost hopeless in the the United States, and remained chargeable to the State South, when the forces of Cornwallis were sweeping the Governments. From a careful examination of the whole Carolinas without opposition; the men of the Western series of pension laws, from 1785 down to 1818, it will country embodied themselves under their former leaders, appear that, between those two periods, the bounty of the Campbell, Shelby, Sevier, Williams, and others, and leavcountry was strictly confined to those who had been maim-ing their fields in seed time, marched to the relief of their ed in her service. The law of March, 1818, for the first suffering brethren in the South. time, extended the operation of the pension system to all entirely by the Western militia; and the troops from the the surviving soldiers of the regular army of the revolu- district I represent, suffered most in the fight. This battle was fought tion, who, from their reduced circumstances, required the son and all his troops were either killed or taken prisonaid of their country for their support. This bill assumes ers, and the cause of freedom brightened up from that Furgera new principle, going far beyond any thing yet proposed. moment in the Southern States. It proposes to place on the pension list all those now living, by militia who were from home just three weeks; and all whatever their condition in life may be, who served in any these are excluded from the bounty of this bill. This was accomplished capacity in the revolutionary war for the limited period trict I represent, whilst it will be called upon to pay its full of six or nine months. Admitting for a moment the gene- proportion of the taxes required by this bill, will then be ral principle of the bill to be sound, its details will be shut out from the just participation of its benefits. found to work gross injustice to large classes of meritori- name of that people, I protest against this injustice. But ous soldiers, and to exclude entirely the inhabitants of the injustice of the bill does not stop here.' In the large districts of country, who achieved most and suffered most during the war. The bill, instead of regulating its The militia bounty by the actual services of the soldier, measures his merit, not by his actions, but by time. Like Sterne's "Excellent Critic," the bill observes not the actor, but "looks only at the stop watch.” The dis who fought at the Cowpens, at Guilford, and at York, as well as in various other battles in the South, as many of them served for a period short of three months, will be equally excluded from the measure of liberality due to them. If the operation of this bill, in connexion with all the I would not, sir, in my character of legislator here, adopt the ordinary rules of justice have been completely reversprevious pension laws, is examined, it will be found that narrow sectional views; it is, however, in every instance, ed, and that the soldiers of the revolution will have been allowable to illustrate the partial character of a law, by paid in the inverse ratio of their sufferings and services. showing that it will work injustice to different sections of It is true that some good soldiers are still alive who will the country in which it operates. This law, if passed, share the common advantage of this bill: it is equally true will do gross injustice to the district I have the honor of that the most fortunate and the least meritorious derive representing, and to all the country surrounding it. Gen- the most advantage. tlemen at all conversant with the history of that country, least broken by service; those who escaped unwounded; Those whose constitutions were need hardly be told that, at the commencement of the re- those, the wagon drivers and other menials of the camp, volutionary war, a large portion of the State of North Ca- who were never in the front of danger, and never dared rolina, now comprising the State of Tennessee, and all to raise their right arms, except, perhaps, to wield a whip, that portion of the State of Virginia which lay west of in the course of nature have lived longest, and will be the Alleghany mountains, including the State of Kentuc- chiefly provided for. The maimed and crippled soldiers ky, was but half conquered by the whites, either from the who fought your battles, and who, under the rigorous exbeasts of the forest, or from the men of the forest. In all actions of former pension laws, derived a scanty pittance H. OF R.] Revolutionary Pensions. [APRIL 12, 1832. from the gratitude of their country, are most of them nicious invention of the system of indirect taxation, which, gone. And, lastly, those who dared all, and suffered all while it is the boast of the modern political economists, for their country; who rushed to the front of the battle, clothes the operations of Government in double darkness. and poured out all their blood for the liberty of those who Immediately after the adoption of the present federal survived, they lie in forgotten fields; fields fast becoming constitution, Alexander Hamilton (who had, in the fede. desolate (in one direction) by the action of this Govern- ral convention, been the advocate of a form of Government. You have never given even a stone to them; and ment approaching as nearly to monarchy as it was supnow show your gratitude in the "liberal justice" of this posed the people could possibly bear, and who opposed bill, by taxing their widows and children for the benefit of the strong form of a consolidated Government, proposed others deserving so much less than themselves. by Governor Randolph, as being too democratic-as beI feel impelled, sir, to present another view of this mea-ing "pork still, with a little change of the sauce,") was sure, of a more general and more serious character: I entrusted with the administration of the financial affairs of mean, sir, the effect of the bill on the finances of the the Government. He, like all other men coming into country, and its operation as part and parcel of the Ame-power with strong preconceived opinions, and believing rican system. The bill will necessarily require, if it is (honestly, no doubt, for he was, in his private character, passed, such a large expenditure of public money, that it a purely honest man) that the Government, as established must be considered as aiding the designs of those who by the present constitution, was too weak for the purwish to continue the operation of the present burdensome poses for which it had been created, began very soon to and unjust system of taxation. The advocates of the bill devise means of strengthening his own department. I have entered into abstruse and labored calculations, to allude, sir, to his famous reports on the currency and a show that it will require the expenditure of "only one mil-national bank--on manufactures and protecting duties, lion of dollars annually." If we are enlightened by past and his funding system, one of the measures of which I experience on this subject, the very calculations which have already explained. In these reports he devised have been made ought to satisfy us that the expenditure and shadowed out the American system. He is, in fact, of money under this bill will be very much greater than its father; and his opinions are, on all occasions, triumphis supposed by its friends. In estimating the sum requir-antly quoted by the tariff party of the present day. Yet, ed under the law of March, 1818, it was supposed that sir, he began his system with much caution, knowing that, the muster rolls of the regular army of the revolution would when it had once taken root, like the silent, imperceptiat once afford an almost certain criterion of the number of ble progress of vegetation, it would, in the lapse of years, pensioners to be provided for, and a check against all im-acquire strength and hardiness. The duties which he at position. It was confidently predicted by the friends of first recommended, were of so small amount that they that bill that it would not require more than $300,000 a could not be considered as giving effect to a protecting year to pay all the pensions provided for by it: and how principle, which he yet was dexterous enough to have acwas that prediction verified? In less than two years near- knowledged in the preamble of the first bill passed on ly ten times that amount was required. Judging by this this subject. The growth of the system devised by him recent experience, it is not saying too much, that the pas-was gradual but steady, until it was interrupted by a posage of this bill would add largely to the expenditure of litical revolution, produced by a violation of the personal public money, and that it must be necessarily considered rights of the people, in the enactment of the alien and seas affecting, in a very important degree, the financial ope- dition laws. And this revolution at once illustrates the rations of the Government. In the consideration, there- truth of the remark made by the honorable gentleman fore, of this bill, an examination of the revenue system from South Carolina, [Mr. DAVIS,] "that, in free Goitself, its present condition, and its bearing on the great vernments, personal rights need little protection, for that interests of the country, is necessarily and greatly involved. they will protect themselves." I propose, then, to consider, very briefly, the origin and Whilst I am on this subject, I cannot forbear to state progress of our present system of finance, and the attitude some well authenticated facts, which will set the political of danger in which it has now placed the country. What revolution in its true light. I allude not to the new light I mean to say on this subject is not only intended to bear, as it which has been cast on the opinions of the men of that ought to bear, on the bill now under consideration, but to di- time, by the discovery of a fresh leaf in Jefferson's sybilrect the attention of the committee to the adjustment of the line book, for which we have to thank the honorable great question of revenue and protection which now agitates gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. Davis]--I allude and divides the people of these States. Gentlemen on the not to mere matters of opinion, but to well authenticated other side of the House are in danger of falling into mis- facts, which have not been generally understood. takes respecting the condition of the people in the plan- The passage of the alien and sedition laws, in June tation States, and the state of opinion amongst them on and July, 1798, at once produced much excitement in this subject, which might lead to the most unhappy con- various parts of the United States, but nowhere so much sequences. I hope, then, I may be allowed, in this inci- as in Virginia. The Legislature of that State, which condental debate, before the minds of members are heated vened in December, 1798, determined to oppose itself to by the angry discussion of conflicting interests, to warn these laws. That Legislature at once assumed the posithem of the true condition of affairs. tion, that no article had been created in the federal con Let me first, however, attempt to trace the origin and stitution to decide between the General Government and growth of that system which now threatens us with so the States, in any contests between them concerning the much harm. The remark made by the honorable gentle- political powers which they might respectively claim; man from South Carolina, [Mr. DAVIS,] “that the main and that, as the States were the original sovereigns that end of all good Government ought to be the protection of formed the compact of the Federal Government, it nethe rights of property, for they were most liable to abuse, cessarily resulted that, whenever the creature of that whilst personal rights are easily guarded, because they compact exceeded its powers, in a palpable and dangerare easily understood," is founded in a deep knowledge ous violation of the constitution, the separate States had of the science of Government. This position will be found the right to interpose to arrest the progress of the imto be strongly illustrated by the political history of this pending evil, and to carve out the mode and measure of Government. In this, as in all other Governments, the redress. That Legislature at once proceeded to act on financial operations necessary to its support are envelop. this principle, and to carve out their mode and measure ed in a mystery beyond the apprehension of the mass of of redress. The first measure of redress resorted to, was the people. This is emphatically the case since the per- the passage of an act securing the freedom of speech APRIL 12, 1832.] Revolutionary Pensions. [H. OF R. and of debate to the members of the Legislature. The Federal Government might lawfully do whatever could broad provisions of the sedition law included within its be effected by the appropriation of money. The tariffs penalties all who, either by speaking or writing, or in of 1824 and 1828 followed those Berlin and Milan deany other manner, concerted opposition to the laws of crees, by which we have, after expending one hundred Congress or the measures of the Federal Government; and twenty millions for free trade, crippled our own freeand these penalties attached as well to the members of dom. I will not stop to argue the unjust and injurious the Legislatures of the different States, as to individuals operation of these laws. It is sufficient to say that their at their firesides, or in general meetings of the people. effect has been at least understood by the people of the The act of Virginia to which I allude imposed heavy pe- plantation States. Their operation, exhausting and denalties of fine and imprisonment on any who should arrest vastating as it has been to the South, has been acquiesced the members of the Virginia Legislature for words in, because the people were willing to bear burdens, spoken in debate, or for any of the public acts; and di- however unequal, until our national debts were cleared rected that whenever any such member should be ar- off. The State of Virginia, feeling just as deep a repugrested on such account, he should be immediately set at nance to their laws as her sister States more to the South, large by the State authorities. The act was intended to yet contented herself, in her resolutions of 1828, to give a prevent the operation of the sedition law on the Virginia stern rebuke to those measures; and to indicate that Legislature. This act was followed by the passage of when the further oppression of this system would, after the Virginia resolutions of 1798, and by the purchase of the payment of our national debts, wear not even the the armory of Virginia, which was bought to sustain, if plausible face of necessity, she would interpose all her need be, the rights of the State and the liberties of the weight to check the further progress of the evil. The people against the usurpations of the General Govern- friends of the American system have felt that the payment. The course pursued by the Legislature was well ment of the national debt would bring with it a crisis understood in the other States at that time; and the re- which would either determine the destruction or the duEolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts, as well as rability of their plans. In order to guard themselves of other States, will show that the same arguments were against this crisis, which had at last arrived, they have then urged against the Virginia measures, which have of conciliated every interest they could bear upon, and they late been so generally urged, on one side, in the various have resorted to every mean of dividing and weakening contests between the United States and the State of their opponents. No man who can look beneath the surGeorgia. The stand taken by the Virginia Legislature of face of things, can doubt but that all the great questions 1798 was maintained by the Legislature of 1799, and was which have of late agitated the country, have been raised illustrated by Madison's report and resolutions, which to produce effect on the pending contest. The friends consummated the triumph of constitutional liberty. The of internal improvement are pressing their plans with react securing the freedom of debate was re-enacted by the newed zeal; and they have, during this session, for the Virginia Legislature of 1819, and again re-enacted under first time, succeeded in the formation of a Committee on the amended constitution of that State during the session Internal Improvements which is even now engaged in reof 1830. It now stands on our State code, not a dead let- commending the expenditure of large sums of money. ter, but at once a living commentary on the doctrines of The slave question is brought before this House in the '99, and a pledge that Virginia will, whenever a great shape of a scheme for colonizing the free blacks. I am exigency demands her action, defend the liberties of her sorry, sir, that the petition of certain citizens of England, people. This, sir, is a true history: I leave it to others to members of the Colonization Society, which was presentpoint the moral. ed to this House by an honorable member who is a distinguished advocate of that society, was not allowed a place on your files. That would have given us recorded proof of the true end to what that society is tending. The Indian question, too, has been made by political missionaries against the State of Georgia, to aid in the attack on the sovereignty of the States which form so essential a part in the tactics of the present contest. The change of parties, produced by the resistance of the alien and sedition laws, arrested for a time the progress of Hamilton's system. The Berlin and Milan decrees, the British orders in council, and the great struggle between Great Britain and France, produced our war for "free trade and sailors' rights." That war produced the rapid growth of the manufacturing interests in the United States. The administration of Mr. Monroe was the era This bill, this universal pension bill, is brought forward of the second and more monstrous birth of Hamilton's, or, just at this time, to aid in those large schemes of prodigal as it is now miscalled, the American system. I say the expenditure of money which are intended to prevent the second and more monstrous birth; for the tariff and in-reduction of those taxes that press so heavily on the Southternal improvement are the twin monsters, that, like the ern people. There has been during this whole session a Siamese twins, stand shoulder to shoulder, supporting constant series of attacks on the institutions and interests each other, and whistling different parts of the same tune, of the Southern States, with a view to the approaching tied together, too, by one umbilical cord, the division of struggle. No one can suppose that these measures have which would produce their immediate dissolution. To proceeded from gratuitous hostility; no, they have been drop all comparisons, every one now understands the intended to aid a course of policy which our Northern double game which is played by the operation of the brethren know is favorable to themselves, and which American system. The people not understanding dis- they have persuaded themselves is not injurious to us. I tinctly the plan of indirect taxation and protecting duties, do not therefore complain of the tactics which are emor its effects upon themselves, are to be bought with their ployed here; but I beg to call the attention of gentlemen own money expended on internal improvement. As to the effect which these tactics have produced. Gentleeven this alliance is found not to be strong enough to ef- men on the other side of the House are in danger of comfect the purposes of the friends of the system, they have mitting a perilous blunder as to the condition of the peofurther aided it by drawing other interests within the ple and the state of public opinion in the Southern States. sphere of its influence, and by buying up friends from They shut their eyes (I do not say wilfully) to the preciall quarters, and by weakening its opponents, in raising pice on which they are rushing; and when they are adroit divisions among them. The doctrines of Hamilton warned, as they have already been more than once, by were, during Mr. Monroe's administration, received in representatives of the Southern people on this floor, of their full force, and full scope was given for the conquest the ruin to which they are precipitating themselves and of all powers wanted, by the adoption of the principle, us, their only reply has been, that those who have spoken which was announced, as it were, ex cathedra, that this out nothing but the truth, are agitators and alarmists. I VOL. VIII.--157 H. OF R.] Revolutionary Pensions. [APRIL 12, 1832. teen, or twenty per cent. more than they are charged to him in his invoice, he shall forfeit at once fifty, or seventyfive, or one hundred per cent. additional duty. The poor merchant is to receive no notice of an accusation against him; no day for trial is given him; no witnesses are heard for or against him; no jury is to pass upon his case; no fraud is to be found against him: but upon the mere guess of a Government officer that his goods are of more value than his invoice exhibits, he is to be deprived of more than one-half of his property. This bill not only violates the principles of liberal trade, but the principles of the constitution, Give it the true name, you will call it "a bill to abolish the trial by jury, to cashier importing merchants, and break up foreign trade." beg gentlemen to believe that I am no agitator-my pulse the Northern manufacturer, who has enriched himself so doth keep time as temperately, and makes as healthful as to be enabled to enjoy all the indulgences of luxury, is music, as that of any gentleman present. I have not to be permitted to import his rich silks and costly wines, been long enough here to be heated by the political at- and all other things which minister to his pride, almost mosphere of this House. I claim, however, to know duty free. And what is the real measure of relief offersomething of the condition and opinions of the Southern ed to the South? Gentlemen offer us the trash of trade. people. Let me tell gentlemen that it is a perilous mis- Look, sir, at the nauseating list of articles that fill up the take, to suppose that the people of the Southern States proposed bill: what are they? Barks, roots, nuts, and have any but one opinion and feeling in regard to the ta- berries! Peruvian bark, opium, corks, quicksilver, aloes, riff system. Burgundy pitch, calomel, chamomile flowers, canthariAs they have been enabled to fathom the mystery of des, coculus Indicus, corrosive sublimate, rhubarb, laudathis system from year to year, and to ascertain its paralyz- num, ipecacuanha, henbane, and hemlock! Trash, physic, ing effect on all the plantation interests, their judgment and poison! These things, and other things like them, has been more decisively made up against it. Those very make up the body of this bill, and compose the generous measures which I have already alluded to, which have relief which gentlemen are willing to afford to Southern been resorted to by the supporters of the system, to con- distress. Gentlemen must, however, succeed in imposciliate friends and to divide enemies--all those concerted ing straight jackets on the freemen of the plantation attacks which have been made against Southern opinions States before they can throw this physic and poison down and Southern interests, have only added to the excite their throats. ment of the public mind. I cannot give a better illustra- I will notice, sir, the other measure which comes retion of the mistakes which have been committed in this commended by a most respectable committee of this matter, than by calling to the notice of the committee the House: I allude to the bill now lying on the tables of state of public opinion in the district I have the honor to members, reported from the Committee on Manufactures, represent. That district has been supposed to be equal- and purporting to prevent frauds in the revenue. That ly, with the whole western part of Virginia, in favor of bill provides that, if it appears from the mere valuation of the American system. The offered bribe of the great Government appraisers that an importing merchant has Buffalo road did not at all affect the opinions of the peo- brought goods into the United States worth ten, or fifple of that district on the system of internal improvement; and during the present session of this Congress, the people of two of the counties of that district have convened in public meetings, and expressed the most decided opposition to the tariff. I beg leave to direct the attention of the House to the proceedings at those meetings, as coming from a quarter of the country where the people are supposed to be in favor of the American system. The people of the county of Russell express their unanimous abhorrence of the tariff laws; and the people of the county of Washington, in expressing their unqualified condemnation of them, add the hope that the still, small voice of that community, coming in aid of the still, small voices of so many other communities, may be all heard together, with such time and measure, as to proI feel the most unqualified respect for every member duce the effect of one voice of great power." Unless of the Committee on Manufactures. I doubt not for a the friends of conciliation and union give some adequate, moment but that they perform their high duties with effectual relief to the Southern country--and immediate perfect purity of intention. I must, however, be perrelief, too--that hope will soon be realized. Yes, sir, mitted to say that, after the high hopes which had been unless this Congress, before it breaks up, devises mea- held out to us from the action of that committee, the presures of honest conciliation and relief, a "voice of great sentation of such a bill from that quarter produced in power" will speak. My life upon it, sir, from that broad my mind anxiety and disappointment. The passage of land extending from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico, the bill reported from the Committee on Manufactures, the united voices of the people will raise one shout, "mil- (if it shall indeed pass,) will form the consummation of lions for freedom and free trade; not one cent for tri- Hamilton's system: it will illustrate, too, the inevitable bute." I give this warning, not in menace, but in the tendency of that system, which, beginning its approach temper of kindness; viewing the danger of which, I to power with timid caution, has arrogated, by little and speak as palpable and real. Let me beg gentlemen that they will believe me only so far as to examine for themselves into this matter. If they will seek for information from proper sources, they cannot fail to obtain it; and let me hope that such information would induce them to retrace that path which is leading only to evil. Sir, there is immediate, impending necessity for a change of measures on this subject; an instant, a radical change. I am not authorized to speak of bills now pending before the Before I resume my seat, sir, let me show, what I had co-ordinate branch of the Legislature; but I do feel au- nearly omitted, that the operation of the pension laws is thorized to speak of a compromise, as it is called, which quite as unequal as that of any of the tariff laws. I am has been offered to the South. I allude to certain reso- well aware that comparisons between different sections lutions for the reduction of the tariff, and a bill which I of the country are considered ungracious, and I beg it have seen printed in the newspapers, which is to be of may not be supposed that I enter into the details which I fered under the principle of those resolutions. And what am just going to present to the committee with any unis the liberal relief which those resolutions and that bill kind feelings; I present them as offering an additional aroffer to the Southern farmers? Why, sir, all the articles gument against the bill, by showing that it will be quite of prime necessity, sugar, salt, iron, woollens, and cot- as unequal in its operation on different parts of the Union tons, are to remain burdened with heavy duties; whilst as it is unjust in its operation upon individuals. 66 little, control over all the interests and industry of the APRIL 12, 1832.] Revolutionary Pensions. [H. OF R. I beg to present to the House a table which I have com- fore, if the friends of protection were to give me carte piled from authentic documents, from which the unequal blanche, run the hazard of doing ruinous injury to the operation of the bill becomes too apparent to be denied. manufacturing interests, by an instant abolition of pro(A.) I assumed in this table the amount of money con-tecting duties. The change ought to be cautious, but tributed by each State to the expenses of the revolution- made effectually, and in good faith. Let me hope that, ary war, as the best criterion of the number of troops (in- before we separate, we are to owe the adjustment of this cluding militia) furnished by the States respectively. momentous question to a kind spirit of just conciliation, This is, indeed, the only criterion by which we can form and not to measures of violence, which, either in the any estimate approximating the truth, since there are no House, or out of the House, will certainly bring in peril public records now extant, giving any direct information the rights of the States and the integrity of the Union. on the subject. In conclusion, I hope that this bill will be rejected, and that other bills will be passed in lieu of it, not for casting new burdens upon the people, but for taking the old ones $17,964,603 03 off. 2,488 19,085,981 51 1,178 7,179,982 78 2,802 11,523,299 29 [When Mr. J. had got partly through his speech, he yielded to a motion of Mr. BOULDIN, for the rising of the committee, upon which motion the yeas were 34, the nays 27; whereupon, the committee rose, and reported to the House that no quorum was present. Mr. TAYLOR, of New York, thereupon moved a call of the House. Mr. CARSON moved an adjournment. Mr. TAYLOR demanded the yeas and nays on that question; when, a quorum appearing, Mr. CARSON withdrew his motion. Mr. TAYLOR made a warm remonstrance on the great consumption of time in debate, and the very small amount 117 of public business yet accomplished. He then withdrew his motion for a call of the House, and moved that the House again go into committee. The motion prevailed, the chairman again took his seat, and Mr. JOHNSTON 51,598,812 97 resumed, and concluded his speech as given above. When he had concluded-] 1,305 And have on the present pension lists this Government for revolutionary pen- And pays out of her own State treasury, $141,792 00 14,000 00 This comparison is instituted in no unkind spirit. I will not press it further. If gentlemen will, however, realize all the financial operations of this Government, they will find that, whether from accident or design, I will not pretend to determine, they all bear hard on the South, and are beneficial to the North. I will add but one more suggestion on this part of the subject. This bill provides equally for pensions to the poor and the rich. It will operate doubly to the advantage of the rich man, who receives a pension to the North; because it keeps up his favorite protecting duties, and puts money in his pocket besides; whilst to the South, the rich man is deluded with the name of a pension, as the duties which oppress the South will take more money out of his pocket than this pension bill will put into it; but, both to the North and the South, the poor are taxed in the necessaries of life, for the benefit of the rich pensioner and rich manufacturer. Mr. PENDLETON, after a few remarks on the irrelevancy of those parts of the speech of the gentleman from Virginia, which related to the tariff, nullification, American system, internal improvements, and the Colonization Society, moved that the committee rise, and report the bill to the House. The CHAIR pronounced this motion to be out of order, inasmuch as there was a question upon an amendment pending. Mr. BOULDIN thereupon moved that the committee rise, report progress, and ask leave to sit again. The motion was negatived-yeas 40, nays 75. The question was then taken on Mr. EVERETT's amendment, (which goes to abolish that feature of the present pension law, that requires an applicant to prove himself to be in indigent circumstances,) and the amendment was adopted-yeas 81, nays 44. On motion of Mr. TAYLOR, the bill was further amended, so as to dispense with the exhibition of any schedule of property. Mr. DANIEL, moved to amend the bill, so as to include those who had defended the frontiers in the Indian wars. Rejected. Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, moved an amendment to strike out six months' service, and insert three months'; thereby extending the benefits of the bill to militia who had served only three months. He explained his object to be to provide for many of those who had rendered essential services in the Southern States. The amendment was agreed to-yeas 70, nays 57. Mr. CRAIG moved to strike out the third section of the bill, which gave to officers who had served for two years, the same pension as those who had served through the war. This bill, then, ought to be pressed no further; it is indissolubly connected with a system of policy inconsistent with the spirit of our Government and the genius of our people. Certainly, as the scheme of a fettered trade and forced monopoly will fail, it will be vain for gentlemen, from all sides of the House, to concert temperate measures of change, accommodated to the now condition of the country. The tariff will come down: I have weighed my words, and, without arrogating any political foresight, with the year 1826. I say it will come down. I deprecate, as much as any Mr. WICKLIFFE opposed the amendment on account man, violent changes of any sort; and I would not, there- of the arrears, as did Mr. CRAIG, on the same ground. Mr. BURGES moved an amendment to Mr. CAIG'S amendment, the effect of which was to allow officers who had served for three years, a full pension, as if they had served throughout the war, the pension to commence |