Memories. The Opal Ring. 622 Story of a Clock. 543 602 Story of the Há-Há. By J. M. Legaré. 414 Morell's Philosophy of the Nineteenth Century. Mosby, Mrs. Mary W., of Curls. Music Rhapsody, A. By Charles Lanman. 540 Thoughts on English Poetry. 211 Threefold Song, A. 61-127-250-320-381-454-520- To G. W. Peck, Sonnetteer. To Mrs. L. G. R. on her Marriage. By Jno. R. To Marie. 522 112 533 Our Landscape Painters. By Charles Lanman. 272 Published MONTHLY AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM-JNO. R. THOMPSON, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. VOL. XVI. RICHMOND, JANUARY, 1850. OUR FOREIGN POLICY.* NO. 1. in all ages, in order to follow another adapted to a different and past condition of things, which they are fond of considering perfect, will here hold up Questions of foreign policy have of late largely to us the warnings of Washington's Farewell occupied public attention in the United States; Address. We might reply to them, as Mr. Tresand the pamphlet of Mr. Trescot is an homage cot does, by showing how different were our cirBut to the growing interest which those questions cumstances then from what they are now. possess for us. The nation is now undergoing we go further. We maintain that that very adthe process of realizing to itself the immense vice sanctions, and contains the germ of, the change which the settlement of Oregon and the system we advocate. That principle of Washacquisition of California have made in its posi-ington has led us on step by step to our present tion. We have been suddenly transformed into, position; it is responsible for the exigencies of or perhaps only awakened to the fact that we are, that position and the remedies they necessitate. a nation with possessions beyond seas. Without Louisiana threatened to entangle us in foreign territory on the Pacific, we would have remained connections; to obtain commercial privileges for a merely continental confederacy, and economy the West, in the navigation of the Mississippi, could have induced us to limit our exertions to we might have been forced to cultivate the allithe defence of our own soil, and our ambition, ance of Spain: the purchase of that country and on the sea, to the command of our own waters. Florida freed us from the necessity of involving But the necessity of intercourse between the dis- ourselves in any such difficulties. The indepentant portions of our vast empire imposes on us dence of Spanish America was an additional sethe necessity of securing to ourselves the most curity to us against any attempt of European convenient pathway, and that pathway lies powers to connect us with their peculiar system through two oceans, and along almost the entire and force us, for our security, to form close allishores of both Americas. Even if a ship canal ances with some of the parties to it: Mr. Monthrough Nicaragua be completed, the pathway roe accordingly aided, as far as our neutral obliis still over the broad ocean, either through our gations would permit, in securing that indepenown power, or through the amity of others. That dence. Mr. Monroe's celebrated declaration of amity would be insecure, were we unable to punthe right which the United States have to be ish the breach of it: to do so we must have im- heard on all questions concerning the American posing navies as well as armies and a numerous continent, is but a pendant to Washington's sysmilitia. We must become a great naval power tem of foreign policy. The latter advised that as well as a great commercial people: we can- we should abstain from connecting ourselves with not long maintain our position as the latter with- the European political system: the former deout assuming our proper position as the former.clared that we would oppose any attempt to exTo ascertain with precision what that position is, tend that system to countries so near us, that we to count the cost thereof, we must look to the pomight be soon ourselves connected with it. sition of other powers similarly situated. We must look to the Balance of Power between the great naval powers. Our interests being involved in the preservation of that Balance of Power, we have a diplomatic right to concert measures for its preservation, or for effecting such changes as will secure it, to the protection of our own in The Texas question, in the estimation of the administration which raised it, was one involving the same issue. According to the declarations of President Tyler, the European powers designed using Texas and Mexico as an entering wedge for the extension of their system to America, or in the words of Guizot, for the creation of an American balance of power. This might have forced on us the necessity of violating Washington's maxim: the Monroe declaration had to be repeated and even extended in letter though not in spirit. Texas was annexed, California conquered, and Mexico humbled: the European system was driven back within its natural limits, and the United States again left free to follow the maxims of Washington. The "main subject for consideration" Mr. Trescot proposes, is this: "Does not the United States of America occupy such position towards the great colonial nations of Europe, England, France, Russia, and Spain, that not only their colonial relations, but their European relation to each other, have become to us matter of prime importance, and if so, what are the principles which should guide the foreign policy of the government in its present or future connection with these great empires ?" In fact the policy of the United States has al- | European question of the neutrality of Switzerways been one and the same. Its basis is the land. principle that there shall be no community of politics between us and Europe. As long as we were busy in peopling our narrow Atlantic slope, we could carry out this principle with dignity, by keeping out of the current of the world's affairs, and letting Europe alone. But now our territory crosses a continent and is laved by two oceans. Our ships are to be found on every sea. Our system embraces both Americas and the oceans which bound them: its home is on the deep, and the commerce of the world is its dominion. We cannot consent to connect this do- He then points out Russia, England, and the minion with the local system of Europe. That United States as the great competitors for the system must keep out of the way of ours, and commerce of the East. He regards Austria and confine itself to the corner of the earth where it Prussia as “but accidents of European history," originated; for we must follow the counsel of and France, with "no basis for independent acour Washington, and have no entangling connec- tion in the East," as the natural ally of Russia. tions with European powers. Our god Termi- He considers England and the United States to nus, like the Roman, may advance, but he never be equally natural allies: their community of recedes. Mr. Trescot asks: "Are not the inter- origin, language and, almost, of institutions; the ests of the United States sufficiently extended-intimacy and mutual dependence of their comits power sufficiently strong-its character suffi- merce, would constitute us almost one nation. ciently high to justify-more than that, to require The success of Russia in the East would, he that it should be part and parcel of any great thinks, be injurious to us, because her system is political transaction which effects the history of to exclude all other powers from it. The interthe world?" For ourselves we unhesitatingly est of both England and the United States he be answer, aye. lieves to lie in the extension, and if possible, in the monopoly of the Asiatic trade." Relations between England and China or Japan, such as exist between England and India, he believes could not be established, because the United States have too great an interest in the Asiatic trade, to permit any such monopoly, though they themselves could not aspire to possess those countries or military posts in or near them, as means of commercial protectien, since to do so is with them a constitutional impossibility." In inquiring into the extent of our system, we find that, of the great European powers, Great Britain, France, Spain and Russia possess territory on or near this continent. Their relations to each other on this continent and the oceans which bound it, as well as in the commerce of the world, are parts of our system. The relations of these powers with other European or non-American powers concern us only in so far as they affect their relations to our own system. "Affected," says Mr. Trescot, "as the colonial| We are strongly tempted to dispute this last policies of these nations are, by their European proposition of Mr. Trescot. It is now a settled relations, it is difficult to see how a participation constitutional right of the United States to acin counsels relating to the one, can be kept free quire territory, nor is there any constitutional from discussions in relation to the other." In provision compelling the admission of such territhis remark Mr. Trescot is correct: it is the task tory into the Union on an equal footing with the of our diplomacy to determine the line between original states. The United States hold forts the arrangements of their European relations and military posts, on ceded State territory, as which do not concern us, and those which do af-means of commercial protection" as well as fect our own system. "This class of cases," military could they not as constitutionally poscontinues Mr. Trescot, "does not strictly include sess Malta as Old Point Comfort, Honolulu as that system of balanced power and influence, Key West? They may maintain a navy, make which constitutes more especially the foreign war, and regulate foreign commerce: in order to policy of Europe," or as we would prefer to ex- do all these, in case it should be necessary to press it, the local or internal policy of that conti- make Canton a port of refuge for our navy, renent. Mr. Trescot aptly illustrates the difference, tain a Chinese province to secure Canton against in his remarks on the right claimed by our gov-conquest, and hold the Sandwich Islands for the ernment to resist interpolations in the maritime accommodation of our whalers, have the United code made by the parties to the Quintuple Treaty States no power to do so? The question of the against the Slave Trade, and on the merely local form of government to be given to territory which the United States may purchase, is left untouch- as indemnity for the past, the attempt to exclude ed by the Constitution: a republican form of the Anglo-Norman from the land might be folgovernment is secured to each State, not to every lowed by his assertion of exclusive dominion over dependency of the Union. The Sultan of Bor- the sea, and in imitation of the terms dictated by neo might be our vassal, the rival claimants of a Rome to Carthage on the conclusion of the secChinese throne be suppliants at the door of our ond Punic war, the new settlement of the EuroSenate for a decision of their pretensions, and a pean continent might be based on the principle military government be erected by act of Con- that no power on earth should build dock-yards gress over Japan, as effectually as it was over or support navies, except the Anglo-Norman Vera Cruz by an order of General Scott-we Race, its kindred and allies. see in the Constitution nothing to forbid the exercise of such powers by our federal government. But we are touching delicate ground, and prefer returning to the main question. But these are all dreams, having more or less that resemblance of reality which we call probability. Let us return to Mr. Trescot. "If, then," he continues, "the Government of the United States stands in such intimate relation to the colonial empires of the world, has it not a direct interest in their relation to each other; has it not a right to be heard in all matters touching their mutual power? Is it not time, that by some distinct and unequivocal manifestation, it should declare its intention to participate in the counsels In this union of England and the United States is to be found, according to Mr. Trescot, a "common basis for future operations. France and Russia combined might possess themselves of Turkey and Egypt, and hope thus to turn the commerce of Asia into its ancient channel to the Mediterranean. But not even the colossal power of Russia," he adds, "informed by the acute of the world? There is but one principle on sense of French genius, can compass this mighty which American intervention in the international change; the power of the ocean is in the hands relations of Europe can be justified, but that so of one people, and so long as they move in con- wide as to cover almost any interference; and it certed action on its bosom, the history of the is this, that wherever the changes among European world must be the record of their will." It is powers are such as to modify the respective weight Lamartine, we believe, who has dreamed a day- of its colonial empires, we are directly interested dream of a Franco-Russian hegemony of Eu- in the resulting balance of power. Any change, rope, a reconstruction of the European system by for instance, in the foreign relations of Spain, which France is to extend herself over Italy, which would subject Cuba to another influence; Spain and Africa, Russia to swallow up Turkey any marked preponderance given to Russia, by and march to the conquest of Asia, while the new territorial arrangements; any sudden revoGermanic race is to be crushed between the two lution in the integrity of the Ottoman Porte, by colossi, and the British Isles to stand apart in which some one power should control the Mediterisolated magnificence. But the poet-politician ranean, would be, we have no doubt, justifiable awoke from his dream too soon. Had he gazed causes for direct und positive interference. And longer on the vision, he might perhaps have seen any smaller changes could only be without this the ANGLO NORMAN RACE upon the scene, with rule from the unimportance of their consequenits transatlantic millions, coming to the rescue of ces. And the interference of the United States its Germanic kindred and European liberty. We Government upon a principle like this, would could sketch for him a sequel to his musing. We place the rule of its interposition beyond and would show him the American people, without distinction of origin, awake to the truth that England is our bulwark against Continental autocrats and Holy Alliances. He might see Anglo-Norman fleets, no longer divided as English and American, sweeping from the ocean every Franco-Russian flag, riding in triumph on the Neva and demolishing the arsenals of Odessa. He might see the stars and stripes waving in union with the cross of St. George, over the battlements of the Dardanelles, while the re-estab-|troduced." lishment of Poland and the independence of These principles Mr. Trescot thus applies to Hungary would drive the Russian bear back to the late Hungarian question : his native Siberian snows, and the Genius of Liberty would arise in Western Europe to repudiate all connection with the Autocrat. And did we seek there too security for the future as well above any recognized law of European relations. We "The true question with us, is whether this case comes within the principle already declared; will the balance of power between the Colonial Empires of Europe be affected by the result of the Hungarian war? Looked at only as an Aus- rapidly assuming the aspect of a political ques- Asia force on us the policy of commanding the path of that commerce, the possession of Cuba is eminently useful if not indispensable to us. We do not share the opinion that the possession of that island is necessary for the security of our Mississippi commerce. We have our remedy, and a money-saving one too in building a vast Ship Canal from the mouth of the St. Mary's along the line of the St. John's, and across the country to the Gulf of Mexico, thus uniting the Atlantic with it. We have examined the subSuch a subject is to be approached with cau- ject carefully and we think the project feasible.. tion. It involves most important interests and Through such a canal our own shipping would delicate questions. Whether it be to our inter-pass securely, while from Key West our privaest that the power of Great Britain in the Medi- teers and squadrons might command the comterranean should receive a counterpoise-whether merce of the enemy. An exclusion of foreign that counterpoise can be best created by an ex- shipping from the use of our canal would give tension of the maritime force of France, by the our own vessels a monopoly of the commerce introduction of Russia as a Mediterranean power, of the Mississippi Valley with Europe-a comwithout allowing her to seize on Egypt or Syria, merce which may include, in time, a large share the keys of Eastern Asia, or by the aggrandize- of the commerce of Asia. But viewed in conment of Austria—are all points which must come nection with our commerce with South America up in the discussion. It is not our purpose here and our Pacific possessions, the Cuba question to enter on it, as it would carry us too far. assumes a different aspect. Whatever may be A second question discussed by Mr. Trescot the portion of the Asiatic trade which may find is that of Cuba. He contends that "the Gulf its way over the American continent above Mexof Mexico is under the protection of the United ico, still the vast bulk of it seems destined to States and England," that no other flag can be cross either the Isthmus of Panama, that of Tetolerated on its waters, and that if Cuba remains huantepec, or Central America. The entire a colony it must be a colony of Spain: he de- trade of the United States with Western South nies to Spain any right to extend her possessions America seems also destined to pursue the same in the Caribbean Sea or to receive "armed as-route. On that line England has already possistance to keep its own." In case Cuba should sessed herself of the Bahamas, Jamaica, Mosfree herself from Spain he argues that England quito and most of the smaller Antilles. France is entitled to share in our counsels concerning has also some of the lesser islands of the great that island: her territorial possessions near Cuba and her commercial interests entitle her to a voice in the matter. Cuba, he thinks, should remain an independent slave-holding republic, under the guarantee of England and the United States. In this he sees an escape from many evils which the annexation of Cuba would bring with it, viz: the necessity to annex other islands, Jamaica, Hayti, etc., and the possibility of thereby involving ourselves in war with Eugland. The Cuba question is too intricate, and is too American sea: and even Holland, Sweden and First in importance are Cuba and Porto Rico. |