H. or R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 8, 1834. supposable that a proposition of such magnitude and in- into and report all the facts necessary to enable this terest can receive the consideration which its importance House to act understandingly and efficiently in relation to demands while it is before the House as an appendage the subject now under consideration, and all others of a to an appropriation bill. The bill to which this amend- kindred character. If the report of the committee shall ment is offered is the one which, of all others, is the satisfy me that any of the officers of Government are in most essential to sustain and keep up the functions of the the receipt of extravagant salaries or compensation, or Government. Its passage has already been delayed to an that any acts of profligacy or corruption have been sancunusually late period of the session; and, when every tioned by the administration, in any department of the consideration connected with the public interests de- Government, I pledge myself to co-operate heartily with manded the prompt action of the House upon it, it was my colleague in the correction of the evils. obstructed in its passage by the introduction of the measure now under consideration. To tolerate such a course of legislation, to permit your appropriation bills to be encumbered and embarrassed by the introduction of original and debatable propositions not connected with, or coming within the province and design of such bills, is to run the hazard, not only of giving an inconsiderate sanction to objectionable principles, but to jeopard the fate of indispensable appropriations. The considerations to which I have thus briefly adverted are amply sufficient, in my view, to justify a negative vote on the amendment of my colleague. But there are other grounds of objection to it. It assumes as its basis, that the compensation and salaries of all the officers of Government should be reduced; and yet it stops short of this object. For instance, while it proposes to take from postmasters twenty-five per cent. of the scanty pittance which the larger number of them now receive, it But the inappropriateness of the pending proposition, leaves untouched the liberal salaries and emoluments of considered in the light of an amendment to the general the Judiciary department of the Government, and the appropriation bill, does not constitute the only ground of officers of the army and navy. I apprehend that no satmy opposition. It is objectionable for other reasons. isfactory reason for this exemption can be given. My We are asked to sanction a most material reduction in colleague has said that he does not desire to reduce the the compensation of our public servants, without refer- salaries of the federal judges, and that we are inhibited ence to any fixed principles; without any previous inquiry by the constitution from interfering with their compensainto the facts and considerations pertinent to the subject; tion so as to affect those now in office. I am perfectly and without that light and information essential to the in-aware of the constitutional provision on this subject, but telligent action of the House. Let it be conceded that take leave to inform the gentleman that it is clearly within there are officers whose compensation is too high; yet, our competency to provide for the reduction of the salain order to know who they are, and what the proper re- ries of those hereafter to be appointed. I have noticed duction should be, you must necessarily go into an inquiry this objection to the proposition under consideration, as to matters of fact. To enable us judiciously to grad- merely to show that it does not carry out the principle on uate the scale of compensation, it is important to know which it is based. I would not be understood as affirmthe precise duties required of the officer; the degree of ing the expediency of a reduction in the compensation of talent requisite to the faithful and efficient discharge of those officers who are thus exempted from the proposed those duties; the responsibilities which his official station process of retrenchment. devolves upon him; and the expenses to which he neces- Having thus stated some of the objections to the pendsarily is subjected. These are matters requiring delib-ing proposition which have occurred to my mind, I cannot erate consideration and investigation, without which no forbear to notice the reasons and motives which my colgentleman, whatever may be his intellectual power and league has informed the House have induced him to offer endowments, is prepared to act. it for our consideration. He has told us that he felt himSir, I rejoice that the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. self imperiously called upon to make this effort to reduce CLAYTON,] under a conviction, no doubt, of the inappro- the expenditures of the Government, on account of the priateness and impossibility of considering and deciding pervading distress and pecuniary pressure which he althe proposition now pending, in the manner proposed, leges to exist in the country. He says that the value of has submitted a resolution, which has received an almost real estate and the products of the country have been unanimous vote, for the organization of a select commit- greatly depreciated, and especially that wheat, one of the tee to inquire what retrenchments in the expenses of staple productions of Ohio, has fallen to a very low price Government can be safely and judiciously made. This, in the part of the State which he represents, and that he sir, in my view, is the only proper and practicable mode anticipates a still further reduction in the value of that of attaining the object which my colleague professes to article. This state of things the gentleman is pleased to have in view. It is only through the medium of such a attribute to the action of the administration in relation to committee, that a proper basis for the action of this the Bank of the United States; and he thinks there is a House, in relation to the subject under consideration, can peculiar propriety in punishing those who have had an be furnished. I repeat, that I am gratified that this meas-agency in bringing these evils upon the country, by deure has been adopted. I profess to be sincerely the ad- priving them of a portion of the emoluments of office vocate of all just and proper reforms in the administration now allowed them. of the Government, and all judicious retrenchments in its It is not my purpose to make up an issue with the gen expenditures; and I hope the committee, in due time, tleman as to the statement he has made in relation to the will afford me an opportunity of testing, by my vote, the situation of the country. Taking the prices of Western sincerity of the declarations I have made. And here I produce for the last two or three years as a standard, take the occasion to congratulate my colleague [Mr. there has been some depression in the value of some artiVANCE] that he has been honored with a place on that cles within the last six months. Without pretending to committee. Henceforth, I trust, the gentleman will have know what may be the state of the markets in the section no reason to allege that the fullest and most ample oppor- of the State from which my colleague comes, I am happy tunity has not been afforded him, and those with whom he is to say that, from the best information I can obtain, with politically associated, to ferret out and drag to light the the exception of the article of wheat, there has been, as imputed profligacy and extravagance of the present ad- yet, in the eastern part of Ohio, no material reduction in ministration. I have no reason to doubt that my colleague the prices of produce. How long this comparatively fa will discharge the important duties which devolve upon vorable state of things is to exist there, is not for me to him, as a member of the committee, with promptitude predict. I freely admit, however, that the country labors and fidelity. I hope the committee will rigidly inquire under a more than ordinary pressure and pecuniary em MAY 8, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [II. OF R. barrassment. Although it may correspond with the views which found us loaded with an appalling national debt. and purposes of my colleague to charge this state of things Subsequent to that period, we had a succession of years upon the course of the administration in relation to the of depression and gloom, during which the country suf bank, yet I think it has a different origin. In my view it fered under great and serious embarrassment. But duis clearly attributable to another cause. It is no part of ring our whole history, from the meeting of the first my purpose to enter upon the discussion of a subject Congress, under the present constitution, to the present which has already occupied the greater portion of the pres- time, I have not been informed that a proposition was ent session of Congress; but I cannot omit the present ever made to reduce the salary of the President of the opportunity to say that the pressure and embarrassment United States. It seems to have occurred to none of the under which the country has labored for some months many distinguished statesmen who have participated in the past, is justly chargeable upon the action and joint exer- councils of the country, that such a measure was called for tions of certain leading politicians, and of the Bank of by the public interests; nor was any evidence afforded that the United States. Two objects were to be obtained by the compensation affixed to the presidential office was too the parties of this league. The administration was to be high. On the contrary, we have seen at least two of the put down, that another might be raised up on its ruins, eminent patriots and statesmen who have occupied that and the Bank of the United States desired a perpetuation station retiring from it in a state of absolute poverty. of its existence. To create a panic in the community, to The conclusion to which I arrive from these reflections destroy public confidence, to shake the credit of local is, that if, in the dark period of '89, and through all the banks, and to charge these results upon the administra-intervening space to the present time, the salary of the tion, were the readiest means of rendering it odious to President of the United States, then fixed by law, has the people, and inducing them to ask for a recharter of not been deemed too high, it is neither just nor expedient the bank. Sir, in this brief suggestion you have the true now to reduce it. explanation of the difficulties under which the country It would, Mr. Speaker, be an unpardonable consumption has labored, and from which it has not yet wholly recov- of the time of the House to enter into a detailed notice ered. And, if I mistake not the "signs of the times,' of the various reductions of compensation contemplated the period is not far distant when this view will be taken by the amendment before us. If I was desirous of doing by far the greater portion of this community, and the so, I am not in possession of such facts as would enable responsibility of having produced the fearful public evils me to speak profitably upon these matters. There may which the country has endured will be charged upon its be officers embraced in the amendment whose compensa. true authors. But I pass from this subject to inquire of tion ought to be reduced. And at the proper time, and my colleague if he is sincere in taking the position, that when the proper information shall be presented, the genthere is any thing in the present state of the country tleman, my colleague, will find me going with him, in the which of itself demands at our hands a reduction in the work of retrenchment, to the fullest extent that justice salaries and emoluments of our public officers. If, from and expediency shall require. I must be permitted here any cause, there is a present depression in the value of to say, however, that, as it regards the compensation of property and produce, and a scarcity of money, are we our public functionaries, extremes ought most studiously to be called on, from that consideration alone, to change to be avoided. It is clearly unbecoming the republican our system of compensating the officers of Government? simplicity of our Government, and inconsistent with the It is known to all that the value of our products is subject purity and preservation of our institutions, that any public to perpetual changes and fluctuations; and, upon the theory of my colleague, the compensation of our public servants is to be raised and depressed to correspond with these changes. Such a course would present a singular anomaly in the legislation of any country. servant should receive such an amount of pecuniary emolument as would enable him to indulge in habits of extravagance, or minister to a despicable spirit of cupidity. On the other hand, we should avoid, with equal scrupulosity, fixing the rate of compensation to those connectI propose further to test the principle upon which ed with the Government so low as that the poor would alone the proposition of my colleague rests for its sup- not aspire to, and could not afford to accept of, public port, by presenting to the notice of the House some facts stations. The tendency of such a policy is strongly and and considerations connected with the compensation of rankly aristocratic, as it would inevitably throw all the the President of the United States. It is proposed to posts of honor under the Government into the hands of reduce the salary of this officer from $25,000 to $15,000 the wealthy, to the exclusion of those of humbler fortunes per annum, after the expiration of the present presiden- and more limited means. Sir, I have the satisfaction to tial term; and this, too, upon the hypothesis that our believe that this is a principle well understood and propcountry is in a most depressed and calamitous condition! erly appreciated by the American people, and that it is not Let us see what have been the views entertained by our those who clamor most boisterously for low salaries who predecessors on this subject. I find, by a reference to will receive the largest allowance of popular favor, or be our statute-books, that the salary of the President of the esteemed the sincerest friends of republican principles. United States was fixed at $25,000 per annum, by an act But there is another topic, which has been prominentof Congress passed in September, 1789. Our country ly presented by my colleague, in the remarks which he had then but just emerged from that arduous and glorious submitted upon the introduction of his proposition for restruggle which resulted in the achievement of our inde- trenchment. He made it the occasion of a violent and pendence. We came out of that war with a currency unmeasured denunciation of the present administration essentially vicious and deranged, our commerce nearly for its profligacy and extravagance. He has told us that, annihilated, and our manufacturing and agricultural inter- coming into power with the most flattering promises of ests in a state of great depression. Our national re-introducing economy and reform, it has far outstripped sources were exhausted, and the country was laboring the preceding administration in the amount of its expenunder the weight of an immense public debt. It was in ditures. This grave and serious allegation requires a such a state of things, and under such circumstances, passing notice. And here, sir, allow me to say, that if I that the patriots and sages of the Congress of '89 estab- believed the charge of a wasteful or corrupt expenditure lished the salary of the Chief Magistrate of the nation at of the public treasure was justly imputable to the Execu$25,000 per annum. Since that period, we have had tive department of the Government, I would not hesitate many mutations-many ebbs and flows in the current of to reprobate and denounce it. But, after an attentive our national prosperity. In our progress onward, we examination of this subject, I am satisfied the charge is have passed through a second war, the termination of not sustainable. H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 8, 1834. My colleague would seem to assume the position that have been sanctioned and authorized by acts of Congress. the President is responsible for every expenditure made I might here turn the tables upon my colleague, and show during the existence of his administration, without any that, as it regards the Executive administration of the reference to the authority under which it was made. Government, there has been a positive saving to the naHence, he has exhibited a comparative statement of the tion since General Jackson came into power. From a aggregate expenditures of the last and the present ad-comparative statement of the disbursements of the two ministration, showing, what no one ever denied, that the administrations, it is susceptible of clear demonstration, disbursements from the treasury under the present, ex-that, under the heads of expenses of the navy and the ceed those of a corresponding period under the former management of our foreign intercourse alone, upwards of administration. But does this fact establish the charge of two millions have been saved to the people. But, sir, it extravagance upon the Executive department of the Gov-is not necessary that I should pursue this subject further. ernment? No one better understands the course of con- I dismiss it with the remark, that it should not excite the gressional legislation for some years past than my col-surprise or alarm of any gentleman to find that there is league, and no one is more fully apprized of the fact that some increase in the aggregate expenditures of the Gov. the great amount of disbursements under this administra-ernment. It is a necessary result of the onward progress tion is attributable to the actionof Congress, and not to of the nation in population and wealth. The great exten the Executive. Sir, the present President of the United sion of the sales of our public lands, growing out of the States, it would seem, cannot give satisfaction to his op-rapid flow of emigration to the West, the prosperous ponents, whatever course he pursues. If he exercises state of our commerce, the great increase of importations his constitutional power of vetoing the acts of Congress, from abroad, and other causes that might be enumerated, as he has sometimes done, with the most beneficial effects, unavoidably lead to some increase of public expenditure. and thus represses and rebukes legislative profusion, he Before I resume my seat, I must be permitted to say a is denounced as a despot, defeating and thwarting the word or two to my colleague, as connected with the popular will, as expressed through the representatives great scheme of retrenchment and reform which he has of the people. On the other hand, if he gives his sanc-submitted to the consideration of the House. We are to tion to acts of Congress authorizing the expenditure of understand, from the gentleman's remarks, that this prop the public treasure, he is charged with profligacy and ex-osition has its origin in the patriotic desire to relieve, as travagance. far as practicable, the sufferings of the people in this peWe are informed by my colleague that the aggregate riod of general gloom and depression. He alleges that amount of payments made from the treasury, under this money is more scarce and valuable than formerly, and administration, exceeds those of the last by the sum of that there is a universal depreciation in the value of propnear eighteen millions of dollars. I am sorry it did not erty. He has been pleased to call our attention especial suit the purposes and views of the gentleman to state the ly to the deplorable condition of his constituents, and true causes of the balance thus appearing against the ad- dwelt emphatically and feelingly on the low price of ministration. In the first place, there is to be deducted wheat in his quarter of the State. Sir, it is not for me from that balance near twelve millions and a half, paid to assert that the motives of my colleague are not such as by General Jackson on account of the national debt, he has avowed. And yet there are some facts which, in beyond the amount applied to that object by his prede- the minds of men more sceptical than myself, might cast cessor; and, as it regards the residue of the balance a cloud of suspicion over the gentleman's course. We stated against this administration, it can be most satisfac- are informed by him that he has been a member of this torily explained by referring to the legislation of Con- House for thirteen years. Where, I would ask, has the gress for the last four or five years. That, sir, will gentleman's patriotism slumbered during that period' evince, that if extravagance is imputable any where, it is Will he controvert the position that, within the last thirto the Legislative, and not the Executive department of teen years, there have been times when money was more the Government. Let gentlemen refer to the immense scarce, and the price of Western produce more depressed expenditure authorized to carry into effect the policy of than it now is, even taking his own representation of the the Government in relation to the Indians-a policy, it present state of things to be correct? Sir, that gentleman is true, which was recommended by the present Execu- knows well that, since he has had a seat in this House, tive, but which received the sanction of both Houses of the article of wheat has been a drug in the market, even Congress, and the wisdom and philanthropy of which at twenty-five cents the bushel; and that all other Westwill be denied or controverted by few indeed. And again, ern products were correspondingly depressed in value. sir, let me refer gentlemen to the large amounts paid to But that state of things did not awaken the sensibilities of the States of Massachusetts and South Carolina, in sat the gentleman. We were not then favored with any isfaction of their claims for services rendered and dis-proposition for the relief of a distressed people, such as bursements made during the last war. Let me point them is now under consideration. At that period the gentleto the sum expended in fortifications and internal im-man occupied a most advantageous position in this House provements, in cases, and under circumstances, that for- for carrying into effect the reform which he has propsbid the exercise of the veto power by the Executive. sed. He belonged to a political party which had the as Let me also remind them that during this administration cendency here, as also in the Executive department of the nation has been called upon to prosecute an expensive the Government. If the gentleman had then come for war with the Indians, in defence of our Western frontiers; ward with the proposed measure, no one would have had and, lastly, let me remind gentlemen that, under the pen-any just reason to doubt his patriotism or his disinterestsion act of 1832, making provision for the remnant of our edness. But, sir, is it not somewhat strange that, after gallant revolutionary army, between thirty and forty having occupied a seat on this floor for thirteen years, ia thousand names have been added to the pension list, in- the comfortable receipt of his eight dollars a day, he should volving an annual expenditure of several millions of be so suddenly visited with the conviction that the pay of all our public servants, including members of Congress, is too high? dollars. Sir, I have foreborne to enter into any elaborate details as to the expenditures of the present administration. The general view which I have presented is sufficient to show that the charge of profligacy and extravagance is without foundation, and that it is unfair and uncandid to lay at the door of the Executive those disbursements that It is not my purpose to impugn the motives of my en' league in the introduction of this proposition. Hs standing here entitles him to respect, and the estimation in which he is held by the people he represents is evidenced by his successive election as a member of the MAY 8, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. OF R House. It would seem, too, that he maintains an eleva-ness, the patriotism of the people, are the strong towers ted rank, in the opinion of his party, throughout the of our defence, and on them, I trust, we may rely with State of Ohio. I infer this from having noticed the an- confidence. In defiance of all efforts to mislead them, nunciation of his name, in some of the newspapers of that they will do right. And though millions upon millions of State, as a candidate for the office of Governor. Far be bank documents and speeches should continue to be grait from me to impute censure to the gentleman for aspi- tuitously showered upon them, they will not fail to perring to that elevated station. Neither would I allege that ceive and properly appreciate the true character of the the introduction and advocacy of his proposition for re-contest now in progress. They never will allow them. trenchment has any connexion with the fact that he has selves to be led captive either by the power or the sebeen named as a candidate for the gubernatorial chair of ductions of the bank. To them the decision of the moOhio. True, sir, the gentleman, by one of those revolu- mentous issue may be safely confided. tions of the political wheel which are not uncommon in Mr. VANCE made a replication, (which has been imthis country, has been thrown from the majority to the bodied with his remarks, commencing with page 3976,) minority; and it is no imputation upon him to suppose in which he insisted on the accuracy of his former statethat he may desire to effect a counter-revolution, by ments of a statistical kind, and adverted to the decline of which the party to which he belongs may regain their prices of the staple productions of the Western country former strength and standing. And to effect an object so since the removal of the deposites. desirable, an object which the gentleman, no doubt, esteems most laudable and patriotic, and to enlarge the circle of his popularity, it is perhaps not strange that he should have arraigned the present administration, upon greatly reduced. the grave charges of profligacy and extravagance, and Mr. MILLER opposed this amendment. have presented himself before the people of Ohio in the imposing attitude of the champion of retrenchment and reform. Mr. BATES, of Massachusetts, supported the amendment, and argued on the equity of reducing salaries when the value of all the property of the country had been so He was against exorbitant salaries being granted to any public officer; but, at the same time, he was of opinion that a liberal and sufficient compensation should be given to all Sir, it is possible that, from the same pure and elevated public functionaries. Mr. M. continued: If the gentlemotives, my colleague has found it expedient to afford man from Ohio would prepare a report distinctly proving the most indubitable evidence of his devotion to the Bank that the salaries were too high, or that abuses existed, he of the United States. If untiring zeal in such a cause be should have his (Mr. M.'s) cordial support. Mr. M. said any proof of patriotism, the gentleman is entitled to a he would fearlessly assert that all the great staple commost liberal award of praise. Not only my own constitu- modities of the country bore an equivalent price to what ents, but those of other gentlemen on this floor, can bear they had done for the last thirty years. The truth was, testimony to his services in the cause of the bank. Those that the whole had sprung out of the removal of the debenighted democrats of Ohio who have so far erred and posites; the timid had been alarmed, and, having become strayed from the true faith as to have sent here a majority apprehensive that the current money of banks was inseof Representatives who have had the temerity to array cure, had produced the distress complained of, and themselves against this institution, have participated lib. brought the country on the verge of a ruin which had no erally in the gentleman's favors. Within the infected other foundation than that of alarm and clamor. He districts his frank is more familiar to the people than the hoped the House would immediately dispose of the quessignature of Nicholas Biddle. And if the erring flock is tion. not brought within the fold, it will not be on account of Mr. EWING said the gentleman [Mr. MILLER] who any deficiency of bank documents and speeches. The has just taken his seat has closed his remarks with exdistrict which I have the honor to represent has not been pressing a wish that this question be immediately decided. slighted or overlooked by my colleague and some of his I concur with the gentleman, said Mr. E., in wishing a political associates on this floor. My constituents have speedy and salutary termination of the subject in debate; been bountifully supplied with these bank missiles; and, but I must, at the same time, avail myself of my privilege if the labors of these patriotic gentlemen should not pro- on this floor, by repeating the wants and wishes of my duce the salutary effect which was intended, I am sure constituents on a subject in which they are deeply interthey will stand exonerated from the charge of any want ested. I cannot consent to the conclusions to which that of zeal or industry in their vocation. In thus referring gentleman has arrived. If the country is on the verge of to the kindness of gentlemen to my constituents, I trust I ruin, as the gentleman avers, I do not believe that it is shall not be understood as indulging in the tone or lan- the result of false alarm and clamor, to which he attributes guage of complaint. The only regret which I feel upon it. The great body of the American people are too enthe occasion arises from my utter inability to reciprocate lightened to be roused to action by false pretences; and, the favors thus liberally bestowed on those whom I am cho- at present, we hear complaints from every quarter of sen to represent. If it was in my power, I assure the the country. Sir, do we not know that there are real gentlemen it would afford me infinite pleasure to use my and substantial causes of complaint? Do we not know efforts to indoctrinate their constituents with opinions and that the fruits of industry are snatched from the mouth of sentiments hostile to the Bank of the United States; and labor to enrich the pampered office-holders, who have give me leave to say that, in doing so, I should feel the been so sigually benefited by the recent measures of the sincerest conviction that I was advancing the true and Executive? Do we not know that though the price of permanent interests of my country. I should feel a deep board, lodging, and all the necessaries of life in Washingconsciousness that, however humble and unavailing might ton city have not been reduced, as observed by some of be my exertions, they were at least designed to preserve the opponents of this amendment, yet that every mail and protect the rights and liberties of the people from brings us multiplied testimony that all the great staples of the assaults and approaches of an institution pregnant the country, as well as real estate, have been prostrated with corruption and danger. But, unfortunately, I am in value by the very means which have enhanced the value not in the possession of the facilities which enable me, to of the salaries of office-holders? Do we not know that any great extent, to gratify my wishes in the dissemina-good money has increased in value every where; and that tion of light and information on this subject. My unaided the apprehension of a depreciated currency and the emmeans are inadequate to this end. Sir, I am aware there barrassment of trade, produced by the removal of the deis a most fearful odds against me, and those with whom I posites, require not the aid of clamor to produce all the am politically associated. But the intelligence, the firm-painful effects we have witnessed--ay, sir, and others H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 8, 1834. which must unavoidably follow? And shall the office- passing Eastward as freely and as certainly as the currents holders, who almost alone sustain the measures that have of our rivers flow to the South; what time, sir, I would produced these blighting effects, be the only class of the ask, could be selected for reducing the expenditures of community which shall escape their paralyzing influence? the Government, more suited to the circumstances of the Shall we continue to vote away the money of the people, people of the West? They are a patriotic, a confiding and sanction the increasing expenditures of the Govern- people; but when their money is wasted on the officement, while every branch of industry and enterprise by holders, and appropriations refused for their rivers and which our country was marching to prosperity and hap-roads, on account of the alleged want of means, and other piness is sinking under the weight of executive experi- reasons advanced by these office-holders, surely they ment? I hope not. cannot be blind to a policy so fatal to the purity of their The gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. VANCE,] who intro- Government and their own prosperity. Thus I dispose of duced this amendment, merits my thanks, and the thanks the objection as to time. Now, what validity is in the ob of the country, for the equitable and judicious plan by jection as regards the existing circumstances? It is obwhich he proposes to alleviate the burdens which press jected that the public printers and the Judiciary are not on the people from the present deranged and embarrass- embraced in this reduction. A brief answer will dispose ed condition of the country; and I regret to hear one of of these objections. The public printers, I am happy to his colleagues [Mr. LEAVITT] attribute his course to po say, are not executive officers. They hold their office litical motives--to the desire of revolutionizing parties in by virtue of a contract under a law which we have no Ohio; while its basis is obviously founded on the first power or authority to violate; because the constitution principles of justice and equality. If the officers alluded provides that contracts cannot be impaired. The salaries to have heretofore received suitable compensation for of judicial officers are also provided for by the constitu their services--and that they did is proved from the very tion, which places them beyond the influence of legisla. means by which they endeavor to obtain and retain office tive interference, unless we imitate those who, to accom --then the proposed reduction will leave them precisely plish their purposes, seem heedless of constitutional en in the situation they occupied before the experiment was actments. These objections, therefore, fall to the ground, undertaken. The gentleman [Mr. LEAVITT] marvelled They afford nothing to sustain the extravagance which that such reduction was never proposed by the mover of the amendment of my friend from Ohio is intended to the amendment during thirteen years' service in the na- correct. But, sir, what circumstance now exists to lessen tional councils. But the wonder of that gentleman would the force of the reasons presented to the people of this have been spared, had he reflected that the present is the country in 1827, by the celebrated Committee on Refirst time in which the variable and illegal assumptions of trenchment? Their inquiries led to an exposé of the a high public functionary had threatened the country propriety of reduction, even before the present alarming with a depreciating currency, which must banish confi-state of the currency existed, and when the expenditures dence, and lessen the value of the poor man's labor. But the gentleman [Mr. LEAVITT] argues that it would be unjust, because it would be indiscriminate, to make the proposed reduction: and further, that it is objectionable as to place, time, and circumstance. of the Government were many millions less than they are at present. Has a single circumstance since transpired, that was not highly calculated to enforce the necessity of this measure! Not one. We find a general and sound currency condemned, as Voltaire and Volney condemned Sir, said Mr. E., I cannot assent to such opinions. I the Scriptures, without offering a substitute of equal have already shown that, if these federal officers have practicability and validity. We have appeals made to us been all equitably paid, the bearing of the amendment will in regard to this matter, and the distress occasioned by place them in the same relative position. The ratio of it, from all quarters of the country, and from all parties, reduction, therefore, being equal, no invidious complaint the office-holders only excepted. The prospect before can bear against it. In point of justice, the depreciation us is even more alarming than the actual suffering at the of public and private property--the farmers' products and the mechanics' industry--with the just principles of economy, formerly inculcated by those in power, and now really necessary, clearly establish that point; all bias of party feeling to the contrary notwithstanding. present time: and no golden temptations of Executive favor, held out to the incumbents or aspirants to office, whether relatives or friends, should deter us from accom plishing that which existing circumstances so imperiously demand. I think, sir, said Mr. E., and the people, under The other objections in regard to time, place, and cir- a due investigation of the subject, will think, that the cumstance, would lead to a more extensive field of argu-"time, place, and circumstances" are the very best that ment than the occasion requires. But I shall advert suc- could be selected for effecting the object of the amend cinctly to his objections on these points. I am surprised at the objection to the time. No time will ever suit or prove acceptable to those who revel in and electioneer by means of the patronage of the Government. But, sir, said Mr. E., no time so imperiously demanding the adoption of such a measure has heretofore existed; and that it was not adopted in Committee of the Whole, is no reason why it should not be adopted in the House. But let us pursue this objection a little further. The gentleman [Mr. L.] is from the West as well as myself; and what is the condition of the West at this time? We depend mainly on the New Orleans market. Wheat, corn, flour, whiskey, pork, beef, and lumber, compose our chief articles of export. The money received for lands is expended on these office-holders, while that collected on the seaboard is expended there, and as consumers we contribute largely to that part of the public revenue. The internal improvement of the West is in part arrested by the assumptions of power to which I have already adverted, and with our articles of export remaining at low prices or unsold, in a sickly climate, with our money ment. In advocating this amendment, I do not wish to be viewed as acting from motives of party. It is a subject that concerns the whole, as well as all the parts; and if it exposes the hollow pretensions of a party now in power, the fault is their own, not mine, or those who act with me. It is argued that the present salaries paid to officeholders are so small that they cannot become rich. It may be so; but it is the fewer number, even of the productive classes of society, that ever become rich; and if the office-holders waste a portion of their income, as is stated in some of the public prints, to sustain and inculcate degrading partisan subserviency, then the policy and propriety of this measure is more clearly demonstrated. Mr. E. concluded by hoping that no true friend of economy, who would support this measure in a specific bill, would object to it in the shape now presented. It will correct that system of office-seeking, and dependance on Executive favor, which office-holders are said to have encouraged, in order to sustain themselves in power. It will save for the country means essential to promote ob |