MAY 8, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. OF R. jects of general utility; and it will preserve, what is of a stop to the dangerous usurpation of the United States much deeper importance to the country- "A brave yeomanry, their country's pride, The fact tressed. Bank; and had it not done it? There were many who encouraged the President in his opposition to the bank, and owed their popularity to it, who were now backing out. Mr. BYNUM was induced to believe, he said, that gen-came into power. Never, in any part of the country, did These were the principles on which the administration tlemen who proposed this amendment were not in earnest, he hear it objected to the late administration that the saand, if they were, they certainly presumed much upon laries of public officers were too high, and never was it the ignorance of the House. The proposition was to curtail the salary of almost every officer of the Government, should reduce them. He could not conceive how gentlepromised, or demanded, that the present administration It was very probable that some salaries were too high, and it was equally probable that others were too low; but it was could come here and denounce the President for the very men who had acquired popularity by lauding the veto, proposed, at one blow, to reduce both those that were too high and those that were too low. But he doubted from Massachusetts had lugged in the old cry about dismeasures which they had approved. The gentleman whether the gentlemen were in earnest, because we had appointed a committee to inquire into facts as to each office tress, the wonderful distress of the country. Perhaps the salary of which is proposed to be reduced. there might be more distress in the gentleman's neighborof the appointment of that committee superseded the hood than in his. It seemed that all the minority were disnecessity of this amendment. They were appointed to But if the majority of the people were satisfied inquire what salaries were too large, and what were too with the operations of the Government, why should we small; and, if any were found to be either too large or too change them? It was extraordinary for the minority to small, he would cheerfully vote for their increase or re- ask the majority to yield up their opinions and the govduction. But, notwithstanding the appointment of this ernment of the country to them. The opponents of the committee, this amendment was pressed upon us before administration were alone distressed, and it was their inthe result of its inquiry was laid before the House. Much terest to make it appear that the country is distressed. had been said about the extravagance of this administra- The subject of the amendment was too important to be tion; and from whom did these charges come? If he was hastily decided upon. Believing that it was altogether an not mistaken, they came from one political party; and improper time to act on the subject, and that it was rentheir object was to produce political effect. When those dered unnecessary by the appointment of a committee to salaries were established, the country was as much de- examine the subject, he should vote against the amendment. pressed as it now is, for then we had just emerged from Mr. LINCOLN considered the proposition as too broad, a long war, and had not recovered from its depression and and he could not vote for it. He was ready, however, embarrassments. In the judgment of the whole world, to reduce such salaries as might be found to be too high. the country was never more happy than it is at the pres to be laid on the table, to wait for some further legislation. For many reasons, it was his opinion that this bill ought ent time. Gentlemen must have more regard for their consistency, if they wish to preserve their influence with If the bill passed, under present circumstances, the whole intelligent people. He could not assent to the correctness pecuniary concerns of the Government would be left at of their position, as to the present state of the country Government. Until it was ascertained, by law, where the the caprice, not the discretion, of one individual in the compared with its former condition. But for the agitations of politicians, we should be the happiest people and least in need of making reductions in salaries, of any other in the world. Gentlemen told us that one dollar now was worth as much as two dollars were last year. He could not believe it was so. Had any member here found any reduction in his expenses? Were the products of the country much reduced in price? The article of cotton, which was the staple product of his part of the country, was as high as its average price for several years past. Pork, bacon, and corn were also as high now, within a cent or two, as usual. Much had been said in regard to the increase of the expenditures of the Government. The increase of population must necessarily increase the expenses of the Government. The addition of forty members to this House showed how rapidly the population of the country and its public expenditures must have increas. ed. Look at our acquisitions of territory and say whether that has not called for increased expenditures. Twenty My principal object, Mr. Speaker, in arising at this thousand miles had been added to the Post Office routes. moment, said Mr. C., is to answer what I acknowledge to Was this extravagance? Was it not called for by the neces- be a wide digression from the subject under debate; but sities of the people; and was it not ordered by them, it is due to the country that I should make an inquiry of through their representatives? How could gentlemen the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. BYNUM.] He come forward with charges against the administration on account of these expenditures? treasury is, he was unwilling to vote for the passage of this bill. He would not consent to reduce the salary of the Vice President, but he would reduce the salaries of the Secretaries to the same sum which the second officer of the Government receives. If the question must be, whether the amendment, as a whole, shall be adopted or rejected, he would vote for its rejection. subject had been on almost every debatable ground, he Mr. CHILTON, of Kentucky, said that, debated as this did not arise to enter on a further discussion. He had already seen and heard enough here, to convince him, and this he had expressed at an early stage of this bill, that the former retrenchment party was a retrenchment party no longer. Here was an opportunity to retrench; but where are the friends of the system? Alas! alas! they are few-they have, it would seem, fled to other ranks, and to other opinions. has said, sir, a few moments since, that the President of the United States has redeemed his promises to the people of the country; and has been uniform in his action on the principles which elevated him to power. Among the pledges which that gentleman says the Executive made to the people of the South, are the following: 1st. That he would put down internal improvements. 2d. That he would reduce the tariff. Gentlemen ask on what principle the present administration came into power. He would tell gentlemen what were the principles on which it was supported in his part of the country, and would assure them that, in respect to those principles, it had fully met the expectations of its friends. It was expected that it would put a stop to the ruinous extravagance of the system of internal improve- 3d. And that he would destroy the United States Bank. ments; and it had done it. It was expected that it would Sir, if I have misunderstood the gentleman, I ask it as reduce the tariff; and it had been done. All had been a favor that he will now correct me, as I should regret to done in this respect which could be done, and more than put a wrong interpretation on his language, or on that of he had expected would be done. It was expected to put any other gentleman on this floor. H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 8, 1834. I have paused for a reply: none has been given; and the subject, which has been my impression heretofore: therefore take it as granted that I have correctly under- but this is an immaterial fact, as, either way, the General stood the language used. I was notified of the grounds assumed against him by his enemies, and requested explicitly to avow his sentiments on those two absorbing subjects. Mr. Speaker, permit me to say that I have never been more astonished at any declaration which I have heard on this floor, or elsewhere, than at that on which I am The correspondence was accordingly opened, and Gennow called for a few moments to comment. Can it be, eral Jackson answered. Yes, sir, and what was his anthat such declarations or promises were made to the peo-swer? It was, to use a general remark, just such a one ple of the South? I ask, can it be so? Sir, it is stated by as his Western friends both expected and desired. It cona member of this House--a highly honorable and respect-firmed their faith, elevated their hopes, and, if possible, ed member, of whom my personal knowledge is such as redoubled their exertions in his support. It no longer to forbid that I should for a moment question the correct- remained for them to go forth, repelling what they conness of his statements, or any of them. sidered the false charges of the enemies of the Western candidate, on the mere ground of conjecture, relative to his views, but they now had his own written testimony, and with this they felt prepared to meet and vanquish his foes, and to silence their suspicions. Well, sir, inviting the House to bear the declaration in mind, I must be permitted to submit a few remarks on the subject of the pledges which the same individual (the President) was understood to give to the Western people, at the same time, and for the same purpose, to wit, to secure their confidence and their votes. But we will look into this testimony a little in detail. And, first, on the subject of internal improvements. The Mr. John Quincy Adams was then, sir, President of General, for a recorded testimony of his devotion to that the United States, and Henry Clay was his Secretary. system, referred to his votes while a member of the SenThese gentlemen were known to be the devoted friends ate of the United States, during the session, if I am not of the tariff and internal improvements, and so were the mistaken, of 1824. It was at that period that the subgreat body of the Western people. The contest for the ject of internal improvement was voted on, in almost Presidential chair was between Mr. Adams and General every shape in which it could be presented. One ques Jackson. The friends of the former, with a political tion was, Would Congress appropriate a large amount forecast, as I now find it, which I then mistook for an am- of public money "to purchase stock in the Chesapeake bitious determination to prostrate General Jackson, de- and Delaware Canal Company?" Here we find Geneclared in the Western country, that, if the General should ral Jackson voting in the affirmative. Another question succeed in the contest, he would exert all his energies was, Had Congress the power to make improvements and his influence to destroy the tariff, and their favorite within the States, without first consulting and obtaining system of internal improvements. The friends of Jack the permission of the States? Here, again, we find Genson repelled this declaration, and asserted that if elected eral Jackson voting in the affirmative. 1 might, sir, purhe would sustain both; that he was as warmly and de-sue this subject still further, as his votes went further; but votedly friendly to each, as either Mr. Adams or Mr. Clay I have here enough to suffice my present purpose. And, could be; and that, in truth, the important reason why before I proceed to notice the assurance which he gave the West had never been permitted to participate in the us in the West, in the same letter, and in regard to the smiles of Executive favor, or the disbursements of the tariff, I must beg the permission of the House to contrast public money, was, that we had never been so fortunate this first pledge with his course after he was elected. as to secure the election of a Western President, a man He had voted a large appropriation, to purchase stock acquainted with our true situation, and disposed to re- in a canal company, and he had, as I have before stated, spect our long-neglected rights. I may, sir, be called on referred to this vote as testimony of his devotion to interfor the evidence on which we felt that we were authori-nal improvements. Now, sir, could any one of his friends zed to assert General Jackson's friendship for those two have anticipated that, so soon as he got into office, he systems of national policy. I am prepared to give it; would turn about, and reverse the fundamental principle and am happy, Mr. Speaker, that so fit an opportunity of that vote? Could any one have supposed that he would, has been afforded me for presenting it to the country. at the very outset of his administration, refuse to sanction, For, if it be true that one class of pledges or promises as President, the very same thing which he had claimed were made in the South to catch the Southern vote-so much credit and public consideration for having done and another, and precisely an opposite class of pledges as a Senator? No, sir; no one could have thought it. No were made in the West to catch the Western vote--then one did think it; unless, forsooth, it was some one to whom it is time, and better late than never, that the people he had made the pledge, which is asserted by his friend should understand the plan of operation by which they from North Carolina, that he would put down internal have been caught. This, if true, would prove the improvements." General quite a political angler. He would seem to set Will it be said that I perhaps understood his pledges out as a "fisher of men"--to understand the fishery-differently from his other friends in the Western country; and well knowing that it is necessary to take different and that they did not suppose him under obligation to fish, in different ways, he goes baiting for perch, hooking sanction appropriations similar to those for which he had for suckers, and bobbing for eels; he is prepared at all voted? If so, one fact will prove to gentlemen that, in points. Such is the representation now given of him, as I understand it. While the contest before alluded to was going on, the Legislature of Indiana, aware of the charges which the opponents of General Jackson made against him on the foregoing subjects, adopted certain resolutions, of which, as I have them not before me, I can only speak from memory, though I cannot mistake their import, from the fact that I have so frequently, in times that are past, had occasion to use them, as to impress them deeply, perhaps indelibly, on my memory. so understanding him, I was not alone, but that such was the common understanding and such the common feeling, of the great body of his friends in that quarter. Into the Legislature of Kentucky, certain resolutions were introduced by one of the most conspicuous friends that General Jackson had in that body, instructing their Senators, and requesting their Representatives in Congress, of which number I had then the honor to be one, to exert their influence to procure from Congress an appropriation to aid in completing the road from Maysville to Lexing ton, which was designed as a lateral branch of the great national road. Those resolutions were adopted almost by Mr. Rea, who was then the acting Governor of Indiana, was directed to forward those resolutions to General Jack-unanimity. son; if not, to address him, in his official character, on Well, sir, in obedience to those resolutions, we did ex MAY 8, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. of R. ert ourselves to procure the appropriation; and Congress, in which, permit me to add, sir, he had gone as far as under a sense of justice, made it. The sum of $150,000 Henry Clay himself would have considered it necessary to was appropriated to purchase stock in the Maysville and go. Are any of these statements to be controverted? If Lexington Turnpike Road Company; and, what is more, so, let the member who doubts now controvert them, that appropriation passed this House, according to my that an opportunity may be afforded me of sustaining them, present recollection, by more than two-thirds of the mem- from the public records of the country. bers voting, and by about two-thirds of the Senate. I Here, then, Mr. Speaker, as strong as pledges can be, speak, sir, of its original passage. The news of its pas- are two pledges given: the first to sustain internal imsage flew to Kentucky as though it had been borne on provements, the second to sustain the tariff; and the effect the wings of the wind; and the effect that it produced which they produced in the Western country is too well there, among some of the leading friends of General known to admit of dispute. But what, sir, are we now Jackson, will further and more conclusively sustain the told; and that, too, by one of the most devoted friends of position which I have taken, in regard to the construction the President? We are told, Mr. Speaker, that, while placed on his electioneering pledges made to his Western that individual was making such promises as those to friends. So soon as the news reached that the bill had which I have alluded to the people of the West, among passed both Houses of Congress, the shout of triumph was whom the tariff and internal improvements were popular, raised. Two distinguished newspapers, (I mean distin- he was also understood as pledged to the South that "he guished for their devotion to the chief,) one at Frankfort, would put down internal improvements, and reduce the then under the control of some of the powers that now tariff, and destroy the United States Bank," it being be," and the other at Louisville, were loudest and most known that, in the South, they were unpopular. Sir, if joyful in the strain. What said they? They exclaimed, the gentleman from North Carolina is not in error, what Adams and Clay spent four years in talking, but Gene- a deplorable period in our national history have we reachral Jackson has commenced acting. He has done more ed! Whether he is in error or not, is a question to be for Kentucky in one day, than the others accomplished in settled between himself and those concerned. So far as four years!" Why was this shout of triumph raised? I am concerned, I am bound to believe that he is not. And why this confidence that the bill was the bantling, But, Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I propose this question the offspring of the President? Sir, it was because he for that gentleman, and I hope it may meet his views of stood pledged to encourage internal improvements, and propriety, and, at the same time, suit his convenience to because he had voted for a measure identical in principle answer it: Were the pledges which he says were made with that; and, moreover, because his friends believed he to the Southern people, public or private pledges? If would act out the part to which he was so pledged. public, will he refer me to the document or correspondence in which I shall find them? If private, of course I cannot obtain them, otherwise than as they are here given; and I solemnly declare that this is the first time that I ever heard it acknowledged that such pledges were made to the South, though I have heard the charge made perhaps ten thousand times over. If they were public, then the President would stand self-condemned of having availed himself of different currents as he navigated different political seas; and if private, then it is well that the people should understand the character of the means by which a wise and virtuous administration was prostrated, on the ruins of which another has sprung up, which has (thank God!) left us thus long the name of a free people, if, indeed, but little, or, perhaps, nothing more. But how short-lived are the greatest raptures of this world! His friends shouted confidently, for a few hours, or days at most-when a sudden damper was thrown over them. Yes, sir, as suddenly as a thunder-clap on a brilliant sun-shiny day, did the unexpected "veto" fall on their ears. They were astounded for the moment-but, happy souls! they were not left without some source of consolation. The conclusion was, when they considered the bill as passed, that the General had done more than four full years' labor for Kentucky. But when they found he had "vetoed" it, it was still better than ever. He had saved the State, and saved the country! His friends, at least many of them, have some extraordinary sources of felicitation, under all circumstances. Mr. BOON rose to correct the gentleman as to a mat Mr. BURD spoke briefly in opposition to the amendment. He wished to pay the public officers amply and liberally. There ought not to be a clerk in the Post Office without a salary of one thousand dollars. Let the President take what course he will, they find, either in the act itself, or the motive, when the act can-ter of fact. The letter to which he referred was adnot be defended, grounds of excuse or justification. dressed, not to Governor Rea, but to the Senate of Hence the passage of the Maysville road bill was a glori- Indiana. ous triumph of principle, on one day; on the next, the "vetoing" of that bill was still more glorious and bril. liant. Happy is the man who can be happy under all circumstances; and so it was in this matter. But enough, sir, on the subject of the President's pledge to sustain internal improvements in the West; and enough as to the manner in which that pledge was redeemed. I will now pass to the pledge which he, in substance, gave in regard to the tariff, and for the encouragement of his Western friends. Mr. HARPER, of New Hampshire, did not rise to continue the debate. The economy and comfort of the House required that the question should be disposed of. He regretted that there was no way, according to the rules of the House, of getting the question on this amendment, without cutting off the subsequent amendments. He moved the previous question, but subsequently withdrew the motion. It was in the same letter from General Jackson, and in response to the call of the Indiana Legislature, that, as evidence of his devotion to the tariff, he referred also Mr. McKAY said he was in favor of an economical adto his vote, while a Senator, for the tariff of 1824, usually ministration of the Government, but he should vote denominated the "woollens bill." This bill, sir, I have against the amendment, because it was inconsistent with always believed, and still believe, was more prejudicial to other parts of the bill, and unnecessary, inasmuch as a the South than the bill of 1828; and, in reference to the committee of the House was engaged in inquiries as to general subject, it may be considered as rather "ultra." the expediency of reducing salaries, and would in due Yet, to satisfy his friends as to what he might thereafter time report. be expected to do, General Jackson referred to the fact Mr. BARRINGER called for the question on each of his vote for the bill of 1824, as an act that he had al-separate clause of the amendment. He was in favor of ready done. But he did not stop even there. He went some of the items, but would not vote for the whole, infurther, and pointed to his famous letter to a certain Dr. discriminately. Mr. B. explained that he had been misColeman, in which he had imbodied his tariff creed; and understood, as having made, when he formerly spoke on VOL. X--251 this subject, the charge against the clerks, as a body, of rent alsc. Mr. VANCE said he had no wish to fish for minnows. If he could not get hold of the six and seven thousand dollar gentlemen, he would withdraw the proposition. The question on the first clause, reducing the compensation of the Vice President and heads of Departments was then taken by yeas and nays, and determined in the negative: Yeas 48, nays 141. [MAY 8, 1834. In this way a very large amount of the salaries contained in the Blue Book was actually paid, although ostensibly noted as coming out of the treasury. Thus, in New York, by the fees and a commission of one-sixth of one per cent., there was paid the compensation of the collector and his clerks, amounting to $62,399 That of the naval officer and his clerks, That of the surveyor and his clerks, 10,041 10,520 $82,960 Mr. V. withdrew that part of the amendment relative to clerks, and called for the question on the next clause In Boston and Philadelphia the same expenses amountof his amendment, which proposes to limit the emolu-ed to about twenty-five thousand dollars in each, besides ments of the collectors and other officers of the customs. a large amount in other ports; and this over and above Mr. SUTHERLAND said it was in contemplation to all expenses of stationary, fuel, &c. equalize the emoluments of the collectors of the customs. The Committee on Commerce would present a plan upon that subject at the next session of Congress. Mr. BARRINGER expressed himself in favor of this amendment, in strong terms. The duties had been reduced, while the commissions had been left as formerly, and the expenses remained the same. In this state of things, unless some provision were made to increase the compensation, some of the collectors might receive none at all. As regards the smaller col Mr. PARKER said that the emoluments of the collectors, their expenses are paid out of their own pockets, lectors of the customs were limited by law. In the ports unless their emoluments exceeded three thousand dollars, of New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, New which was never the case. The allowance of compensi Orleans, Charleston, and Savannah, the amount of com- tion to collectors required further regulation, which, he pensation, after deducting all expenses of clerk-hire, trusted, would be made. In many instances it was stationary, fuel, and other expenses incidental to the more proper to increase than to diminish it. The office, was limited to four thousand dollars per annum; in amendment of the gentleman from Ohio appeared to be all other ports it was limited to three thousand dollars. drawn without a full understanding of the subject. The If the emoluments exceeded the limitation, the surplus small collectors will be reduced still lower than their was accounted for and paid into the treasury. They present scanty compensation; but those who receive four were also allowed, as superintendents of light-houses, and thousand dollars will be brought down only to three thoufor services in other capacities, a compensation limited to sand dollars. The amendment operates most hardly on four hundred dollars per annum; but this extended to but the poor. few of the collectors, who were agents. It appeared by The office of a collector of the customs was important Mr. GILLET thought the proposed amendment out of place in the bill, which did not refer to the compensation of these officers in any manner whatever. the Blue Book that the collectors of New York, Boston, and responsible. As much fraud might be committed in Philadelphia, and New Orleans, alone received four thou- the small ports as in the large ones. The Government sand four hundred dollars each, the highest compensa-should have the services of men of character and capacity tion allowed by law. But there was an important fact to in this office, and a fair compensation should be allowed be noticed. The emoluments of collectors, naval officers, them. It was a dangerous thing to place men in office of and surveyors, arose almost altogether from fees allowed such high trust without adequate compensation. by law, paid by merchants, ship-owners, and others transacting business with the custom-house, and a commission allowed on money collected and paid into the treasury, In the large ports this commission was very small. In New Mr. VINTON was satisfied that limitations and restricYork it was only one-sixth of one per cent., in Boston tions should be placed upon the bill. The expenditures one-fifth of one per cent., in Philadelphia and Baltimore of the last year had greatly exceeded the estimates. three-eighths of one per cent., in New Orleans one per Mr. VANCE did not propose, by the amendment, to cent.; and in none of the districts was a greater commis-affect the emoluments of any officer whose receipts were sion allowed than three per cent. Some of the collectors less than two thousand dollars. in the smaller districts received salaries, a few of which were as high as five hundred dollars, but generally two hundred and fifty dollars per annum, and some less. The restriction of the amount of compensation by no means implies that the collector or other officer shall receive as much as the sum limited. On the contrary, it appeared that the emoluments of the collectors in the United States, the last year, were as follows: The collectors who received $4000 were only 4 over 3000 do. 9 Do. do. Do. do. over 2000 do. Mr. CAMBRELENG proceeded to answer the inquiry put by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. VINTON,] how the difference occurred between fourteen millions and the actual expenditure of twenty-two millions in the last year. The extraordinary expenditure for pensions amounted to three millions; the two Houses authorized appropriations to the extent of about three millions and a half beyond the Treasury estimates; and the difference of duty be tween the old and new duties, under the act of July, 1832, was, subsequent to the 4th of March, refunded to the extent of some millions. The House was about to do an act of very great injustice. The salaries of the col lectors were entirely contingent, and were made to des pend, as he thought, very improperly, (for they should be fixed by law,) upon the amount which might accrue from a trifling commission upon the revenue received, and upon the fees collected. If from these sources a suffi cient fund were accumulated to pay the expenses of the office, and to leave an excess of four thousand dollars, in the larger ports, then that was his compensation-but that was the maximum; on the other hand, under the present strange law, the collector might receive nothing at all. If trade is suspended, he gets no compensation During the embargo, non-intercourse, non-importation, FRIDAY, MAY 9. [H. OF R. and now, for a period of eight years, their salaries were in effect suspended. There have been, for years past, claims to a large amount, not only for deficient compen- The following resolution, submitted by Mr. CAMPBELL sation, but in cases where the fees and emoluments, in P. WHITE yesterday, was, on his motion, taken up for some years, would not pay the expenses of the office. It consideration: was manifestly unjust to reduce the maximum of salaries which were wholly contingent, and might amount to nothing, and which had been already reduced from five to four thousand dollars. Instead of reducing the compensation, the salary ought to be fixed at the maximum now existing. Resolved, That one thousand additional copies of the amended Rules and Regulations for the Navy, communicated by the President of the United States on the 2d May, 1834, be printed for the use of the House. Mr. McKAY suggested that the consideration of the resolution should be postponed until to-morrow, and submitted a motion to that effect. Mr. McKAY desired to have some information whether these rules and regulations had been adopted? For, unThe gentleman from Ohio [Mr. VANCE] was mistaken, less they had been sanctioned by the Navy Board, and apor he (Mr. C.) must have received incorrect information.proved of by the President, he could not see any reason Since the debate the other day, he had learned from an for having them printed. It was a useless expense. officer of the customs, of New York, that, although some Mr. C. P. WHITE replied, that these rules had been of the weighers appeared to receive a very large com- presented in compliance with a resolution adopted last pensation, they did not, in fact, receive the amount stated session, in pursuance of which a board of officers had officially. There were fourteen weighers in New York, been appointed to consider and report such rules and regreceiving unequal compensations, which were consolida-ulations as would tend to promote the comfort and adted, and divided equally among them. He had the actu-vance the interest of those employed in the naval service. al returns for the first quarter of the present year, and They had made a report accordingly. The Committee found that, while one received about seventy dollars, on Naval Affairs, considering the importance of the obanother received more than six hundred; after deducting ject, were desirous, before they should be adopted, to their expenditures for labor, the average was about two give every grade of officers in the service an opportunity hundred and thirty-three dollars per annum. There of exercising their judgment upon them. With this view, might be abuses in some of the ports, and some officers he had been instructed by them to move for the printing may receive an unjustly large compensation. The col- of an extra number of copies. lectors in the small ports, in some instances, when the fees and emoluments do not amount to enough, receive no salary at all. That was the condition of the collector of Salem, (whose letter Mr. C. read;) and if a collector. in a port of that magnitude would be without compensation, gentlemen might estimate the number of our reve-tion being put on the adoption of the resolution---nue officers who would be absolutely without pay, unless Mr. ADAMS inquired whether it was the intention of some provision were made for them. The act of 1832 did the Naval Committee that any action should be had on not diminish the exports or the imports of those ports, by the subject during the present session. repealing the duty on the latter; but that act, and the act Mr. WHITE replying in the affirmativeof 1833, by adding largely to the number of free articles, Mr. A. said he thought there could not be time to coldestroyed, to an equal extent, the commission on the re-lect any opinions of the officers of the navy in time for ceipts of revenue, upon which fund the salaries of the the requisite discussion to take place in Congress during collectors are contingent. Some provision must be made, the present session. He said that the existing rules were by which our officers may receive the same compensation of many years' standing, and needed revision;, but he which they would have received had the act of 1832 not hoped the same thing would not happen in reference to been passed. So far from receiving too much, most of those now proposed, which had in relation to the Rules them actually receive too little, and some of them must and Regulations for the Army, drawn up by General Scott, suffer severely if we do not provide a fund out of which which had been adopted without having even been once they may receive a reasonable compensation. If we read in the House; the consequence of which had been tamper with our revenue officers, we may drive them to that, at the very next session, they had been repealed. the necessity of adopting the habits of the officers of some The subject of the navy was a very important one, and European nations, who depend for their support upon Mr. A. hoped the attention of Congress would be directthe liberality of the smuggler. It is a false economy to ed to it. Mr. WHITE said he would not object. The House refused to postpone; after which, the ques reduce the salaries of officers upon whose vigilance and Mr. REED advocated the adoption of the resolution, fidelity you depend for the collection of the entire reve-believing that it was of the highest importance that these nue of the country. rules and regulations should be made known to every grade of our naval officers. They would be deeply affected by them, and it was but fair that they should have an opportunity of giving their opinions upon them. The expense of printing would, in his opinion, be small in comparison with the importance of the object. Mr. HARPER, of Pennsylvania, went into a detailed statement relative to the unnecessary officers attached to the custom-houses, and the exorbitant compensation they received. Mr. HARPER, of New Hampshire, was satisfied that a system of regulating the officers of custom-houses should be adopted; but believing that this was not the proper occasion, and that no further time could be spent in this discussion, he demanded the previous question, which he afterwards withdrew. Mr. GAMBLE moved that the House adjourn; which was negatived: Yeas 75, nays 89, After some remarks from Mr. BATES, in favor of the amendment, Mr. WILLIAMS moved that the House adjourn. Lost. Mr. J. M. HARPER then renewed the call for the previous question; which was not sustained: Yeas 64, nays 101. On motion of Mr. McKENNAN, the House adjourned. Mr. WILLIAMS said he was disposed, on all proper occasions, to concur with the honorable member in every measure he should propose to economize expenditure, but the present was a question, whether they should order documents to be printed which were deemed useful to our navy; so useful, that he thought every officer of every grade in the service should have a copy. He approved of the printing of an extra number of copies now, because he believed they could be printed now at a less expense; and he also believed that the rules would be adopted. He concurred in the propriety of the suggestion of the honorable member from New York, that an expression of opinion upon these regulations should be had from the officers of the navy. |