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tal treasure-trove of old papers cleared Buzot's opinion could also be obtained, up the mystery. These papers contained it would be found equally unfavorable
. several documents of great interest bear. But as regards the two lovers themselves, ing on the fall of the Girondists, and, they appear to have thought that, so among others, some letters written by long as there was no actual violation of Madame Roland during her captivity to the marriage vow, their wife and husthe proscribed Buzot, who had been one band respectively had no right to comof the most ardent Girondist members plain if they loved somebody else. In of the Convention Nationale, and was extenuation of this monstrous proposithen an exile and a fugitive vainly striv- tion it must, however, be remembered ing to rouse the provinces to resist the that, during the last century, adultery murderers of the capital. Four of these was by no means a rare sin on the other letters are printed in fac-simile by. M. side of the channel and that, therefore, Dauban. The handwriting is neat and so long as Buzot and Madame Roland clear, and they are written almost with stopped short of that offence they might
The sentiments are a mixt: have some excuse for thinking they had ure of patriotism, indignation, and in- not strayed out of the paths of virtue. tense personal tenderness. Her love for One word more respecting the me her correspondent and her determination moirs, and another respecting the rival to remain true to her husband create a editions of M. Dauban and M. Faugère, conflict in her mind which finds expres- and we have done. The memoirs, as we sion in such passages as the following: have already said, were written in the
few months of Madame Roland's cap“I scarcely dare to tell you, and you are the only one in the world who can understand, in the face of great difficulties and dan
tivity. They were written and preserved that I was not very sorry to be arrested. • They will be the less furious, the less eager, gers, and a portion even perished in the in their pursuit of R.? [Roland], said I to my flames. This sufficiently accounts for self; 'if they attempt any trial, I shall know their fragmentary character. We may how to conduct it in a manner that will be further state, for the benefit of such of useful to his glory;' it seemed to me that I our readers as may not be acquainted was then giving him an indemnity for his with them that they consist of a very sorrows; but do you not also see that, in being alone, I live with you? Thus by my
interesting account of the anthoress's captivity, I sacrifice myself for my husband,
own early life, of sketches of her husand I keep myself to my friend; and I owe it band's public career, and of descriptions to my tormentors to conciliate my duty with of many of the public characters with
Do not pity me! others admire my whom she had been brought into concourage, but they do not know my enjoy- tact. The style, like that of most of her ments; you who must feel them likewise, oh, contemporaries, is pretentions, and wants make them retain all their charms by the naturalness and ease. It shows too many constancy of your courage."
traces of Rousseau's influence. But The feelings to which these words there is something in which Madame give utterance form the groundwork of Roland's admiration for that great writer the four letters — letters strangely res- has led her even more seriously astray. cued from oblivion to shed a glare of light For it is probably to the influence of the on the characters of these two actors in “ Confessions” that we owe those pasa drama now long played out.
sages in the memoirs which a pure. It is a phenomenon curiously illustra- minded woman ought never to have tive of the manners of the time that written, and for which a self-complacent neither Madame Roland nor Buzot, determination to lay her whole heart though both married, saw anything to bare to the public gaze is not a sufficient be ashamed of in their mutual love. On excuse. the contrary, all the passages in their Having spoken abont herself with such writings that relate to the subject tend to absolute freedom, not to say license, Mashow that they were proud of it. M. dame Roland doubtless thought she had Roland, the reader will not be surprised every right to do the same concerning to hear, did not view the matter in the her child, her husband, and, indeed, any same light, and seems to have been one she might have occasion to mention. deeply grieved. Doubtless, if Madame It was, therefore, no wonder that, when,
in 1795, two years after her death, M. sole hereditary claim to the crown, and Bose published the first edition of her " infant as he was, he was therefore promemoirs, he should have suppressed claimed Basileus of England, by the aumany passages and altered others. In the thority of the rectores and potentes then two editions now before us, however, all in the city.” Meanwhile William prothese passages have very properly been ceeded against Romney, which he took ; restored. M. Faugère, who was on inti- then to Dover, and from thence to Cantermate terms with Madame Champagneux, bury, which gave the bad precedent of the daughter of Madame Ronald, ob- being the first community which had tained a correct copy of the original MS. made a formal submission of their own while it was in her possession; and that free will, and unenforced by the sword.” correct copy is the text of his edition. On William now advanced till within a day's her death, Madame Champagnenx, at march of London, and here, just below M. Faugère's suggestion, left the MS. to the reach of Greenhithe, the memorable the Imperial Library, where it has been meeting with the Kentish men took place. carefully consulted by M. Dauban. Thus, “ The poetry in this tradition must not as regards accuracy, there is, probably, induce us to reject its substantive truth. pot much to choose between the two. Indeed, taking the transactions at the Unfortunately, however, M. Faugère has wood of Swanscombe at their lowest not thought it necessary to indicate the value, they fully evidence the main fact, restored passages, and there M. Dauban that the Kentish men, having awed the has the advantage of him. But then, on conqueror into an unwilling pacification, the other hand, M. Faugère's two vol received from the beginning a greater umes contain some useful and interesting share of indulgence.” What might not appendices which are wanting in his have been the result had other parts of rival's work. But then, again, in addi. the kingdom stood out as firmly? tion to his cdition of the memoirs, M. London was next to be reduced, and Danban has given us a valuable sketch a detachment of William's army was sent of Madame Roland's career and three or to begin the siege, while he passed across four documents of capital importance the country to Winchester, which, as the towards a correct estimate of her char-city assigned in dowry to Editha, the acter.
widow of the Confessor, he treated with respect, merely requiring the citizens to
render fealty. The siege of London was British Quarterly.
now commenced in good earnest. BarkWILLIAM OF NORMANDY. *
ing on the east, and the Palace of West
minster on the west, were the two staSANGUINARY as was this battle, and tions occupied by his troops; and “catacomplete as was the victory, had Harold pult and balista cast their showers upon survived it might have ranked but as the the dwellings; and the old Roman walls, first of a series of conflicts between Sax. ascribed to Julius Cæsar or to Constanon and Norman power; but with the tine, shook before the repeated blows of death of the leader, all hope of rallying the battering rams.” But so strong was the remains of his army, or of supplying the city that it defied the attack; while new forces, vanished. Still
, England was the gallant troops within-side--not only not as yet at the feet of the conqueror. the citizens, but“ those men of renown, His victory at most only gave hiin su- the northern thanes, the men of Anglopremacy in Wessex. In Mercia were the Danish race "-would not speak of surpowerful brothers Edwin and Morcar, render. But William had other means at supported by a large army; and it appears hand: he seems to have been ere long
-although the details are very obscure-convinced that intrigue would answer that on iheir advancing to London one better than open warfare; so he entered of then sought to obtain the throne. into negotiation with a citizen of great But Elgar the Atheling was there-a influence, one Ansgard, who, with fair little child, indeed, but who, as the sole words and fairer promises, so urged
upon descendant of the line of Cerdic, had the the fathers of the city the ills that would
arise from an infant ruler, and the necesConcluded from
sity of the supreme power being in the
hands of one, “wise as Solomon, bounti- his gifts, or the terror excited by his ful as Charlemagne, ready in fight as the power," was the motive of this appargreat Alexander," that all opposition ently most unworthy and slavish request. was withdrawn. Edwin and Morcar “Yet,” asks Sir Francis Palgrave, “are were among the first to give in their ad- such representations correct ?
do they hesion ; Aldred, Archbishop of York, not rather exhibit the prepossession of and Wolfstan, Bishop of Worcester, fol. the modern writer than the facts and the lowed; while the deputation appointed feelings of the eleventh century? " and to bear their homage and the keys of the he proceeds very suggestively to point city to their Norman ruler, bore with out the absolute importance of " the them-more important pledge than all sworn king, the anointed king, the crownbesides - the little Atheling, who had ed king,” in those days. been so lately recognized as their king.
“Our feeling with regard to the royal auLondon, on the whole, did well by this thority is very different to that which then submission. William was evidently most prevailed. With us, royalty is the realization anxious to obtain possession of the chief of a theory, with the Anglo-Saxons, royalty Mercian city; and he forth with granted was a necessity. Without a king, the body that precious charter, so short but so politic was paralyzed.
Rarely delecomprehensive—that little slip of parch- gating his powers to others, no veil of etiment, which,“still perfect as on the day forms and ceremonies concealed the sovereign
quette, no train of attendants, no mist of when the pen passed upon it, can lie from his people. Ilis hall was open; the within the palm of your hand, but con- king presided in his own court, listened to tains within its brief compass all that the the complaints of his people, on the throne, citizens could or can require.” How few at the gate, beneath the tree, commanded his of the inhabitants of London are aware,
own soldiers, pronounced sentence on the that “they alone, of all the burgher com- traitor, spoke out his favors, invested his prelmunities in England, nay, of all the mu- ates, opened his own purse with his
hands. All the active powers of the Comnicipalities in Christendom,” have retain
monwealth sprang from the very person of ed until the present day all the rights the king, as the visible centre of unity, the and all the freedom which William the centre around which every sphere revolved. Conqueror secured to them eight hun
The closest approximation to the condred years ago! William, indeed, on dition of the Anglo-Saxon commonwealth many occasions seems to have treated the wanting a king, may be attained by considerLondoners with marked favor. Even ing what would have been the state of Engwhen building the Tower of London, “it land, if, upon the abdication of James, Wilis remarkable that, yielding either to session of the throne; and Parliament repu
liam of Orange had not proceeded to take posrespect for the rights of that powerful diating the Stuarts yet not daring to supply and unruly and jealous community, or to the royal authority by any power of their apprehension of the indignation which he own, or by any fiction of law, an absolute inmight excite by their infringement, he terregnum had ensued. What then would encroached as little as possible upon the have been the state of England ? All the city ground ;” and thus, while on the branches of public and national administration Middlesex side the authority of the royal
and jurisdiction would have come to an end.
It is well known how strongly the constable extended over all the adjoining feeling in favor of a king prevailed in England hamlets, his jurisdiction on the city side during the Commonwealth and Protectorate, does not extend beyond the very gates. and how much they contributed towards the The Castle of Falaise, where William restoration of the monarchy. Had Cromwell was born, was, it appears, the model for boldly acceded to the humble petition and adthe White Tower, the only portion of the vice, England would never have seen Charles
So innate and inveterstructure which was erected in his time. Stuart on the throne. Wessex was now subdued, Mercia, in ate was the opinion, that no republican law
yer, Daniel Axtell himself, could ever well the name of her chief city, had proffered understand how it was possible to arrest John fealty: it remained now but for William Doc unless by the king's writ of capius, or to to be crowned to become de jure Ed- imprison the petty larcener unless the offence ward the Confessor's successor. This was duly laid in the indictment, as a breach recommendation certainly proceeded first of the king's peace and against his crown and from his Saxon subjects, and it has been dignity.” questioned whether the corruption of But more important still, the Anglo
Saxon king, like all his successors, wasing the foundations of the Tower, be “a responsible functionary.” No notion sought to forget the evil omen that had had our Saxon forefathers of “the right accompanied his recognition as king. divine of kings;" and thus in calling upon But the tale spread through the length William to take the crown, they actually and breadth of the land, and deep were called upon him to pledge himself that the curses breathed against Norman he would rule according to the establish- fraud and cruelty, and stern were the ed laws of the kingdom-in effect, to vows of revenge. The unhappy misexchange his position as the victor of chance was accepted as a prophecy of evil, Hastings, for that of the monarch sworn and “it was permitted to work its accomon the Holy Gospels,“ to hold true peace, plishment." But William had other and forbid stoutrife and injustice to all." anxieiies. IIis rapacious followers had William, it is said, hesitated; if so, it been promised lands or gifts; but how was merely after the “nolo episcopari” should he reward them all? He was not form, for his hesitation soon gave way: now the successful invader, able to divide His Norman barons vehemently urged the conquered land at his will, but the him, for shrewd reasoners were they. king of the land, sworn to justice, and William had promised them land and fee to see justice done. And then Denmark in England. “ If he made his grants to had sent a message of defiance, bidding them without any definition of his own him do homage for his lately - gained authority, without any certain law, they kingdom ; and well did he know that all would have no law to defend them. along the eastern coast there was a DanDuke William was almost a despot in ish population ready to take part with Normandy; what would he be if ruling the invaders, while even in the midland as victor in England ?
counties few of the cities had proffered The coronation took place at Christ. even a reluctant submission. Truly Wilmas, the same year, in the Abbey of liam, even thus' early, was doomed to Westminster. Aldred, Archbishop of pay the penalty of bis ambition. York, performed the office; but when Quickly perceiving that want of enerpresenting William to the multitude, and gy had been the fatal error of the Angloasking them, in their own English tongue, Saxon kings, William determined to show after the customary form, if they acknowl. his new subjects the benefits of a vigoredged him as their king, loud shouts ous rule. He, therefore, in the spring, burst forth. The Norman soldiery with made his first progress, “ extending from outside, ignorant of their import, or pur- Oxford to the Humber, but yet including posely misconstruing them, assumed they large districts which retained a species were the tokens of insurrection, and fired of virtual independence;” and all along the adjoining buildings. The flames his line of march his soldiery were rewere quickly seen within the Abbey; the strained from all violence - not even food crowd rushed out; but still, amidst this being allowed to be taken from the housealarm the service proceeded. William holders against their will. All law-breakwas anointed with the holy oil, he kissed ers were sternly dealt with, robbers esthe golden cross, and laid his hand on the pecially; and according to the testimony gospel book—that very book which may of the Saxons themselves, the Watling still be seen in the British Museum; but street and Ikenild street could offer the it was with a faltering voice he pronounc same security as that enjoyed by the ed the threefold oath, for “ William him- mythic Irish damsel, when, with gems self, who never before had known appre "rich and rare," and a bright gold ring, hension, now trembled with very fear; she journeyed safely along. William, at and thus was the diadem placed upon his the same time, began the custom of celehead by Aldred. The victor of Hastings brating the three great church festivals was agued with terror when receiving in the three chief cities of bis threefold his prize."
kingdom, Wessex, Mercia, and Danelagh, We have no account of a coronation and of then solemnly " wearing his feast, for William seems to have quitted crown.” Nor was this a mere matter of Westminster at once for Barking; and state, for, according to the Anglo-Saxon there, pursuing "the tall deer" in the constitution, all remedial jurisdiction was wide forest of Essex, and in superintend- / annexed to the person of the king. Thus
the regal crown, like the ermined robe of Edwardi, nothing less and nothing the judge, was the visible sign that the more.” The villein also was not permitsupreme dispenser of justice and mercy ted to be removed from his land.' Thus, was present, to hear the plaint and redress in his first arrangements, William was
evidently anxious to preserve a show of The undefended state of the kingdom justice. IIis last act was the foundation next claimed William's attention, and, and endowment of Battle Abbey; and under his directions, strong castles were then, having appointed justiciars, he commenced in various parts. The pro- passed over to Normandy with a numertection of the coast, especially the south- ous train, among whom were the brotheastern, and the necessity of providing ers Edwin and Morear, Agelnoth “the for retreat, in case of adverse fortune, Satrap," and Earl Waltheof, invited as also engaged his attention; and the meas- honored guests, but in fact prisoners and ures he took were singularly efficient. Sir hostages. Francis Palgrave points to Sussex, and William's return to Normandy, and observes, that “ the territorial division his progress through various parts, were there differs altogether from that which attended with all the magnificence of a prevails elsewhere in England.” Instead triumphal procession. Indeed, this first of the “ hundred " we find the “ rape; visit to his duchy may be viewed as the and this word refers to the custom of culminating point of his prosperity. “He the Normans of dividing land, not by any was enjoying all the first fresh pleasure natural boundaries, but by actual meas- of success, as yet unalloyed by its ineviurement by the rope.
table chastening.” William kept his Pas
chal feast at Fécamp; and hither, sum“ Now this is the process which William moned by lavish invitations, came a host effected in Sussex: the county is divided into six districts, extending down from the north of Bretons and Flemings, together with ern border, each possessing a frontage towards numerous French nobles, to gaze upon
the the sea, each aifording a ready communication rich spoils taken from the treasury of the with Normandy, and constituting, as it were, English kings-the garments of exquisite six military high roads to William's paternal broidery, the cups, the horns, the braceduchy. Sussex sustained this great territo- lets and coronals—all of surpassing beaurial alteration alone, being dealt with, from ty, and all the work of English hands. the first moment, entirely as a conquered ter. And well might they look wonderingly ritory."
upon these, for the cup of English workTo satisfy the claims of some, at least, manship, and the mantle embroidered by of his greedy followers, was William's the Englisk maiden, were gifts, even at next task; and for this the enormous ex- this time, for kings to offer, and for the tent of land possessed by the Godwin pontiff himself to receive. The high value family offered a welcome facility. As of the spoils, too, excited their wonder. king, he had a right to the lands of all“ More wealth has the duke brought traitors who had borne arms against him, from England,” said they, “than could and the estates of Harold and his broth- be found in thrice the extent of Gaul.” ers thus of course became available. The But, above all, upon the rare beauty of lands of those who fought and fell at the Saxon youth they gazed with astonHastings, too, were also forfeited, and ishment; the soft silken hair, the delicate these altogether“ gave him an enormous features, the complexion, so exquisite in fund, so to speak, to draw upon." It is its blended red and white, awakened, as important, however, to remark, that, in William of Poictou tells us, even more becoming the possessor of English land, admiration than all these priceless treasthe Norman was compelled to hold it preures.* cisely by the accustomed English tenures. Thus, the same relief the Saxon earl had
* With this incontrovertible testimony of a been wont to pay, was to be exacted from Norman, and an eye-witness, before them, it is the Norman owner. The Danegeld was strange that any writers should think of claim. to be paid, as of old, two shillings for ing such vast superiority for the Norman race. each hide of land : while, in case of any far superior in the arts of civilization; they seem
The Saxons were evidently viewed by them as legal proceedings, these were to be con
to have been looked upon much as the Roman ducted, as the land was tempore regis captives must have been by the brave but unciv