I claim but one merit in this production, and that is by no means inconsiderable. It is, that with a perfect knowledge of the furious, remorseless, never-dying, and cut-throat hostility, with which Faction in all ages has persecuted those who have dared oppose her-and perfectly satisfied, that with us she is as implacable, as malignant, and as inexorаble a monster as she has ever been, I have dared, nevertheless, to state the truth, regardless of the consequences. I was, it is true, reluctant. I should have preferred by far, for the remainder of my life, steering clear of the quicksands of politics. None of the questions that have heretofore divided parties in this country could have induced me to venture upon the tempestuous ocean. But at a crisis like the present, neutrality would be guilt. The question now is between the friends of social order, and jacobins, who are endeavouring to destroy the whole fabric of government, with the slender chance of building it up again-between peace and harmony on one side, and civil war and anarchy on the other. A lamentable delusion prevails. The community shut their eyes against the truth on the subject. But this is the real state of the case, or I am as grossly deceived as ever was human being. And unless some of our influential men exert themselves to allay the storm, a few short months will exchange doubt into awful and dreadful certainty.

While I was deliberating about the sacrafice which such a publication as this requires, one serious and affecting consideration removed my doubts, and decided my conduct. Seeing thousands of the flower of our population-to whom the spring of life just opens with all its joys, and pleasures, and enchantments-prepared in the tented field to risk, or, if necessary, sacrifice their lives for their country's welfare; I thought it would be baseness in me, whose sun has long passed the me redian, and on whom the attractions of life have ceaced to operate with their early fascinations, to have declined any risk that might arise from the effort to ward off the parricidal stroke aimed at a country to which I owe such heavy obligations. With this view of the subject I could not decide otherwise than I have done.

On the execution of the work it behoves me to offer a few remarks. I know it is very considerably imperfect. It is hardly possibly to prepare any work under greater disadvantages than have attended the Olive Branch. A large portion of it is, therefore, crude, and indigested, and without order. Were it a treatise on morals, religion, history, or science, which could not suffer by the delay necessary to mature and methodize it, I should be unpardonable, and deserve the severest castigation of criticism, for presenting it to the public in this unfinished state. But the exigencies of the times are so pressing, that were it delayed till I could digest it properly, it might be wholly out of season.

It would be unjust were I not to acknowledge the numerous and weighty obligations I owe to " The Weekly Register," edited by H. Niles, the best periodical work ever published in America, from which I have drawn a large portion of the facts and documents which I have employed. I venture to assert that no American library can be complete without this works

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I have carefully studied to be correct in point of fact and argument. But the circumstances under which I have written, render it probable that I may have fallen into errors. shall therefore regard it as a most particular favour, if any gentleman who discovers them, however minute, will frankly point them out, and they shall be most cheerfully corrected. If of sufficient importance, I shall make a public acknowledgement in the newspapers. If the cause I espouse cannot be supported by truth, candour and fair argument, may it perish, never to find another advocate!

LI

BRARY

OF THE

PREFACEUNIVERSITY

CALIFORNIA.

TO THE SECOND EDITION

Philadelphia, January 4, 1815.

The unequivocal and decided approbation with which the former edition of this work has been favoured by respectable men of both the hostile parties that divide this country, I regard as among the most grateful circumstances of my life. Its numerous defects its want of method-and the great imperfection of its style and manner-were, I presume, regarded as atoned for by its obvious and undeniable object-the object of contributing my feeble efforts towards allaying the effervescence, the turbulence, the annimosity that pervade the community, and are pregnant with such alarming consequences.

Of the time that has elapsed since its first appearance, I have availed myself, to amplify-to methodize and to improve it. And although I am very far indeed from presuming it to be perfect, yet I hope it will be found more entitled to patronage than it was in its original deshabille.

It embraces a very convulsed period of our history; and has been written under no common disadvantages. I have laboured under a great deficiency of various materials and documents, which no exertions have enabled me to precureand it has been begun, carried on, and completed in moments constantly subject to those interruptions inevitable in the pressure of business. To suppose, then, it were perfect, would argue a degree of insanity which the fondest and most doting delirium of paternal vanity could hardly palliate. It would be a case unparalleled in the annals of literature. The world has had numerous instances of men of most splendid talentsof laborious research-with abundant materials and documentsenjoying full leisure to do justice to their subjects and employing years for the purpose-yet falling into egregious errors. It could not then be expected that a work embracing such a variety of objects, and written under the circumstances I have stated, should be free from them. But the reader may rest assured that whatever they may be, they have not resulted from design. They are the offspring of slenderness of talents-deficiency of materials inadvertence or that bias to which all men are subject in a greater or less degree, when treating on subjects wherein they feel deeply interested: of the latter, however, I have laboured to divest myself. Had I written with any view to literary reputation, the work would have made a totally different appearance. Instead of presenting the reader with so many documents verbatim, I should, as is usual, have given abstracts of them in my own words and thus formed a regular connected narrative of events, far more agreeable to read than the work in its present form, and rather easier to write ; for the reader may rest assured, that I have written three pages in less time than I employed in the search for a single document, which does not occupy one, and whereof I knew enough to give an analysis of it; it; and long, laborious searches for a document or newspaper paragraph or essay, have not unfrequently been wholly in vain.

But though a thirst for literary reputation is far from illaudable and though it inspires to great exertions, and has been the honoured parent of some of the most stupendous efforts of the human mind-it has not had the slightest influence on me in this case. It would be utterly unavailing to counteract the loathing, the abhorrence I felt for entering into political discussion, or for making myself once more an object of newspaper assault, of which few men in private life have been honoured with a greater share..

No, I appeal to heaven for the truth of what I now declare. I soared to higher objects, far beyond such narrow views. I believed-I still believe that a dissolution of the union is contemplated by a few ambitious and wicked men; that in the state of excitement to which the public mind is raised, and which is hourly increasing by the most profligate disregard of truth and of the welfare of the country and by the utmost prostitution of talents, a mere trifle would suffice to produce a convulsion (as, when you have collected together a quantity of highly combustible materials, a single spark suffices to produce a conflagration)-that a dissolution of the union will infallibly produce a civil war; that in the event of a civil war, there will be a struggle throughout the country for the ascendency, wherein will be perpetrated atrocities similar to those which disgraced the French revolution; that even if we should be so fortunate as to escape a civil war, or, (if we should not) after its termination, and the establishment of separate confederacies, the country will be cursed with a constant border war, fomented by the nations of Europe, to whom we shall be a sport and a prey; and that, in one word, a nation most highly favoured by heaven, is on the very verge of perdition.

These views may be erroneous. They differ from. those of most of my friends. The mass of the community do not accord with them. But they are unalterably impressed upon my mind. I cannot shake them off. They are all supported by the instructive but neglected voice of history. I possess not the happy faculty with which so many are endowed. I cannot believe an event will not take place, because I hope and pray it may not. I am disposed to envy those who are thus gifted. It diminishes the hours of suffering. In a life so chequered ás ours, this is some advantage. But it has, like all other blessings, a counterpoising evil. When we disbelieve in the approach of danger, we make no preparations to repel it.

With these impressions I preferred risking any consequences, however pernicious to myself, that might arise from the present address, to a state of torpor and inactivity-to perishing without an effort. In a sanguine moment, I indulged the flattering, the fond, (pray heaven it may not be the delusive) hope that my efforts might be so far crowned with success, as to make me the blessed. the happy instrument of arousing even one, two, or three influential active citizens from the anorbid, the lethargic slumber, into which the community has been so fatally lulled; that these might arouse others; and that thus the potent spells might be dissolved, which, in a manner unexampled in the history of the world, make us regard with stupid, torpid apathy and indifference, the actual bankruptey of our government (produced by a most daring conspiracy)-the impending destruction of our glorious constitution, the work of Washington, Franklin, Livingston, Hamilton, Jay, &o. the depriciation of every species of property and the approaching ruin of our country. Should heaven thus bless me, die afterwards when I may, I shall not have lived in vain. Should I fail, on my tombstone shall be graven, "magnis excidit ausis."

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I offer these great and solemn truths to the consideration of all who have an interest in the welfare of their country.

I. A separation of the states cannot be effected without an immediate CIVIL, and an almost continual BORDER WAR; and it must inevitably place us at the mercy of England, and make this country the sport of the European powers at all future times.

II. As well might we expect to re-unite, without flaw, the fragments of an elegant porcelain vase, shattered to pieces, as to restore the union, if dissolved but for one hour.

III. A period of war, and invasion, and danger, is utterly unfit for repairing or amending a constitution. Nothing but convul. sion can arise out of the attempt.

IV. General Washington, in his legacy, one of the noblest efforts of human wisdom, impressively urged his countrymen to frown indignantly upon any attempt to impair or dissolve the union.

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V. To hostile European powers a dissolution would be of immense and incalculable advantage.

VI. It would be inexpressible folly and madness to reject the policy dictated by Washington, and follow that which would be dictated by those powers of Europe who regard our prosperity with jealousy.

PLAN OF AN UNION SOCIETY.

"Above all things hold dear your national union. Accustom yourselves to estimate its infinite value to your individual and national happiness. Look on it as the palladium of your tranquillity at home; of your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; and even of that liberty which you so highly prize." WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

WHEREAS many disaffected citizens have long laboured to prepare the public mind for a dissolution of the union, and the formation of separate confederacies; and whereas they have at length publicly and daringly avowed their flagitious designs; and whereas the experience of all history to the present time affords the most complete proof that such dissolutions of existing forms of government, and the formation of new ones, have almost invariably produced bloody civil wars, the greatest curse that ever afflicted mankind; and whereas the present form of the general government, if duly supported by our citizens, is calculated to produce as high a degree of happiness as has ever fallen to the lot of any nation; and whereas the separate confederacies, contemplated as substitutes for the present general confederacy, even if it were possible to establish them peaceably, would be pregnant with interminable future wars, such as have almost constantly pre