horrible portraits engendered a satanical spirit of hatred, malice, and abhorrence in the parties towards each other. Citizens of adverse opinions, whose views were perfectly pure and public spirited, were to each other objects of distrust and jealousy. We attached all possible guilt and wickedness-political at least to our opponents and then detested the hobgoblins which we ourselves created.

It is not thus society is constituted. The mass of mankind perhaps of all parties, and in all ages, have meant well, except in very corrupt states of society. And little more is necessary to produce harmony between them, than to understand each other correctly. But hostility is excited and perpetuated by the intrigues and management of demagogues, whose influence and consequence depend on fomenting discord, and who would sink into insignificance in times of tranquility. Mankind, as I have hinted, hate each other, not for real existing differences, but for phantoms, the production of heated imaginations. Experience has frequently evinced that the very plans of policy which parties out of power have reprobated and denounced as pernicious, they have pursued themselves as soon as they had vanquished their opponents, and seized on their places. And I believe every man of reflection will acknowledge, that if the federalists had retained the administration in their hands, they would have advocated the rights of their country as firmly as their successors have done; and would probably have adopted measures to resist the arrogant and destructive claims of England, similar to those, for which they have so strenuously, though not very honourably or consistently, opposed the present administration.

This is not mere supposition. It is historical fact. It will be seen in the sequel of this work, that the federalists took as high ground on the subject of impressment, and as firmly and patriotically resisted the unjust, the daring, the degrading pretensions of England, as Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison have done. Yet the resistance of the two latter presidents has been among the strongest accusations alledged against them by their political adversaries. It is impossible to reflect on these topics without sighing over human weakness and folly. Federalism has in these transactions suffered a stain never to be effaced.

CHAPTER II.

Errors of the Democratic Party. Federal Constitution. Opposition to a Navy. Alien and Sedition Law. Jay's Treaty.

In n pursuance of my plan, I proceed to a review of those of the democratic party, which contributed to produce

the change in the prospects of this country, and to darken the political horrizon; and I trust it will appear that I have not done them injustice in charging a large portion of the folly and guilt to their account.

FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

In the convention that formed the federal constitution, the democratic party sowed the seeds of a premature dissolution of that instrument, and of the American confederacy. Regarding society more as it ought to be, than as it has ever been, or is ever likely to be led away by theories more plausible than solid-applying to a free elective government, deriving all its powers and authorities from the voice of the people, maxims and apprehensions, and precautions, calculated for the meridian of monarchy, they directed all their efforts, and all their views, towards guarding against oppression from the federal government. Whatever of authority or power, they divested it of, to bestow on the state governments, or reserve to the peo ple, was regarded as an important advantage. Against the federal government their fears and terrors were wholly directed. This was the horrible monster, which they laboured to cripple and chain down, to prevent its ravages. The state governments they regarded with the utmost complacence, as the public protectors against this dreadful enemy of liberty. Had they succeeded in all their views. they would have deprived the general government of nearly all its efficiency. Alas! little did they suppose that our greatest dangers would arise from the usurpations of the state governments, some of which have since most awfully and treasonably jeopardised the union. Unfortunately this party was two successful in the convention. Its endeavours produced a constitution, which, however admirably calculated for a period of peace, has been found incompetent in war to call forth, at once and decisively, the energies of the nation, and the administration of which has been repeatedly bearded, baffled, and thwarted by the state governments. Had the real federalists in the convention succeeded, and made the general government somewhat more energetic-endowed it with a small degree more of power--it might endure for centuries. What fate at present awaits it, is not inhuman wisdom to foresee. I fervently pray, with the celebrated father Paul, esto perpetua.

This error of the democratic party arose from a want of due regard to the history of republics, and from a profound study of those political writers who have written under monarchical governments, and whose views were wholly directed to guard against the danger of tyranny flowing from the overweening regal power, especially when possessed by men of powerful talents and great ambition. The theories whence they derived their views of government were splendid and sublime-the productions of men of great public spirit, and regard for the general welfare and happiness and had they been duly attempered by maxims drawn from experience, would have been of inestimable value.

ESTABLISHMENT OF A SMALL NAVY.

The steady and factious opposition made by the democratic party, to the establishment of a small navy, adequate at least to the protection of our own coasts, has been proved by the events to have been most wretched and miserable policy. It arose, as well from a spirit of hostility towards the party in power, as from a sordid and contemptible spirit of economy, which has in many instances disgraced and dishonored this party, who have frequently proved themselves, to use a very trite but very expressive proverb, " penny wise-pound foolish." When we analyse the boasted spirit of economy, to which the opposition to the navy may be in part ascribed, we shall find it arise from two sources; the one, from men of narrow minds carrying into public, the huckstering habits of private life. The other, a base spirit of courting popularity by husbanding the public treasure, even on occasions when liberality is true economy, which as frequently occur in public affairs as in private life. Both motives are equally contemptible but the latter is the more pernicious, and produces the most ruinous consequences. It starves and smothers public undertakings, and public spirit; and often defrauds illustrious men of their due rewards. It is the characteristic vice of our times, and of our nation, and ought to be hunted down by every man who has a real regard for the honour and interest of his country. To this vile spirit we must ascribe the never-enough-to-be-despised, debate whether Eaton, the glorious and immortal hero of Derne,

I cannot

I

Perhaps my estimate of this exploit may be erroneous. but regard it as one of the most illustrious events in American military affairs by land-when all the circumstances of the case are taken into view. I never reflect without amazement and admiration on the heroism of the gallant band, who, under this intrepid chief, pierced through the frightful desert, and shook a powerful usurper's throne to the centre. have always deplored the inauspicious interference that dashed the glorious prize to the earth just as Eaton had streched out his hand and was ready to seize it without the smallest danger of an unfavourable result. The state of Massachusetts acquired a high degree of honour by its liberality to the warrior of Derne, on whom it bestowed 10,000 acres of as a mark of its esteem and admiration. This act of generosity, by the contrast, made the miserable conduct of Congress appear worthy of additional contempt.

should be rewarded with a sword or a medal! a debate which brought down on the congress in which it took place, the contempt of every magnanimous and liberal man in the nation; a debate which would have disgraced the common council of the most petty borough in the union. To this spirit it is due, that votes of thanks, and swords, and urns, and other cheap modes of displaying our gratitude, have tranquilized our minds, and deceived us into the opinion, that we have paid the boundless debt due to the Hulls, the Bainbridges, the Decaturs, the Perrys, the Porters, the Macdonoughs, the Joneses, the Ripleys, the Browns, the Scotts, the Coffees, the Carrolls, the Macombs, the Jacksons, and the other heroes whose glory will live as long as public spirit, consummate talents, and bravery command the veneration of mankind.

The modest, the unassuming, the youthful Perry rescued a whole frontier, men, women, and children, from the murderous tomahawk. Macdonough certainly rescued another, and prevented the enemy from establishing his winter quarters far within our territory. And Jackson achieved for himself and his country immortal honour, by an exploit certainly never exceeded, perhaps never equalled. He preserved one of the most important keys and emporiums of the country, from the power of the enemy, by the most consummate prudence, talents, and bravery. The interest of the property he saved from depredation, is probably above $750,000 per annum. Yet I doubt whether there is gratitude enough in our public bodies, who hold the purse strings of the nation, or in the individuals whose property has been preserved, to make him any adequate return, I hope and pray I may be deceived. I deprecate being correct in this calculation. But I have fearful misgivings on the subject.

To enable us to form an estimate of the immense debt we owe our illustrious heroes, it is only necessary to call to recollection, the prostration of the public mind, and the degradation of the national character in the early part of the war, when our operations on land were "one continued stream" of disgraces and disasters; and when but for the exploits of Hull and a few others on the ocean, the name of an american would have been a passport to shame and disgrace. The national character was supported throughout the war by our little navy, whose exploits may challenge, comparison with any of the most signal acts of heroism recorded in history. And on land it was towards the close nobly retrieved by the heroes whose names I have given, and others who will grace their country's annals. And is it possible that congress will be base enough not to give some substantial proof of the nation's gratitude for benefits so far beyond all price!

In no instance, hitherto, have congress or the people of the United States discharged their duty in this respect, or displayed a suitable degree of gratitude. Of votes of thanks they have been abundantly liberal. These cost nothing. A few swords and medals too have been awarded. But of all the benefactors of their country-those men who have preserved it from the bottomless abysses of disgrace and dishonour into which it was precipitously falling-who have given it a rank among the nations of the earth, there is not one on whom the nation has bestowed a reward worthy of him or it. Who was he that said, "the sin of ingratitude is witchcraft?" Whoever he was, honoured be his name.

The debt due to the illustrious men with whose names I have honoured my page, and others, who have trod the same path of glory, can hardly ever be discharged, even on the ground of mere calculation of benefit to the nation, exclusive of the elevation of its character.

If England, whom in this respect we ought to aspire to emulate, gave 500,000l. sterling to her Wellingtons and Nelsons, let the United States give some solid and substantial proof of their gratitude, to their illustrious heroes. I need not add, that I do not calculate upon such very extravagant rewards as the British Parliament voted "the great lord," as he has been styled. But the gift ought to be worthy of the donor and acceptor; ought to operate as a reward to the meritorious, stimulus to excite others to emulation.

This is in some degree a digression. But I hope the feelings of my readers will be sufficiently in unison with these sentiments, not to require any apology. I therefore make none. I return to the navy.

I feel confident, that the nation has lost one hundred times as much through the want of a small navy, as it would have cost. Numbers of instances have occurred, of valuable merchantmen having been captured by petty pickaroons or pirates, with one or two guns. Our ports have been insulted and outraged, and the ships and cargoes of our merchants been plundered by privateers and sloops of war, which a few armed vessels would have forced to keep a respectful distance. There is none of the points on which the two hostile parties have differed, wherein the democrats have been so far below their adversaries in consulting the real, the permanant honour and interest of the country, as in the establishment of a naval force. The policy of the federalists in