the two-handit sword, and sum with the hand-bow and uther exercises, etc. Whosoevir fought best got his adversaries weapon delyvered to him be the king, and he who ran best with the speare, got ane speare headed with puir gold delyvered to him, to keip in memorie of his pratick thairintill. By this meanes the king brought the realme to great manhead and honouris; that the fame of his justing and turney spread throw all Europe, whilk caused many errand knyghtis cum out of uther pairtes to Scotland, to seik justing, becaus they hard of the kinglie fame of the prince of Scotland. Bot few or none of thame passed away vnmached - and oftymes overthrowne." 1

1 Pitscottie, i. 245, 246.

CHAPTER XXXI.

JAMES V.

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN-PRECAUTIONS-A THIN PARLIAMENT-THE FRENCH ALLIANCE - CONDUCT OF THE QUEENMOTHER-HER MARRIAGE TO ANGUS-ALBANY SENT FOR — HE COMES AND ACTS AS REGENT-HIS INCOMPATIBILITY WITH SCOTLAND-GOES BACK TO FRANCE-SLAUGHTER OF DE LA BASTIE, LEFT BY HIM IN AUTHORITY- INEFFECTUAL ANGER OF FRANCESTATE OF THE COUNTRY-FAMILY FEUDS-NEW RISE OF A DOUGLAS POWER IN ANGUS-BATTLE OF CLEANSE THE CAUSEWAY-ALBANY'S RETURN-SUSPICIONS OF HIM-PRESSURE OF ENGLAND-AN ARMY SENT TO THE BORDER-ALBANY GOES BACK TO FRANCE-BORDER WARFARE-CARDINAL WOLSEY AND HIS SCOTS INTRIGUES - THE FRENCH PARTY AND BEATON-WOLSEY'S PROJECTS FOR KIDNAPPING BEATON-BEATON'S CAUTION AND COUNTER-PLOTS-BEATON'S IMPRISONMENT, AND THE SPECULATIONS ABOUT IT-PROJECTS FOR GETTING RID OF ALBANY-THE "ERECTION" OF THE KING-THE REVOLUTION IT EFFECTS.

We have no record of any other event creating through Scotland so much fear and grief as this battle. Its specialty was that among its dead lay not only the king, but the natural leaders in all parts of the country. The peerage passed almost collectively into a new generation, for twelve earls and thirteen lords of Parliament were

among the dead. The nation, like the army, felt the helplessness of being leaderless, and a powerful enemy was close at hand. An immediate attack on Edinburgh was expected; but when the natural protectors of the city were looked for, they were all gone-the provost and his fellow-magistrates were among the dead. Yet from those who took municipal charge a spirited proclamation

was issued, calling on all able-bodied men to remain under arms, and prohibiting the wailing of women and confusion on the streets. It was in this time of anxiety that a resolution was taken to surround Edinburgh with a wall, like the Continental towns. The wall was built accordingly. Some fragments of it may yet be seen near Heriot's Hospital and the College. Any one who looks at these fragments will recognise what later history tells, the utter futility of such a defence against modern artillery, or even that of the seventeenth century. It was deemed a mighty work in its day, however, and gave a feeling of security to the capital. This wall has had a great influence on the architectural character of Edinburgh. It forced on the citizens the necessity felt in Continental walled towns of building house upon house. As the town was limited in its lateral expansion, it grew upwards.

-a

The danger against which the country was rouseddanger felt as imminent by the city of Edinburgh-passed over in the mean time; Surrey's army dispersed instead of advancing. One cause of this was insufficiency of provisions; but we may also conclude that the immediate advantages of the victory would not have been thus dropped had it not been that the loss suffered by the English army was not by any means so trifling as it was represented to be in the despatches to London.

A Parliament immediately assembled, and a thin house, in which old experienced counsellors were represented by their offspring, emphatically reminded those who were present of the country's loss. It was necessary to appoint a regent, and a guardian to the young prince. It was considered becoming at once to name the queen to these trusts, but this does not appear to have been done with an expectation that the arrangement would be permanent and satisfactory. None could tell what influence it might have on her dangerous and capricious brother-whether it would induce him to foster and protect the country ruled by his sister, or would afford him opportunities for scheming against the national independence. There was a good deal, too, in the queen's own character to check reliance. She gave, indeed, unequivocal evidence that she was of

the same blood as her brother, and especially in an incapacity to remain long in widowhood. In April 1514 she bore a posthumous child. In August of the same year she married the young Earl of Angus. Since she would marry if she could, she probably made the best selection open to her. She found that she would not be permitted to leave the country, and must therefore content herself with one of the subjects of Scotland. Of these Angus was the most powerful, and, what was more to her purpose, he was young and handsome-a new heir, for his father had been killed at Flodden. Whatever may have been anticipated of it at the time, this marriage became, from its after effects, one of the most momentous events in British history. The descendants of the marriage in the male line were kings of England and Scotland. The grandson of the Earl of Angus was Henry Lord Darnley, the father of James I. of England.

Meanwhile the Estates looked for help in their difficulties to a branch of the royal family settled abroad. We have seen how the Duke of Albany, the younger brother of James III., retired to France. The precedents of his exile were not creditable, but they did not deprive him of the countenance of Louis XI. While many Scotsmen of the higher and middle ranks rose to a wealth and eminence in France far beyond what their own country had it in its power to offer to them, a due precedence was given to the blood-royal; and the fortunes of the house of Albany were built up on a scale that was truly princely, even in the magnificent France of that day. The son of the original exile was now Admiral of France, held great territories there, and kept something like a court of his own. At the meeting of the Estates, immediately after the calamity, it was resolved that he should be requested to come to Scotland, and gradually the views concerning him ripened into the opinion that he was the proper person to act as Regent.

The difficulties and perplexities of the times bore heavily on all who took at that crisis the responsibility of action. There was, in the first place, the utter uncertainty as to what the country might expect from England. But, on

the other hand, the relations with France foreboded trouble. The tone of the communications from that Court was passing from diplomacy into something like patronage. Immediately after the battle of Flodden, an appeal had been made to France for assistance to Scotland in her hour of terrible need. It was a critical period, however, for France in her Italian war. Francis I., who began his popular reign in 1515, was competing with Charles V. for the empire; and it was convenient for him to cultivate England, though that power had no direct vote in the election. The connection of France and England became close for a time-Louis XII. was married to Henry's young sister, and a treaty of peace was concluded. The king survived it and his marriage but a few months, but the peace was ratified by his successor, Francis. This peace was distasteful to the Scots. They thought they could see in its details that the French not only acted towards them the part of the patron and superior, but of the correcting and censuring patron. Francis had, without much, if any, formal consultation with the Scots Government, brought Scotland into the treaty as a subsidiary party; yet Scotland was to have this privilege only conditionally on good behaviour: she must abandon the border inroads. The particulars of the stipulation were, that if any inroads on England were made under constituted authority, such as that of the Government or the warden, Scotland's hold on the treaty was forfeited. There was the same result if at any time a force three hundred strong, however commanded, ran a raid into England, unless the Government of Scotland made compensation for damage done. There were no like stipulations for the protection of the Scots side of the border.1 Their late calamity made the Scots peculiarly sensitive to such a slight; but the French Government was apologetic -represented that a peace with England was then of vital importance, but expressed great anxiety to keep up the ancient league with Scotland.2 In a few expressions of mournful reproach, the Scots Estates said the country was

1 Fœdera, xiii. 419, 482.

2 Teulet, Pap. d'Etat, No. 1.