*wards fubmit to get their bread by the fweat of their brow. Befides, it may prove dangerous to your liberties; for Tupporting and carrying on a war with vigour, great armies must be raised: when the war is ended, you may, perhaps, find it difficult to difband your armies; the Generals will be against it, and the foldiers, having loft the hopes of living by the plunder of their enemies, may refolve to live by the plunder of their country. War therefore, even with the most flattering profpect of fuccefs, ought to be avoided by a trading, free country, if poffible. The event is doubtful, let the hopes of either party at the beginning be never fo well founded. It is not the first time we have heard of the event of a war's turning out contrary to all human appearances. We have a fresh inftance of this before our eyes. All Europe thought, the Emperor engaged in the present war against the Turks with great odds of his fide; but we find ourselves disappointed in our expectations; the odds are already turned against him, and little hopes left of his coming off with honour, much lefs with advantage. Whoever confiders these things, Sir, must think, that, if the circumstances of affairs in Europe were entirely favourable for us, if our own circumstances were as happy as we could wifh, we ought not wantonly to engage in a war; but when we confider that the circumftances of Europe were never in a more unhappy fituation for us than at prefent, and that our own circumftances are far from being in a happy fituation, who is it will fay, a war is not by all means to be avoided? The powerful kingdom of France is now in greater vigour than ever it was fince the reign of their Charles the Great; it is now governed by wife councils, and in perfect unity and concord within itfelf. The King of France is bound, not only by intereft, but by the ties of blood, to aflift the King of Spain; and as an addition to this obligation, there is now forming, for what I know already concluded, a treaty of alliance between them. If we declare war against Spain, we must therefore expect that France will take part with Spain against us: and tho' I have fo good an opinion of my country, as to think we are more than a match for the one, and at least an equal match for the other, yet I cannot be fo vain as to think, we are an equal match for both; and, confequently, I must think, we have reason to be afraid of our finking under the burden, unless we can get fome of the other great powers of Europe to affift us. Let us now look round Europe, Sir, and we shall find with regret, there is not at present any one of the powers thereof, on whom we could, in fuch a cafe, depend for an effectual affistance. The house of Austria is now in so weak a condition, and fo much reduced by the misfortunes they have met with in their war against the Turks, that they could not, if they would, afford us any affiftance: and if they could, 'tis a question if they would; for their councils feem at prefent to be too much directed by French influence. The Dutch are at prefent in a poor and helpless fituation; for tho' the fubjects of moft of the United Provinces are rich and in affluent circumstances, their government is extremely low, and almoft all their publick revenues mortgaged or anticipated: which makes them fo backward to engage in war, that tho' they have met with as bad treatment from Spain as we have done, tho' as many Dutch fhips, in proportion, have been unjustly feized by the Spaniards, as there have been of English; yet they have never yet attempted, nor do they feem to have the leaft inclination to refent these injuries in any hoftile manner. The princes of Germany are now contending amongit themselves about the fucceffion to fome parts of the Palatinate; and that contention may perhaps break out into an open rupture. Of the princes of Italy, the two moft potent may probably be engaged in the alliance against us; and the King of Portugal dares not affift us, I even doubt if he would dare to admit our men of war into his ports. Then, Sir, if we look northward, of the two northern kingdoms, the most power ful ful feems already to be united against us; and the Mufcovites, if they were inclined, are at too great a distance to afford us any relief. Thus, Sir, we are at prefent without any one ally upon the continent, that would give us affiftance; and in cafe of a war, the two moft potent kingdoms in Europe would probably be united against us; nay, I do not know but that the greatest part of Europe would unite againft us: und when the affairs of Europe are in fuch circumftances, would it not be the height of madness in us to engage in war, if we can by any art, or by any means, avoid or delay it? But this, Sir, is not our only misfortune at prefent. Our domeftick circumitances are far from being in fuch a condition as may encourage us to engage in war. Our people are already taxed almoft as much as they can poffibly bear; and most of those taxes mortgaged for paying the debts we contracted in the late war: the overplus of our publick revenue is hardly fufficient for fupporting our civil government in time of peace. If we go to war, we muft lay on new or additional taxes; this will increase those animofities and divifions that now prevail too much amongst us; and will caufe that party to raise its head, which has not dared to look up for near twenty years paft. If we go to war, our enemies will certainly endeavour to bring us into confufion at home, by embracing the caufe of the Pretender; the war itself will be made the caufe of the Pretender: and when our people find every year new loads of taxes laid upon them, many of them may begin to afcribe all the misfortunes they labour under, to the illuftrious family now upon our throne ; which will make them ready to join any number of foreign troops that fhall invade us, with the Pretender at their head. If France and Spain fhould join against us, it will be impoffible for us to guard our coafts, by means of our navy, so closePerinth in to throw a few regular troops into fome part of the island; and this might give us fo much to do at home, that we should I have as juft a fenfe as any man canc have, of the fufferings of our merchant,nry and of the indignities that have been re put upon the nation, by the Spanie guarda coftas; but national refolution, Sir, ought not to be directed by paffa on: we may, we ought to flew a proper refentment; but our refentment ought to be governed by prudence; and if it is, we muft fufpend fhewing it, till song a change in the circumftances of Eu-t rope prefents us with a favourable opa portunity; which, in all probability, very f fhall not be long obliged to wait for. Therefore, if this convention had not been fo favourable as it appears to be, his Majesty ought, I think, in the prefent conjuncture, to have accepted of it. This is the opinion I muft form, from the view I have of the prefent posture of affairs, and from circumftances that are publickly known: but his Majefty may know many circumftantes which we do not know, which he can not communicate to this houfe; and therefore, in fuch cafes, we ought to be extremely cautious of refufing our ap probation to a measure which his Majefty has thought fit to approve of. Such a caution would have been neceflary, even tho' this convention had appeared to have been altogether unfatisfactory; but I have fhewn, I think, that we have got by it all that could be reasonably expected by a preliminary treaty; from whence we have good reafon to hope, that in eight months time we shall obtain by a definitive treaty all we can defire,which is a delay, I am fure, not worth our while to go to war for. Therefore, Sir, I must think, I am fully warranted in what I am to propofe, which is, That an humble addrefs, &c. (fuch another aswas propofed by C. Cicerejus. See p. 435 Campbol of pem brockshire, Calpurnius Pifo spoke next as follow Mr Prefident, for C. Stand to fecond the motiome the Hon. Gentleman near me has been pleafed to make; and I fecond it, becaufe, I think, the neceflary confe quence quence of our not agreeing to it, would be an immediate war. Now, as I think we have got by this convention as nuch as we could expect by a prelimiDary article, (for, with refpect to our faure fecurity, it can be called nothing lfe; nor was it poffible, in so fhort a sime, to make it any thing elfe;) and, SI think, that the court of Spain's areeing to this convention, efpecially hat part of it which ftipulates an immediate reparation, furnishes us with a rong prefumption, that they are inclied to do us juftice, and that we fhall, 1 a fhort time, obtain fufficient fecuty for the freedom of our trade and naigation in time to come: therefore, I uft think a war quite unneceffary; ad no war can be just that is not neeffary, nor can any war be honourable hat is not just. This confideration, Sir, convinces me, hat we ought to approve of this conention; and my Hon. friend has taken are to put fome words or expreffions nto the address he has been pleased to ropofe, which, in my opinion, will bviate the only material objection I have heard made to this treaty. Our merchants feem to think, that our rights and poffeffions in America are not suficiently fecured to us by the terms of his preliminary; and therefore they pprehend, that fome of them are to be given up by our Plenipotentiaries. These his crown, and the undoubted rights of By these words, I fay, Sir, the very P. Sempronius Tuditanus then flood ap,, Mr Prefident, HE great defign, and the chief prehenfions, I think, there can be Tufe of parliaments, is, to prefent Τ o ground for, from any word or exreffion in this preliminary; nor can ay man entertain fuch a thought, if he confiders the inviolable attachment his Majefty has always fhewn for the rights ad privileges of his people, and that ur Plenipotentiaries can do nothing without his order, nor finally agree upn any thing without his approbation. But if it were poffible to apprehend, at any of our rights or poffeffions are danger of being loft, or given up by e definitive treaty, that is to be conuded in purfuance of this preliminary, wen that poffibility must be taken away, your declaring, in the addrefs propofed, r reliance on his Majefty, that from Is conftant attention to the honour of to our Sovereign the opinions, as well fortune fortune that in this kingdom we fhall always be free from, while we have parliaments, and fuch parliaments as are independent of the adminiftration. But if ever our parliaments fhould come to be under the direction of the minister, for the time being, they would be ufelefs, they would be pernicious; becaufe they would be made ufe of only for impofing upon the King with the greater affurance, and for oppreffing the people with the greater fecurity. Therefore, I hope, that in this houfe we fhall upon all occafions talk to our King, not in the language of his minifters, but in the language of truth, in the language of his people. For this reafon, while I have the honour to have a feat here, I shall never join in any addrefs to the throne, that may in the leaft contribute towards inducing my Sovereign to form fuch an opinion of any publick meafure, as may be contrary to the opinion I have, upon a thorough enquiry, formed of it, and contrary to the opinion which, I know, the people in general have formed of it. The convention now before us, is, in my opinion, the most difhonourable, the moit deceitful, the most ruinous treaty, this nation ever made; I will be bold to fay, that 99 out of 100 of the people are of the fame opinion: and fhall I agree to an addrefs, which must make the King believe, if he believes what we fay, that it is an honourable, fair, and advantageous treaty? The Hon. Gent, and his friends may, if they pleafe, Sir, call the latter part of the addrefs he has propofed, a declaration of what we expect by the folemn treaty that is to be concluded: but the first part is a downright approbation of this convention, and is therefore inconfiftent with the latter; for it would, in my opinion, be ridiculous in us to fay, we expect or hope for any thing from a folemn treaty that is to be concluded in purfuance of a preliminary, by which every thing we have to expect or hope for, is previously given up, and almost exprefly furrender'd. Out of the regard I have, and, I hope, fhall always have for his Majefty, I muft, in examining the addrefs propofed, leave his name out, and fubstitute in its room, the name or term minifter, or negriator. Shall I, Sir, upon occafion of this convention, exprefs my moft grateful a acknowledgments for the minifter's, or negotiator's particular care, and tender regard for the interefts of the people, when I think that in negotiating and agreeing to this convention, he has fhewn no care, no regard for, but, on the contrary, has facrificed, I fhall not fay betrayed, the most valuable, the motit facred rights of his country? Shall I fay, that a final adjustment of our long depending demands has been obtained by this convention, when I fee, that, inflead of adjufting, we have releafed them? Shall I fay, that any payment is to be made by Spain upon that account, when it appears that Spain is not to pay one fingle groat, when it appears that no one fhilling is fo much as ftipulated, but what is to be paid by one part of our own fubjects to another? Or fhall I fay, I am fatisfied with the foundation the minifter or negotiator has laid, for preventing the like grievances and caufes of complaint for the future, when I am convinced that, by this convention, a foundation is laid for increafing them, and for rendering them perpetual? God forbid, Sir, that any member of this houfe fhould behave in fuch a flavish manner towards the minifter, or in fuch a deceitful manner towards his Sovereign. I fhall allow, Sir, that when differences arife between two nations, war ought not to be refolved on, till application be firft made for having them removed by a friendly accommodation: but that application ought to be made in an honourable manner, and fuitable to the dignity of the nation that makes it. If the matters of right that are be gun to be difputed, be fuch as are really doubtful, a negotiation may be fet on foot for having them explained; but, to difpute the moft undoubted rights, rights that are established by the law of nature, as well as by particular treaties, is one of the greatest infults that can be put by one nation upon another; and there el therefore, the only application that can be made, is a peremptory demand for having them acknowledg'd in the moft explicit terms: To negotiate, or to treat about fuch rights, is to betray them. Again, when violences are committed by the fubjects of one nation, upon thofe of another, fatisfaction may be demanded, nay, I fhall grant that it ought to be demanded in a peaceable manner, before refolving to take fatisfaction by force of arms: but this fatisfaction ought to be required, not fued for; and much lefs fued for again and again, after many affected delays or fham excufes. To require fatisfaction in a peaceable but dignified manner, is prudent, is commendable; but to fue and follicit for it, is mean, abject, and dishonourable; and when a nation continues to fue for it, under frequent repetitions of the fame fort of violences, it is ridiculous, it is mischievous. This, I'm afraid, Sir, is our cafe with regard to Spain. We have negotiated about our undoubted rights; we have fued for fatisfaction, and have fo long continued fuing, while they continued violating, that we have at laft rendered ourfelves ridiculous and contemptible. In this opinion I am confirmed by the treaty now under our confideration: a treaty which they feem to have impofed upon us as the coup de grace to that character we formerly had among the princes and potentates of Europe. Af ter difputing with us fuch undoubted rights, and committing fo many and fuch unheard of depredations upon our merchants, if they had not had the átmoft contempt of our understanding as well as power, it was impoffible they could have thought of impofing fuch a treaty upon us: a treaty by which they have, under the pretence of giving us a foundation for obtaining future fecurity, obliged us to give up thofe rights upon which it depends, and, instead of giving us reparation, they have obliged us to give them a general release; nay further, they have obliged us to give up to them, for much less than the true value, five British fhips and their cargoes, which they had, before this treaty was thought of, obliged themselves to reftore. If they had given us a flat denial, if they had abfolutely refused to give us any fecurity or reparation, it would have been fhewing a contempt of our power only; but to prefume to palm upon us fuch a fham fecurity, and fuch a fallacious fort of reparation, is fhewing the utmoft contempt of our judgment, as well as our power. As yet the contempt can fall upon our negotiators only; but if this houfe fhould give any thing like a fanction to fuch a treaty, the contempt muft fall upon the nation, or at least upon that which is called the wifdom of the nation. In order, Sir, to make good what I have faid, I must beg leave to confider what we ought to have had, and whether we have got, by this treaty, so much as the hopes of obtaining any one thing we ought to have had. I believe every Gentleman will allow, that we ought to have had fome fatisfaction for the many infults the Spaniards have put upon the crown and flag of G. Britain. To fome this may appear to be merely a point of honour; but to me it appears fo material, that, I think, we can have no future fecurity without it. No treaty, no regulations you can make, will, in my opinion, fignify any thing, without fome exemplary fatisfaction; for the Spanish Governors and Captains of guarda coftas in America, will fhew no regard to any treaty or regulations you can make, if they find they may tranfgrefs them with impunity: whereas, if fome of those Governors and Captains that have robbed our merchants, had been hanged, as they highly deferve, and their bodies hung up in chains, upon the moft confpicuous capes of Cuba, Hifpaniola, and Porto-Rico, it would have fhewn all fuch for the future, what they were to expect, if they infulted the crown, or injured the fubjects of G. Britain. But the court of Spain being refolved to grant nothing that might any way contribute to our future fecurity, refolved not to allow the word fatisfaction to be fo much as once mentioned in this treaty. Even the Spanish pirate that cut off 4 H Capt. |