pleased to dislike the thing as it ftands. A peace on their own terms is not fufficient, fince it is a peace not obtained in their own way; and, therefore, they account it worse than no peace at all. And, in fupport of thefe extraordinary pofitions, they have a set of as extraordinary arguments at their fingers ends: which, if they can make any real impreffion on the minds of men, I fhall only fay, that fuch minds must be of as extraordinary a make as the arguments by which they are governed; fince they are certainly fuch as no unprejudiced man can poffibly be influenced by, or fee any force in; as I fhall prefently prove. But, in the mean time, I cannot help faying, that I fee, with great concern, thofe, who have been labouring, not only with diligence, but fuccefs, in the fervice of their country, must confole themselves with the old reflection, That nothing is more princely, nothing more noble, than to do good, and to fuffer reproach for doing good.

At the head of their grounds for grumbling, ftands this whimfical demand: Since it appears by the King of Spain's ftipulating for the indemnification of our injured merchants, that they were really injured, why did not our fleet proceed immediately to hoftilities? Here was a juft caufe for war; the nation expected it; a plan of operations had been printed in the Craftfman; the publick had been at a great expence all things were in a readinefs; there was nothing wanting but courage in the miniftry, to revive the glory of the British name, by once again invading the Spanish territories, burning their fea-ports, deftroying their naval power, and leaving them utterly incapacitated to give us further trouble. This would have been truly heroick; this would have raised the reputation of our government; this would have ftruck terror abroad, and have given general fatisfaction at home. But this opportunity has been flipt: Our fleet, which might ruin Spain, hath been a mere pacifick fleet; and, for all that it has done at Port-Mahon, might as well have rode at Spithead After this, what is to be expected? what weight will this

nation have abroad? what will become of the honour of the flag? - I protest I have stated this point as fairly as I can: and I do folemnly aver, that I think it the duty of every friend to the adminiftration, to give the arguments of the malecontents their utmoft weight; becaufe it is their intereft that the people fhould fee things truly as they are, and not have them reprefented to them in half lights.

That his Catholick Majefty's difpofition to do us juftice, should be converted into a caufe for making of war upon him, is like moft of the arguments of this party, new and arch, but at the fame time loafe and inconclufive. Tho' our merchant fhips were taken by the Spaniards unjustly, and of confequence contrary to our treaties with the King of Spain, yet they were not taken without pretence: and, therefore, when the injuftice was discovered, and his Catbolick Majefty appeared ready to make fatisfaction for what was paft, and to provide against fuch mischiefs for the future; we fhould certainly have violated our treaties, and even the law of nations, if we had commenced a war. Befides, if the malecontents themselves had been in the miniftry, I have the charity to believe they would not have done it; because fuch a proceeding would have been not only inconfiftent with, but abfolutely repugnant to the addreffes of both Houses of Parliament; which, with all due fubmiffion to those ingenious and authoritative writers, I take to be more expreffive of the fenfe of the nation than either the Craftfman or Common Senfe. But fuppofe we had acted in the manner the malecontents defire; fuppofe we had burnt, plunder'd, and deftroy'd an enemy's country: muft we have made war for ever? No, certainly; even the malecontents would not have expected that. Well then! the beft end it could have had would have been an honourable peace, in all probability, without fatisfaction to the injured merchants: for, either the Spaniards would not have had it in their power after a confuming war, or fome malecontent miniftry might have

made

made a fecond Utrecht treaty, and valued themselves upon faving the blood and treasure of the nation, and on the reftoring peace to Europe. So that, taking things in this light, it is certainly as well as it is. The nation in general hath an bonourable peace, and a particular fatisfaction is alfo ftipulated for the merchants; and this without running any rifque, and without the fatiguing the people with a feries of expectations, the neceffary confequences of our commencing boftilities. There is not therefore the leaft caufe for calling in question the courage of the miniftry; but there is abundant reafon for applauding the wisdom, moderation, and happy fuccefs of his Majefty's councils. In former reigns our fleets have fought, and have conquered, and yet the nation bath obtained nothing: In the prefent, our fleet, without fighting, hath obtained more than victory could have given us. While the terror of the Englife fleet can do this, let it ride at Spitbead, or at Port-Mahon. And as for the weight of Great Britain abroad, I dare anfwer for the administration, that they will never defire more from the malecontents, than that their conduct was as well regulated at home. Our fleet is always in a condition to do us juflice with refpect to our neighbours, fo that the bour of the crown will be always fafe; but the lenity of his Majefty's government hath not, I confefs, had fo good an effect upon all his fubjects: tho' I do not doubt but a time will come, that the bonour of the laws will be as well provided for, as the honour of the flag which was never carried higher

than now.

Another worthy reason offered to the people to prevent their approving what they ought to applaud, is, That Spain is much inferior in power to us; that, in the Wefl-Indies efpecially, the fubjects of the British crown might have been greatly enriched by a war; that even in Europe extraordinary things might have been done, whole provinces might have been added to our dominions; and all these great things might have been performed by a naval armament only.

This argument is not altogether confiftent with the former; fince it intimates, that the zeal of fome people for war, is not fo much founded in the juftice of the cause, as in the probability of fuccefs. A very hopeful principle this, and worthy those who efpouse it! But, taking it for granted, (as indeed there is no way of arguing with the malecontents, if you do not take all they fay for granted;) would a war fo apparently unequal, have been much for the honour of Great Britain? would it not have betrayed a spirit of ambition, not to fay of rapine? would it not have exhaufted the coffers of the nation, to fill thofe of private men? would any conqueft that we could have made, have proved of any real benefit to this country? or, would they not have proved the quite contrary? Let the wifest of the malecontents point out to us where this nation in general was a gainer by a war, or by foreign conquefts; and then it will be time enough to return them a more particular anfwer. I would likewise be glad to know, whether the most famous maritime powers that have flourished heretofore, were not undone by acting from that Spirit with which these patriots would inflame their countrymen ? And if this be fo, I should be glad to understand, why we should not look upon them as warnings, rather than examples? To all this I beg leave to add, that we are a trading nation; that we carry on a great and a gainful trade to Spain, and that therefore it would be a little unnatural, to carry on fuch a war in favour of trade as should deftroy it. As it is, we shall have a share in the Spanish wealth through the indufry of our people, and the wisdom of our merchants: In another way, we should only have a chance for it from the vices and extravagances of our privateers. On the whole, I conclude, that admitting we are much more powerful than the Spaniards, the conduct of the miniftry hath been fuitable to what might have been expected from a brave and generous people: whereas the conduct the malecontents recommended, would have been directly the reverse.

The

The third and laft argument on which these Gentlemen infift is, the expediency of having procured a peace, rather by chaffifing the Spaniards than by negotiating with them: because there is no trufting to their treaties; because they have heretofore promised as much as they can do now, and because there can be no fecurity of their keeping their words better for the future, than they have done in times paft: So that the best peace that can be made, will be no more than a temporary expedient, which in a fhort time will require either new nego tiations, or new armaments.

In order to lay any foundation for this ftring of extraordinary reafons, thofe who make use of them ought to have fhewn, first, That treating our neighbours ill, is the way to make them treat us well; and, fecondly, That amongft politicians, it has been accounted juft, never to pass by an injury, or to make up a difference, without beating thofe with whom we have differed. Now I do conceive, that neither of these can be proved. As to the Spaniards, we, have heretofore beat them; and, if I am not mistaken, the malecontents themfelves have allowed, that all ill-will towards us, hath proceeded from thence; which does not make it very probable, that beating them again would make them our friends: though it is univerfally allowed, that being friends with us, is both our intereft and theirs. On the other hand, if a man, who is no enemy to the government, may pretend to reading, I will venture to affirm, that there are the best authorities in the world against this doctrine. Xenophon lays it down as a rule in his Greek hiftory, That a wife people will not engage in a war, not tho there fhould be important reasons for fo doing. And Cicero obferves, that there is a measure to be kept in our revenge and our punishments; and I know not, fays he, whether an offender's repentance be not a fufficient fatisfaction. And as to the manner in which we have obtained peace, Pliny, in the 7th epiftle to his 2d book, fays, He vanquished them by the terror of his arms, which is of all others the most graceful kind of victory.

Books are faithful counsellors to Kings and people; and whatever measures appeared juft and honourable to the fage of antiquity, must be juft and honourable now: for as things never change their nature, fo it is not probable that fuch judges could be mistaken in their nature. Further ftill, we have now a certain fatisfaction ftipulated, which we never had before; and this greatly varies the case, because it is a precedent for times to come. Befides, they will not now be fo ready to break treaties, when they are fure to pay for them; as they will alfo be left with fewer pretences when thofe negotiations are concluded, for which a limited time is fettled. I might add many things to what I have already advanced; but I do not defire either to tire the patience of the reader, or to trefpafs upon it in another way, by entring minutely into all the ftories that have been told, in order to influence the minds of the people, and give them wrong notions of things: I aim only at making things clear on one fide, and not at blackening the other.

The fame prudential reasons hinder me from entring into an enquiry after the true motives to this ftrong defire of war, expreffed by the malecontents; tho I am perfuaded it would be no hard matter to find out and to expose them. I will content myself with faying, the people ought to have a care how they liften to fuch fuggeftions from any party, because they have in this refpect been often deceived already. In the reign of K. William, a certain faction impeached the Earl of Portland, Lord Somers, and the rest of the ministry, for making the Partition treaties; and the very fame faction, in the latter end of the Queen's reign, valued themselves on making another treaty, which was a perfect tranfcript of thofe they had be fore condemned. Hence it is plain, that fuch as make it their business to op pose an adminiftration, do not confider publick affairs with a view to the fervice of the publick, but with a view to their private intereft: to which if a war is neceffary, they will, without

mercy

mercy, plunge their country into it, and leave her to get out as fhe can; having this excufe always at hand, That they found a war prepared for them when they came into power; and this notwithstanding it was of their own preparing.

I will clofe this paper with humbly intreating my readers to take notice, that I have therein kept closely to the paint in debate: I have not wander'd into perfonal fatire or affected digressions; I have not introduced turns of wit, or pleafant ftrokes of ridicule, to keep people from attending the main thread of my difcourfe; but I have exercised the liberty of a true Briton, by speaking my thoughts freely on matters of the highest importance to every Briton. And I hope, that what I have advanced, will not be the worfe received becaufe it is not a libel on the administration; but that every man will give it a fair and equal hearing, and decide upon it as his good fenfe directs, and not as he is influenced by his private intereft or his paffions.

C

The Univerfal Spectator, Feb. 3. Ontains an addrefs to the Gentlemen in the pit, (the feat of criticism in the theatres) advifing them to fet about a thorough reformation of the Stage; which, he fays, ought to be the publick school of morality, and not a place for the exhibition of buffoonry and legerdemain. He tells them, that a kind of rude interludes obtained first in England in the reign of Edward IV. which were represented by boys in inns, &c. Marlow being the firft celebrated aftor, and Shakespear the first poet who called the publick attention, by the prodigious force of his natural genius: to which Ben Johnson added art; and Fletcher, grace, ease and delicacy: Tho' the Stage acquired its magnificence of fcenery, drefs, and other decorations, after the restoration. The corruption which foon followed he very justly attributes to the extravagancies of Mr. Dryden; and affigns, though I cannot fee for what reason, the difreputation of tragi-comedies to the writings of Mr. Addison: whereas, had he given him

self time to reflect a little, he would have found that many continue to be yet acted with confiderable applause, as Oroonoko, &c.-He concludes thus: "In a word, Gentlemen, the Stage, "properly regulated, is the nobleft "Ichool in the world; no character is "too high or too low to escape its no"tice, no vice or folly saved from its "rebuke, no virtue above its praise."

WEEKLY MISCELLANY, Feb. 3. An enquiry into the nature and legal cause of Divorces.

Mr. Hooker,

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THE general invitation which you have given, and the good exam ple you have propos'd to all well-difpofed genius's to appear under your banner, in the cause of religion and virtue, have encouraged me to offer to you and your readers a few loose and unconnected reflections, on an affair which, I think, very properly falls under the defign of your paper. A report has reach'd this part of the kingdom, but I hope altogether without foundation, that feveral DIVORCES are now in agitation in some very confiderable families. The number of these, if we are to give credit to common fame, is fo great, that there is too much reafon to apprehend very melancholy and extenfive confequences, and to fear that this, like too many other polite evils, will become fashionable and epidemical.

The original defign of Divorces was, to diffolve the marriage-contract in fome flagrant and notorious cafes, particularly where the principal conditions of marriage had on either fide been violated and infringed. Some are of opinion that it was firft granted, not for the male fex, but for the release of diftrefs'd vives from the treachery or tyranny of lewd or imperious husbands. Theodofius and Valentinian, Christian Emperors of Rome, gave husbands a liberty in fome cafes to repudiate their wives upon ftrong fufpicion only, without any proof of actual crimes. A

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