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not succeed in getting it abolished, his powerful arguments at least forced the government to modify it in practice. It was natural that the descendant of a French refugee should solicit the intercession of the British parliament in favour of the protestants of the south of France in 1815; but however laudable might be the commisseration expressed by the English government for our unfortunate dissenters, it is impossible to avoid susspecting its sincerity, when one looks to the conduct of that same government with respect to Ireland.

I cannot always recognise the spirit of genuine philanthropy in the churlish liberalism which characterizes the political speeches of Mr. Brougham. This ungraceful orator possesses as much, or perhaps more, knowledge than Sir Samuel Romilly or Sir James Mackintosh, but he wants their taste and purity of style. His manner sometimes smacks of the tavern, even on the most solemn occasions. He is vehement and energetic; his irony is bitter, and his invective severe, even to excess. When he defends a bad cause, (and it would appear that he has a peculiar predilection for such,) the boldness of his manner before the judges borders on menace. This, it is true, may be merely the confidence of superiority, but in the sanctuary of the laws it has an air of insolence. When he interrogates a witness whose evidence embarrasses him, he often disdains the artful precautions of his profession. He fixes his eye on him with an appalling look of contempt;

there is gall in the very tone of his voice; and when he succeeds in confounding the object of his attack, his malignant smile injures the effect of his triumph. His speeches in the house of commons produce similar impressions. The effect of his most eloquent addresses is marred by bad taste and coarseness.

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In conducting the defence of the Queen of England, Mr. Brougham had sufficient tact to modify his usual manner, and many passages of his speeches on that occasion are remarkable for dignity. The world is, unfortunately, but too familiar with the details of that trial, so disgraceful to Great Britain. The affair of the necklace was one of the thousand causes which helped to bring about the French revolution, by the suspicions to which it instantly subjected the most august persons in the state; and in the same way the opprobrium which the contents of the green bag reflected on majesty itself, might have directly compromised all the house of Hanover. A constitutional throne is, perhaps, established on basis more firm than any other; but the interest. of sovereign authority, which always requires the aid of illusion and prejudice, imperatively demands that a Queen, like Cæsar's wife, should not be even suspected; or if she be, silence is the only resource. What a spectacle was that trial for the moral and religious people of three kingdoms !*

* There were certain inconsistencies in the conduct of the people of England with respect to Queen Caroline, which it is curious to remark,

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The only lawyer who can compete with Mr. Brougham in reputation and talent, is Mr. Scarlett, who is also a member of the house of commons, and one of the opposition party; but he is less conspicuous in parliament than Mr. Brougham, because he is more occupied in his profession, and seems to have little taste for the brilliant discussion of political questions. It is said that Mr. Scarlett is fond of the quirks and subtleties of the law; because, full of confidence in his own shrewdness, he enjoys a satisfaction in rendering doubtful and obscure points as clear to others as they are to himself. He is simple and unaffected, and possesses a highly cultivated mind. There is something persuasive and pleasing in his tone of voice and delivery. His action is graceful; but from his dislike of all kinds of display, his language is not sufficiently varied, and his speeches want the aid of art. He is one of those laconic advocates, to

The Queen had the Court against her, and not only the radical opposition, but also the whig interest in her favour. The latter were somewhat ashamed of defending a woman, whose conduct they did not dare to justify; and no sooner did the ministers withdraw their bill of pains and penalties, than the Queen, though she gained her cause, lost her most influential friends. “We have,” said they, "defended, in the person of the oppressed Queen, the constitution, which was attacked, but we are not the defenders of profligacy." The acclamations of the rabble, likewise, became less frequent, because they had no object in view. The English populace, which is easily excited, cannot comprehend the silent respect due to misfortune. The Queen, while she was the tool of opposition, had a court; but when triumphant, she was deserted, and became a source of embarrassment even to her lowest partizans. She died almost forsaken, and the alarm of an insurrection alone induced the good people of London to look out at their windows when her remains passed through the metropolis!

whom may be applied what Voltaire said of the English generally, that they gain an hour or two every day by the good use they make of their time in conversation. Mr. Scarlett prefers a short word to a long one, even when the long one, if it would not better interpret his idea, would at least add to the force and harmony of his style. He is not destitute of warmth and energy; but he rarely displays eloquence in the style of Burke, and he often begins a sentence better than he ends it.

Messrs. Brougham and Scarlett are employed chiefly at the northern assizes, and in the nisi prius courts, where it is the business of the counsel to detail the circumstances of the case, and to reply to the objections of his opponent. Mr. Scarlett is particularly clever in these replies. He is admirably dexterous in discovering the weak side of his assailant, and in making the most of the advantages which his own cause may present. It is most amusing to observe how he calls all his resources into requisition, and endeavours to surprise the counsel on the opposite side, if he should be for a moment off his guard. Sometimes he involves his hearers in a net-work of subtlety, and sometimes he seizes on any vague word, capable of bearing a meaning which suits his purpose, and makes it a weapon for assailing his antagonist. He evinces particular ingenuity in the cross-examination of witnesses. "You recollect having done so and so?" he says, and then, without being disconcerted by a positive denial, he will add, with

the tone and air of a man certain of the facts be is endeavouring to prove-"But try whether you cannot recollect it." The voice of Brougham inspires fear; but Scarlett fills the person whom he is addressing with a certain distrust of himself, and overpowers him by timid indecision. Scarlett may be said to be the most shrewd and subtle lawyer at the English bar, while Brougham is the most powerful speaker.

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LETTER LIV.

TO M. PONCELET, PROFESSOR OF LAW.

If Ireland was formerly peopled by a colony from the east, it would be more difficult to prove that fact by the researches of antiquaries, than by the tradition of the truly Asiatic style which is preserved among Irish poets and Irish orators. There is, certainly, nothing Irish in the poetry or prose of Goldsmith and Swift. The eclogues of Collins, and the eloquence of Burke, take the lead in that school of brilliant declamation, which has produced the luxuriant imagery of Thomas Moore, and the emphatic diction of Curran, Grattan, and Phillips. In spite of the common traits of resemblance, which would warrant us in classing the above-men

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