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May 16, 1836.] Naval

[SENATE.

Moore, Morris, Niles, Prentiss, Rives, Robbins, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Swift, Tomlinson—26. Mr. KING of Alabama then moved to amend the amendment of the House, so as to provide that the stock in the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, held by the corporations of Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, shall be deposited with the Secretary of the Treasury, who is empowered to sell the same at any time within ten years, and reimburse the money advanced by this bill. Mr. WEBSTER said he felt bound to inquire, before we should consent to take this stock, either positively or conditionally, whether it was subject to further calls by the company; whether, by taking a mortgage, or a transfer, we were subjecting the Government to further payments, before we should attempt to protect our interests in a manner which would, in fact, merely incur further indebtedness. Mr. WRIGHT said he would reply to the Senator from Massachusetts, that, according to his understanding of the matter, a further call would be most desirable to the Government, in case we were to take the stock. He supposed the only consequence of a failure to pay, in case of a call, would be a forfeiture of the stock; and it seemed to be the only way in which we could get rid of it. He believed he was not mistaken, and that the privilege of forfeiture, in case of further calls, would be left to us. Mr. WEBSTER, sitting in his seat, said, I hope so. Mr. KING's amendment was then agreed to, and the bill, as amended, was sent to the other House for concurrences. On motion of Mr. SHEPI, EY, the Senate took up the bill for the relief of Daniel Steenrod; and, after a debate, On motion of Mr. CLAYTON, it was referred to the Committee of Claims.

NAVAI, ACADEMY.

Mr. SOUTHARD, from the Committee on Naval Af. fairs, reported a bill to establish a naval academy; which was read, and ordered to a second reading. The report is as follows: The Naval Committee, to whom were referred the reso

lutions of sundry officers of the navy, in relation to a

naval school, report:

The subject to which the attention of the committee has been directed by these resolutions is not new to them. In the discharge of the duties assigned by the Senate, they have anxiously deliberated upon it; and before the reference which calls for this report, they had resolved to present it to the consideration of the Senate, and directed their chairman to report a bill for the establishment of a naval school.

In coming to this decision, the committee take leave to refer to the course of others who have preceded them in their action upon this interesting subject. Upon the earnest recommendation of the Executive, provision was Proposed by the Senate for the establishment of a naval school in the bill for the gradual improvement of the navy, which was approved on the 3d of March, 1827, but was lost by a very small majority. At the last session of the Senate, a bill was introduced for this object, and subsequently reported by the committee, but was not finally acted upon. In again presenting it to the Senate, the committee are influenced by a strong and decitied conviction of its indispensable necessity to the public interests, and to the honor, usefulness, and efficiency of the navy.

The sense entertained and expressed by the officers whose resolutions were referred, of the value of education to naval officers, and the impossibility of their obtaining it under the present system, meets the entire approbation of the committee, and they refer the Senate to them, as expressing sentiments and opinions worthy of respectful regard.

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The nature and situation of the naval service exhibit strongly the necessity for the proposed measure. Our navy visits every land and every ocean. It protects a commerce at this moment as valuable as that of any other nation, though less than one other in amount of men and tonnage, scattered over the whole habitable globe, and exposed to dangers of every possible description. In the protection of this commerce, our naval officers are often brought in contact with the Governments and official agents of every civilized nation, and are often obliged to have intercourse with them upon subjects which can only be properly treated by welleducated and well-informed men. They are, indeed, our national representatives in all other countries, and from them much of the estimate of us, as to our manners, intelligence, and character as a nation, must be drawn. It is not possible that their duties can be performed in the manner in which we should desire them to be performed, without science, intelligence, and knowledge. Besides, we are a growing nation, and it is our interest and our duty to draw from every other region every species of knowledge which can be useful to us. This can be more effectually and usefully accomplished by this, than by any other class of our citizens. But how can all these be accomplished by them, without proper, practical, and useful education? And when are they to receive this education? They are appointed when mere boys—generally between the ages of fourteen and seventeen—when it is not possible that they should be well informed and disciplined scholars. Their situation and duties in the service render it equally impossible that they should make extensive literary and scientific acquirements, beyond the mere practical duties of the seaman. They have not pay enough at that period of their service to purchase the means of instruction, nor time enough to acquire it. Their employments are too active and steady. The only mode by which it can be secured is, by the establishment of a school, which shall combine literary and scientific instruction with practical performance of a portion of their duties; and this may be accomplished by competent teachers, and by connecting with the school one or more small vessels, in which they may be compelled, under proper guidance, to perform in turn all the services of the common sailor, with those also which belong to office and command. The expense of such an establishment need not be large. With it, we may dispense with the present insufficient and almost useless system of instruction on board of our cruising vessels, and the money expended upon it would go far towards supplying the means neces- ' sary for the support of the school. Šo many considerations enter into the selection of a place for a naval school, and it is so properly the duty of the Executive, that the committee have thought it proper to leave the selection to the Executive. They report a bill. The Senate then proceeded to consider the bill for the relief of Daniel Steenrod. Mr. CLAYTON moved to commit the bill to the Committee of Claims; which was, after much discussion, agreed to. The Senate then adjourned.

Mox DAY, MAY 16.

Mr. SHEPLEY presented the credentials of the honorable John M. Niles, elected by the Legislature of the state ofconnecticut a senator from that State',to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of the honorable

NATHAN SMITH. - - - - - The oath to support the constitution of the United

SENATE.]

Recognition

of Texas. [May 16, 1836.

States was then administered to Mr. NILEs by the Vice Fresident.

RECOGNITION OF TEXAS.

Mr. KNIGHT presented the petition of sundry citizens of Bristol, Rhode Island, praying for the erection of a custom-house; which was referred to the Committee on Commerce. Mr. MANGUM presented a series of resolutions adopted by a meeting of citizens of Burke county, North Carolina, on the subject of the affairs of Texas, recommending the acknowledgment by the Government of the United States of the independence of that country. Mr. PRESTON said he had recently had occasion to express his hopes, his wishes, and his feelings in regard to the affairs in Texas; and as his views were known in relation to them, he was not disposed to trouble the Senate at this time with any further expression of them. And yet he could not recognise the honor conferred on him fly the mention of his name in the resolutions just presented, without reiterating the sentiments expressed by him before. He could not tell why the honor was done him in this case, unless it were on account of his devotion to the cause of civil liberty generally throughout the world. He adverted to the coincidence in point of time between the receipt of those resolutions and this glorious intelligence from Texas of one of the most glorious results ever achieved. It was a gloomy period in the cause of Texas when the Mexican Governor had advanced to our own borders, with a well disciplined army flushed with victory, and in his progress had marked his footsteps with blood, when he (Mr. P.) gave utterance to the impulse of his feelings the other day. He then used epithets which were prompted by the natural feelings of his heart. But he had now no feeling against Santa Anna, for he was, thank God, a prisoner, or perhaps a corpse; and he was ready to proclaim ‘’ glory to God in the highest.” The effects ofthat victory had opened up a curtain to a most magnificent scene. This invader had come on at the head of his force, urged on by no ordinary impulse—by an infuriate fanaticism-by a superstitious Catholicism, goaded on by a miserable priesthood, against that invincible Anglo-Saxon race. it was at once a war of religion and liberty. And when that noble race engaged in a war, victory was sure to perch upon their standard. This was not merely the retribution of the cruel war upon the Alamo, but that tide which was swollen by this extraordinary victory would roll on, and roll on, and roll on; and it was not in the spirit of prophecy to tell when it would stop. He adverted to a period when these halls were animated in a controversy between Mexico and Spain, in which, although too young to participate in it, yet he remembered his heart beat high on that occasion for the cause of freedom. The Anglo-Saxon race was a Popur lation to which liberty belonged, and from which liberty could not be eradicated. Look, said he, across to the Gulf of California, and one Government will overspread that whole extent of country. Mexico, it was known, raised her army with difficulty, for it was well known that there was a part of the people there who were republican, and that Santa Anna had brought the army he fed into the field himself, and that he was the soul of it. He was now cut off, and the impression upon the pub: ic mind would be such, that the spirit of the South and southwest would pour thousands of volunteers on the scene of action to put an end to the struggle; and when they had once put their foot upon the Alamo, they would not look back, but onward—onward would be their march. the Mexican Government had now no foothold--Santa Anna was now no more, and there was no Mexican Government. Texas had achieved her liberty—she had

swept her foes off the land by her valiant achievements. They had conquered, in her, our rights, and by her own arms, while he had stood by witnessing the struggle for liberty. Texas might or might not belong to us, or we to it; but talking, as the people there did, the same language with us, and having the same feelings with us, they were too homogeneous not to belong to us--they were with us and for us, and we were with and for them. Wishing all happiness, success, and prosperity to Texas, he declared his readiness to receive her the moment her achievements had sealed her independence. He was not prepared at this time to go the length asked of him in the resolutions. A short waiting of events was necessary, before definitive action could be had. But the tidings were on the wing; and but give him the fact that Texas was a Government de facto, and he pledged himself, for one, to go for the recognition of her independence instanter. Mr. P. concluded by tendering his hearty response to the sentiments of the people of the county of Burke, in North Carolina, and his acknowledgments for the honor they had done him in the mention of his name. Mr. WALKER said he had, upon the 22d of April last, called the attention of the Senate to the struggle in Texas, and suggested the reservation of any surplus that might remain in the Treasury, for the purpose of acquiring Texas from whatever Government might remain the Government de facto of that country. At that period (said Mr. W.) no allusion had been made, he believed, by any one in either House of Congress to the situation of affairs in Texas. And now, (said Mr. W.,) upon the very day that he had called the attention of the Senate to this subject, it appeared that Santa Anna had been cap: tured, and his army overthrown. Mr. W. said he had never doubted this result. When, on the 22d of April last, resolutions were introduced before the Senate by the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. Monnis, requesting Congress to recognise the independence of Texas, he (Mr. W.) had opposed laying these resolutions on the table, and advocated their reference to a committee of the Senate. Mr. W. said he had addressed the Senate then under very different circumstances from those which now existed. The cries of the expiring prisoners at the Alamo were then resounding in our ears; the victorious usurper was advancing onward with his exterminating warfare, and, in the minds of many, all was gloom and despondency; but Mr. W. said that the published report of our proceedings demonstrated that he did not for a moment despond; that his confidence in the rifle of the West was firm and unshaken; and that he had then declared that the sun was not more certain to set in the western horizon, than that Texas would maintain her independence; and this sentiment he had taken occasion to repeat in the debate on this subject in the Senate on the 9th of May last. Mr. W. said that what was then prediction is now reality; and his heart beat high, and his very pulse throbbed with delight, in contemplating this triumph of liberty. Sir, (said Mr. W.,) the people of the valley of the Mississippi never could have permitted Santa Anna and his myrmidons to retain the dominion of Texas. Look (said Mr.W.) at the maps, and observe the extraordinary corners and angles of our present boundarythat boundary, by the treaty of 1819, by which Texas was sacrified; by which the valley of Mississippi was dismembered; by which the great territories of the Mississippi, the Arkansas for hundreds of miles, and the Red river for a thousand miles, were virtually surrendered to Spain; by which the right to navigate the Mississippi was in fact ceded to Spain, and a foreign power placed on Red river, within three days of New Orleans; a treaty by which the most valuable territory, and the most imMay 17, 18, 1836.]

portant harbors on the Gulf of Mexico were given up, an enemy placed within a few hours' sail of New Orleans, and the command of the Gulf abandoned; a treaty by which five or six States (in the prospective) were torn from the banner of the American Union, by which the balance of power between the North and the South was broken; a balance, by establishing which, whilst the North maintained its numerical preponderance in the lower House, the South would maintain a majority in the Senate, and thus each section be prevented from oppressing the other, and our glorious Union be rendered perpetual. And, (said Mr. W.,) let gentlemen look at the nature of the population of Mexico; let thern examine Malte Brun, and they will find that the valley of the Mississippi never could have permitted Santa Anna to settle Texas with the mixed colored races of Mexico. He said that, by a reference to Malte Brun, it appeared that of the eight millions that peopled Mexico, but one seventh were of the white race; and that since that period the expulsion of the European Spaniards had still further diminished their number. The rest were Africans, Indians, Mettizos, Mulattoes, and Zambos, speaking twenty different languages, and constituting the most poisonous compound that could be amalgamated; united in but one thing—their subjection to a tyrannical priesthood, and their total ignorance of the first principles of civil and religious liberty. And could this miscalled republic be permitted to dismember the great valley of the West, to establish a Government of Zambos and Mettizos, of Africans and Mulattoes, upon the borders of Louisiana and Arkansas, in the very heart of the country, commanding the great tributaries of the Father of Waters, constituting an asylum for fugitive slaves from the West; a people prepared to join at any moment in predatory incursions upon the frontiers; prepared to unite with and instigate the people of their own colored race within our limits to deeds of bloodshed and massacre? No, (said Mr. W.,) this never could, it never ought, it never would have been permitted by the people of the West; and Mr. W. rejoiced that the conflict was over. The resolutions were then ordered to be printed. After transacting some other business, Mr. WHITE moved that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business. The motion was opposed by Mr. CALHOUN and Mr. GOLDS BOROUGH, but was carried in the affirmative: Yeas 26. The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of executive business. After sitting some time with closed doors, The Senate adjourned.

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TU Espay, MAY 17. ALPHONSO WETMORE.

Mr. NAU DAIN moved that the Committee of Claims be discharged from the further consideration of the pe. tition of Alphonso Wetmore. To account for the motion, he read a sentence from the memorial, in which the petitioner, in reference to a former application, expressed the presumption that his honor would not again be assailed, declaring his determination to punish an insult, were it even in the court of Heaven!!

Mr. WEBSTER asked how it had happened that such a petition had been presented”

Mr. LINN said he could answer that question. He had hastily glanced over its contents, and the offensive words had escaped his notice. But, had he seen them, Ile would not say that he should not have presented the petition. He had no objection to having a dozen such referred to him. He could let them pass for just so much as they were worth, and not bring them into importance by any specific reference to them.

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Mr. WEBSTER reminded the Senator that there was a rule of the Senate which required that every Senator should be responsible for the respectful terms in which the petitioner addressed Congress. [Mr. LINN’s reply was not heard. He was understood to say that had he seen the language, the recollection of the rule would have induced him to refrain from presenting it.] The committee were then discharged from the further consideration of the petition.

ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI FIVE PER CENT". FUND.

On motion of Mr. WALKER, the Senate proceeded to consider the bill to carry into effect, in the States of Alabama and Mississippi, the existing compacts with those States in regard to the five per cent, fund, and the school reservations. The object of this bill is to reserve the one thirty-sixth part of the lands ceded by the Chickasaws in the abovenamed States, for the use of schools, and also the five per cent. fund to be allowed under the compact. The only alteration proposed was an amendment moved by Mr. WALKER, providing that the selections of the lands should be made “out of any public lands remaining unsold that shall have been offered at public sale,” instead of “out of any public lands remaining unsold that have been heretofore offered,” &c. The amendment being agreed to, the bill was ordered to be engrossed. On motion of Mr. WHITE, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business; after which, The Senate adjourned.

WEDNEs DAY, MAY 18.

VOLUNTEERS.

Mr. KING of Alabama observed, that they had received information that morning of a character which rendered it necessary that they should proceed, without delay, to the consideration of the bill providing for raising an additional force for the protection of the frontiers. They had undoubted information that the Creek Indians, who had, for some time, been in communication with the Seminoles, had manifested a hostile spirit. In this state of things he deemed it unnecessary to say anything more than to ask the Senate to take up the bill from the House authorizing the President to accept the service of volunteers, and he hoped that the amendments made to it by the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. PREston ] would obviate all objections to it, and that it would be passed and sent back to the House immediately. If they wished to avoid the scenes of horror that had been witnessed in Florida, it was necessary for them to act at once.

The bill was then taken up, and, after the amendments had been explained by Mr. PRESTON, they were agreed to, and the bill was ordered for a third reading. .

INDIAN BILL.

On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate proceeded to consider the bill making appropriations for the current expenses of the Indian department, for Indian annuities, and other similar objects, for the year 1836.

Mr. WEBSTER stated that, since the bill had been reported, various communications had been made from the department, which had induced the Committee on Finance to offer sundry amendments.

The first amendment proposed by Mr. Wreston was, after the clauses making appropriations for the Florida Indians, to insert a proviso that no part of the sum thus appropriated should be paid to such Indians as have been or are actually engaged in hostilities against the United

SENATE.]

States, unless, by any change of circumstances, the President shall be induced to cause the same to be paid to them. This amendment was agreed to. The second amendment, increasing the appropriation for the expenses attending the execution of the treaty with the Creeks, of March 24, 1832, from $7,000 to $17,000, was agreed to. The third amendment, increasing the appropriation for the expenses of the Choctaw treaty, from $6,000 to $8,900, was agreed to. Mr. WEBSTER then submitted several communications from the War Department, showing that a considerable addition would be required to the appropriations for removing Indians. After these communications had been read, Mr. WEBSTER moved to amend the bill so as to conform to the estimates of the Secretary of War, which were founded on the supposed fact that 12,000 of the Creek Indians would be prepared to remove this summer. The amendment was agreed to. Mr. LINN offered an amendment providing for the salary of a clerk for the superintendent of Indian affairs for the Territory of Wisconsin, ($1,200;) which was agreed to. Mr. WRIGHT offered an amendment authorizing the Secretary of War to invest, in some safe public stocks, the sum of $33,000, the balance remaining from the sales of the lands acquired under the treaty with the Seneca and Sandusky Indians; which amendment was also agreed to. Mr. WIIITE submitted an amendment providing that the appropriation of $40,000 for removing the Indians of Wisconsin to the neutral ground on the borders of Missouri, shall not be used, unless said Indians will agree to emigrate to the country on the south side of the Missouri river. Mr. W. explained the objects of the amendment, and strongly urged its propriety. If these Indians, he said, were troublesome neighbors now to the whites, they would be equally so in the country to which it was proposed to remove them. Indeed, they might as well remain where they are, as to be sent to the very borders of Missouri, and close upon the white settlements, and he hoped that the amendment would be adopted; so that if they were removed at all, they would be sent where they were not likely to give future trouble. Mr. W. spoke of the delays in the emigration of the Indians; he did not censure the Secretary of War, who had done every thing in his power to hasten the emigration; but there was blame somewhere, and it must be in the incompetence or unfaithfulness of some of the agents that had been employed. Mr. KING of Alabama said, the interest of speculating white men had greatly retarded the removal of the Indians. The last agent appointed, he believed, was faithful, but had found his energies counteracted by these interested whites. The Secretary of War had facilitated their removal, by taking measures to prevent their being daily forced to travel unreasonable distances, and also to prevent their being exposed to inclement weather. But notwithstanding every precaution used by the Government to prevent it, he believed frauds had been committed which caused the difficulty with the Indians; and he therefore hoped the amendment containing the appropriation might prevail. Mr. CALHOUN hoped that some gentleman who understood the subject would explain the uses for which this appropriation was intended, and the prospect there was of its being applied so as to accomplish the object in view. For his part, he feared that it would, like other appropriations of the kind, be productive only of the greatest frauds. He had long anticipated things of

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this kind. He had long believed that this Indian de. partment was one of the branches of the Governmen under which the greatest frauds would be perpetrated— that, and the public lands, and the banking system. He only regretted that the speculators in Indian lands were not the persons to suffer, instead of the frontier inhabitants. It made his heart bleed to think of the sufferings of the innocent frontier settlers. All these evils, he said, had been the result of mismanagement. The persons appointed had been generally incapable or unfaithful. The Government ought to have appointed men of intelligence, of firmness, and of honor, who would have faithfully fulfilled their obligations to the United States and to the Indians. Instead of that, men were sent out to make fortunes for themselves, and to oppress the Indians. He believed that the two Indian wars they had had were the result of mismanagement, and that the one that was announced that morning might be traced to the same cause. All this resulted from want of capacity or honesty in the agents sent out by the Government. Did he not see, on one hand, large fortunes built up, and, on the other, the most degrading subserviency to those in power? The prominent cause of these Indian disturbances had been the reservations, which he had invariably opposed from the first, predicting that they would be followed by speculations, the grossest frauds, and by the greatest injustice to the Indians themselves. He recollected that when the first Indian treaty, containing reservations, was brought in the Senate, it was strenuously opposed by a distinguished Senator from New York, (Rufus King,) who demonstrated the evils that these reservations would lead to. That treaty was confirmed; and since that time the system had been kept up, always accompanied by the same abuses. There was no remedy for this state of things, but in the appointment of honest, capable men, who would consult the interest of the Government and the welfare of the Indians, rather than their own selfish purposes. Let gentlemen think of the course of this administration, and the consequences of its mismanagement of public affairs. First, there was a French war threatened; then a Seminole war; next the probability of a war with Mexico; and now a Creek war. All this was the consequence of converting this Government into a political electioneering machine, instead of properly administering the high trusts that had been confided by the people. He hoped that some gentle man who understood this matter would explain the necessity of the appropriation. Mr. WHITE said these were Indians who inhabited the other side of the Wisconsin river, and to whom we had agreed to give a particular sum for their lands. They had remained in the place to which they had removed, until they had expended all their money, and then returned back again to their old place of habitation, and were there now, to the great annoyance of the people. The nation had an annuity of ten thousand dollars. The object of this provision was, (although we were now under no obligation to advance them one dollar,) that the money should be withheld, unless they would go beyond the Missouri river, and remain there. The white people were settled close by them; and unless they were removed while in our power, they would be on the whites, and serious difficulties would arise. It was a matter of regret that the Indian agent there, who was an intelligent man, and had the subject much at heart, had recently died. Mr. PORTER observed, that if the object was to place these lindians on the immediate borders of Missouri, the honorable Senators who so ably represented that State could better judge than himself whether they would be agreeable neighbors. For his part, he was opposed to the removing any more Indians to the borders of MisMar 18, 1836.]

Indian Bill.

[SENATE.

souri, Arkansas, and Louisiana, although there might have been some good reasons for removing them from the interior of a State; yet when they came to the removing them from the Territories, it would be well to consider whether they were not doing more harm than good by the measure. This was the first step, Mr. P. said, in the removal of Indians from the northwest, to place them on the borders of the southwestern States. He had much rather that the people of the northern part of Missouri should submit to the inconvenience of having such neighbors, than that they should be added to the number of Indians already on the borders of Louisiana. Let the Indians on the north of Missouri, said Mr. P., remain there; the people of the northwestern States were not anxious for their removal; it was only the speculators, who were anxious to get the Indian titles to their lands extinguished. This continually extinguishing Indian titles, while they had such large quantities of lands of the best quality yet unsold, benefited no one but the speculator, who believed that he could more readily get purchasers for the new lands, and that greater fortunes could be made by them. Mr. LINN exhibited to the Senate a statistical account of the number and location of the different Indian tribes, and said that the State of Missouri had objected to the policy of locating them in her vicinity, but eventually submitted to it; and he would not now object to that system of policy being carried out. He would rather see them located on one frontier border than on two, as it was easier to establish an efficient line of posts for the protection of one, than it would be for the protection of two frontiers. He agreed with the views of the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. White.] It was too late to inquire now into the fact as to whether they had been cheated, which had been admitted from the beginning. The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHous] was mistaken as to the Black Hawk war. In that case, the Indians were bought off by salt and corn, and came back again expecting to be bought off again, and, being disappointed in not being bought off, commenced hostilities. Mr. CALHOUN regretted much that the Senator from Indiana, [Mr. Tipton,] who knew more about the origin of Black Hawk's war than any body else, was not in his place. That gentleman rose in his place, and declared that that war broke out in consequence of the mismanagement of the officers of the Government. Let the Senator from Missouri recollect that this acknowledgment came from one of the warmest friends of the administration. He acknowledged, with the Senator from Missouri, that the Indians had been treated wrong from beginning to end; which, unfortunately, would ever be the case, when savage and civilized man came in conflict; but this was no reason why they should suffer their agents to practise frauds both against the Indians and the Government. They ought to have honest, intelligent, and active men to manage their Indian affairs, or there never would be an end to these abuses. There were no people on earth so easy to deal with as our half-civilized Indians. It only required ordinary justice, a mild but firm course of conduct, with a strict adherence to truth in all transactions with them; and it was the easiest thing in the world to keep them quiet. The Senator spoke of the cordons of Indians around the frontier; but let him look to the heavy annuities paid them, which made it their interest to keep at peace. With proper management, they were the best allies we could have to keep off the wild Indians at a distance. He saw, he said, very plainly, the progress of events. These Indian disturb. ances were to furnish the pretext for a large increase of the standing army. This was the consequence of carrying out the principles of the spoils party, enriching men with large jobs and contracts, and the system to be

kept up by a large military force. He repeated that there never was a time when it was so easy to keep the Indians at peace. Their frontier posts were greatly extended, and the Indians were driven back into the prairies; and, though they were formidable in the woods, being the best light troops in the world, they were entirely helpless in the open plain. If they would appoint honest, faithful, intelligent men, to transact their business with the Indians, instead of broken down politicians, men sent out to be rewarded for party services, these Indian disturbances would soon cease; but unless that was done, it was apparent that there would be continual disturbances, creating causes for wars, to be followed by a large increase of the standing army. He should not oppose the appropriation after the explanation of the Senator from Tennessee, but he feared that it would be used to give jobs to reward some political partisans. Mr. LINN said he did not rise to prolong this discussion, but merely to do justice to the character of an individual now no more. Injustice had been done the agent of the Sacs and Foxes, in saying that the Black Hawk war was caused either by want of character or competency. He had the pleasure of an intimate acquaintance with Mr. St. Vrain, the agent, and knew him to be a man of sterling virtue, active, and of business habits, and very intelligent. He had done all that mortal man could do to prevent the war with Black Hawk, and was cut off in the prime of life by a band of the Winnebagoes, who were on their way to join the forces of Black Hawk. He sell in the discharge of his duty to the Indians and to his country. The appointment of agent was not given to him from political considerations, as he was known to be what was then called a Clay man. Mr. WHITE repeated, that if these Indians were not removed southwest of the Missouri, difficulties and schisms would take place between them and the whites. But, by removing them southwest of the Missouri, we would have a natural boundary between them and our people. And if he belonged to Missouri, he would prefer having them removed across the river; for although they might be nearer, they could not be so annoying to the whites as if on two borders, and not bounded by any natural boundary. The plan was, if they were removed there, to have laws adapted to them enacted for their Government. But if removed to where they now own the lands, no practical benefit would result from it. Take them from among the settlements in Wisconsin, under the direction of a faithful agent, and, instead of endangering, they would add to the safety of the states near whose borders they were to be removed to; and so far from being apprehensive of any injury from them, their attachment was so strong to the United States, that he would repeat what he had said before, that if the country was in need of volunteers, there was no part of our white population that would make more faithful soldiers than they. If they were to remain to annoy our whites, they might as well remain where they were, as to remove them back to the place proposed in the bill. Mr. WALKER did not rise to continue this discussion, but to notice some observations that had fallen from the senator from Louisiana, [Mr. Ponten.]. The Senator supposed that the removal of the Indians from Mississippi and Alabama to the borders of Louisiana, had operated unfavorably towards that State. Now, he took it upon himself to say that it was a measure the most favorable to her interests; the Choctaws, the Indians thus removed, having been uniformly the friends and allies of the United States, from the time of the revolution to this day. These Choctaws had invariably been our warmest friends; they had fought by the side of our riflemen,

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