Imagens das páginas
PDF
ePub
[blocks in formation]

of dispute, and it was in imminent danger of being lost. It was finally saved by the House agreeing to the proposition of the Senate.

Of this he had spoken only as an illustration of the necessity of passing the bill at an earlier day. It was not his object to trammel the committee, and, on the contrary, he wished to give it full latitude and liberty. If they were not ready at the end of the thirty days, they would say so to the House, and have the time extended. He called on the Committee of Ways and Means to put the House in possession of the bills. We must have them before we can act upon them at all. He supposed that thirty days would be a sufficient time for the committee to retain them under consideration. His proposition left the committee just as independent as any other committee. It imposed upon them no extraordinary duty, and he would venture to say that they would always be ready to report within the time proposed, should the resolution be passed. Should this motion be agreed to, he would propose another rule, assigning certain days for the House to take up and consider the appropriation bills. His object, in expediting the action of the committee, was to hasten the action of the House. He hoped it would not be believed by the gentleman from New York that it was his object or desire to impute any censure to the Committee of Ways and Means or any other committee that ever existed. Abuses often crept in, one lapping over another, without the possibility of correction. When they were felt, and severely felt, then it was time to apply a remedy. He knew no other committee whose action it was necessary to accelerate at all, and his only object, in relation to this, was to hasten the action of the House.

[H. of R.

No

tion. It was his intention to accelerate the action of the
House, and therefore he was perfectly willing to accept
it. While up, he would reply to some of the remarks of
the gentleman from Virginia. The gentleman thought
that the House would be compelled to pass the bills as
soon as they were reported; but the gentleman knew,
surely, that the House was their own master, and that it
was not in the power of any one to restrain them.
one was more willing than he was to have every appro
priation bill discussed, even till the end of the session,
before it should end in an unnecessary charge on the
people. But, sir, the gentleman has a different idea of
an appropriation bill from mine. In my view (said Mr.
A.) an appropriation bill ought to be nothing more
than a draft on the Treasury for a debt due by law; and
then the only question in regard to it is, whether it is
authorized by law, and whether we shall pay our just

debts.

Mr. LEWIS WILLIAMS said it was the object of the gentleman from Massachusetts to prevent the introduction into the appropriation bills of any matter not authorized by law; but his proposition was, in his opinion, inadequate to this end. If it simply provided that the committee should report no other appropriations than those authorized by law, that would be a remedy for the evil complained of by the gentleman. But, if it was merely required of the committee to report the bill within thirty days, they might, though it was to be presumed they would not, introduce into the bill a hundred new appropriations. The remedy, he thought, was inadequate for the evil. He had seen that the more rules were multiplied, the more complex they became, and the more difficult it was to get along with the business of the House. It might happen very often that, though the appropriation bills were important, other bills were also equally or more important; and he had noticed, that the more we limited our discretion the more difficulty we had to encounter. He had no doubt that the amendment would retard instead of accelerate the busi

ness of the House.

Mr. MERCER said he concurred less in the argument than in the proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts. His argument went to a restriction of the time within which money bills should be debated in this House; and against this doctrine he must, with all possible respect, protest. The appropriation bills were the only subjects on which the general interests of the country could be debated; and it had been the practice of the Mr. SUTHERLAND said the only material point was Government, from its foundation, to consider them in whether the House should be made to act after the bill was this light, especially since the time when it was customa- reported. He did not consider the motion, in any other ry to discuss such subjects in an answer to the President's view, as at all material. He wished the appropriation message. The only occasion now afforded for such gen- bills to have a preference here. They ought to have, and eral discussion was the appropriation bills, and he was the last provision of the amendment therefore met his unwilling to have it go abroad that it was the wish of this entire concurrence. But he did not consider it impor House to restrict that discussion. It was well known tant whether the bills came in thirty days or not from that the appropriation bills were sent to this House by the committee; all knew where the reports of bills came the Committee of Ways and Means, and to them by the from. The committee take the reports of the heads of Departments, and they were generally hurried through Departments, and we take theirs. Every body knew the House, or passed without due consideration. Ta-that, in a great measure, we must rely upon the capacity, king them up was generally the signal for the disper-integrity, and honor, of those who are at the head of the sion of the members, and any man was scouted at who presumed to raise his voice against any one item in the bills. For himself, he was unwilling to bear any blame for the delay of the appropriations in former years. Between 11 and 12 o'clock on the last night of last session, we were in danger of losing the whole appropriation bill, and the bill making appropriations for fortifications was passed only ten minutes before the hand was on the figure denoting the hour at which the session expired.

Mr. H. EVERETT rose to move an amendment to the amendment. Before offering it, he would remark that the blame of delay did not rest on the committee only, but also on the House. He desired that the House should do their part of the duty as well as the committee; and he therefore moved, as an addition to the amendment, the following: "And the general appropriation bills shall be in order in preference to any bills of a public nature."

Mr. ADAMS accepted the amendment, as a modifica-
VOL. XII.-123

|

Departments and prepared the estimates. He knew how troublesome was the duty of a chairman of a committee, who was obliged to make himself master of all the details of these bills, and be prepared to reply to any objections which might be made to them. A former colleague of his had aptly compared himself, when in that situation, to "the man in the Almanac, stuck all over with sticks." Every individual who spoke pointed always towards the chairman. It would be time, he thought, to pass on this motion after the new man who was to preside over this committee had been appointed. The Ajax, who was to sustain the administration, must be allowed some time to consult the Departments and prepare himself for his task. Last year there was a long debate here, on a blacksmith's pay, between the gentleman from North Carolina and the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means; and on every item the chairman must be prepared to give full and satisfactory information. But (said Mr. S.) if the further time should not be given for this purpose, I go for the last provi

[blocks in formation]

sion. Bring up the bills, and then let us hear the argument on them. Let them have the preference for the purpose of argument. Last year many important bills failed for want of time. He wished the appropriation bills to be first discussed, first acted on, first passed or lost. Mr. WILLIAMS rose to move the reference of the whole subject to a select committee, believing that to be the usual course. He submitted the following motion: That the rules and orders of the House be referred to a select committee, to see if any alteration in them be necessary.

Mr. MERCER suggested an alteration so as to secure the benefit of the rules of the last House until the committee were ready to report. The rules were once referred and no report was made on them at all. While up, he would express his surprise that no one had made any objection to the amendment offered by the gentleman from Vermont. Mr. M. made some further remarks, which did not reach the ear of the reporter.

Mr. PARKER said the proper way was to appoint a committee to adopt rules, and, in the mean time, to act on the rules of last year. There must be some rules to go by, or the Speaker could not be directed to appoint the standing committees.

Mr. WILLIAMS modified his proposition, so as to provide that, "until the committee made their report, and it was definitively acted on by the House, the rules and orders of the last House should be the rules and orders of this House."

Mr. ADAMS said that the effect of this motion was, by a side wind, to destroy his object entirely. He thought himself entitled to a decision of the House on his proposition. Sending his proposition to the committee was to involve it in a boundless ocean of discussion, from which it would never emerge. Many projects of alteration would be offered, and the whole session would pass before any thing was done. He wanted the decision on his motion to amend, and he would move it as an amendment to the motion of the gentleman from North Carolina. The CHAIR suggested that the gentleman from Massachusetts might better attain his object by moving his amendment in the shape of instructions to the committee.

Mr. ADAMS said, as his only object was to get the decision of the House, he would move the proposition as instructions to the committee.

Mr. WILLIAMS remarked that he was sorry the gentleman from Massachusetts should suppose that he wished to evade any decision. He had never attempted to elude any decision which was urged by any gentleman, much less by the gentleman from Massachusetts. He wished to get rid of this discussion, which promised to be long and unprofitable. But he would withdraw the proposition in order to enable the House to decide on the question, giving notice that afterwards he should renew it.

Mr. WISE said he should vote for the proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts. It was not the business of the committee to make reports of their own acts and doings; it was not their business to take up any original matter. It was their duty, as the agents of us, the Commons-the Commons, coming fresh from the peopleto ask of those who have the disbursement of the public money, (he would say nothing about its custody at present,) what they proposed to do with it. This he wished to know immediately, in presenti. If the gentleman brings in a proposition to limit the discussion to any particular length of time, he should most distinctly oppose The high obligations of this House to the people were paramount to any other; but they were often forgotten, left behind, trampled on, while the House acted only in a secondary relation to the President. In relation to the President we too often acted, not feeling, as Commons, a just sense of our obligations to the people.

it.

[DEC. 10, 1835.

I do not (said Mr. W.) excuse myself for the delay of the appropriation bills. I will hold the King here by the purse strings of the nation. I will hold him by his salary. I will hold all the Departments by the purse strings. The House should never forget its relation to the people, in subserviency to the King. What was said by my colleague from Virginia was true. The members are neglectful of the duty which they owe the people in relation to the appropriation bills. They read the current news, pay a visit, or look into the Senate chamber, the moment that those bills are taken up for consideration, instead of exercising a rigid and watchful scrutiny over them. At the last session we voted away thirty-three thousand dollars for making a pavement around the President's house for English coaches to grind, and in planting trees, shrubbery, &c. He held the documents in his hand. This appropriation for the President's house ought to have been scrutinized by those who held the money of the people.

In conclusion, (Mr. W. said,) if God spared his life, and the people kept him in his place here, he would hold on to the appropriation bills to the last minute. He would put himself on the watch over the public money. The relation of this House, as the Commons, as the representatives of the people, was of a character paramount to the relation of mere partisans.

Mr. MANN, of New York, felt constrained, he said, to renew the motion for the reference of this subject to a select committee, which motion had been made and withdrawn by the gentleman from North Carolina; not that he wished to deprive the gentleman from Massachusetts of the opportunity to get a decision on his proposition, but that he wished to bring the discussion to a close. It was true that there was some inconvenience arising from the delay of committees, but he knew something of the inconvenience to which committees were subjected. It was not practicable for them to sit on the subjects before them within the time prescribed in the motion. The labor of preparing the report of the Committee of Ways and Means was very great; and he presumed that even the gentleman from Massachusetts would be unwilling to undertake to perform it in thirty days. The delay of the bills was not owing to the committee so much as to the House. They were delayed in their progress here till we were admonished that the public service was in danger from the want of that action. Under these impressions, though he believed that if the proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts could be carried into effect, it would be productive of much benefit, he should be obliged to vote against it. He understood there would be various propositions to amend the rules, which would probably give rise to discussions lasting several days, while, in the mean time, we should be exposed to inconvenience for the want of rules. He moved the reference of the subject to a select committee.

Mr. ADAMS moved his proposition as instructions to the committee.

Mr. MERCER moved to amend the instructions by putting them in the form of an inquiry into the expe diency of the proposed rule; which was lost, 69 rising in the affirmative, noes not counted.

The question recurring on Mr. ADAMS's motion,

Mr. VINTON called for a division of the question. The rule proposed required, he said, first, that the committee should report within thirty days, and then it made the appropriation bill the standing order for the day, in preference to all other business. It would come up as a matter of course, the Speaker having no discretion in relation to it.

Those who have objections to any items of the bill would be allowed no time to make inquiries respecting them. It would not be in order to call up any other

DEC. 14, 1835.]

Death of Mr. Wildman and Mr. Kane.

question, of whatever magnitude it might be. This, he said, would embarrass and trammel the House to no purpose; for, after all, every gentleman was satisfied of one thing, that when the majority was disposed to get at a question, they would, in some way, get at it. We cannot take the Government out of the hands of the majority and put it into that of the minority.

Mr. H. EVERETT moved, as an amendment to the instructions, that no appropriation should be reported or be in order as an amendment to a bill for any expenditure not before authorized by law.

Mr. ADAMS said, in reply to the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. VINTON,] that the rule would show the sense of the House that those bills, de jure, had the preference over others; but it would not prevent the House from taking up any other bill. Tke proposition of the gentleman from Vermont [Mr. EVERETT] would, he said, complicate his object extremely; his object being simply to hasten the report from the committee.

Mr. EVERETT withdrew his motion.

The question was then taken on the first branch of Mr. ADAMS's motion to instruct, and it was determined in the affirmative, 91 to 76.

Mr. ADAMS then modified the second branch, so as to provide that "the appropriation bills shall be in order in preference to any other bills of a public nature, unless otherwise ordered by a majority of the House."

The question being taken, this motion was also agreed to.

Mr. THOMAS, of Maryland, moved to include in the instructions an alteration of the rule for the admission of persons to the privileged seats, so as to include in the list of persons to be admitted the district attorneys, including the district attorney of the District of Columbia. This motion was supported by Messrs. THOMAS and BEARDSLEY; and, the question being taken upon it, it was lost.

[ocr errors]

[H. OF R.

ments and officers of the Government therein named; the consideration of which, at the instance of Mr. MANN, of New York, was waived for the present.

Several messages from the President of the United States were received by the hands of Mr. DONELSON, his private secretary; which were laid before the House by the Speaker, and consisted of

1st. A communication, enclosing a report from the Secretary of the Treasury relative to certain transfers of appropriation; which, on motion of Mr. CAMRELENG, was ordered to be printed.

2d. A message, enclosing a report of the Secretary of War of certain astronomical observations made with a view to the ascertainment of the northern boundary line of the State of Ohio; which, on motion of Mr. JOHN Q. ADAMS, was referred to a select committee of nine, and ordered to be printed.

3d. A message, transmitting a copy of the constitution (and various documents in reference thereto) adopted by a convention recently assembled in the Territory of Michigan, with a view to the formation of a new State out of said Territory.

Mr. J. Y. MASON, of Virginia, moved to refer the latter communication to a select committee, and that it be printed.

Mr. HAMER moved to refer the message to the same select committee to which the communication in reference to the northern boundary of the State of Ohio had been committed.

Mr. MASON remarked that, personally, he was indifferent as to the committee to which this subject was referred. There was some delicacy involved in the two communications, which perhaps might be obviated by sending them to different committees. He should cheerfully acquiesce in the decision of the House upon the subject of reference.

Mr. HOWARD moved to amend the propositions, by

Mr. CHAMBERS, of Pennsylvania, moved the follow-referring the latter message and the accompanying docing: "That the committee be instructed to consider the expediency of amending the 25th rule, by making all amendments in order pending the main question." The object of the amendment was to bear on the previous question.

After a few remarks by the mover, the motion was agreed to.

Mr. PARKER moved a further instruction to the select committee, that, during the session of the House, the members shall remain uncovered, unless specially permitted by the Speaker.

Messrs. PARKER and BRIGGS briefly advocated this motion, and it was opposed by Mr. SUTHERLAND.

Mr. PARKS moved to amend the amendment by instructing the committee to consider all propositions relative to the rules which might be handed them by any inember. Mr. P. was induced to make the motion, to avoid any unnecessary consumption of time in discussing the various instructions which gentlemen were desirous of offering.

After a few additional remarks by Mr. PARKER, in favor of his motion, the amendment to the amendment was agreed to.

The resolution, as amended, was then agreed to, and the select committee was ordered to consist of nine. On motion of Mr. WHITTLESEY, Ordered, That the standing committees of the House be now appointed.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, submitted a resolution granting the use of the hall of Representatives, on Tuesday evening next, to the American Colonization Society; which was agreed to: Yeas 104, nays-not count

ed.

uments to the standing Committee on Territories. He should follow up this motion, if it succeeded, by moving to reconsider the vote whereby the communication in reference to the northern boundary of Ohio had just been referred to a select committee, with a view to its reference to the Committee on Territories. He conceived there was no propriety in sending to select committees matters which appropriately belonged to the standing committees of the House.

Before any question was taken, the House, on motion, adjourned to Monday next.

MONDAY, DECEMBER 14.

isiana, appeared, were qualified, and took their seats. Messrs. GRAVES, of Kentucky, and GARLAND, of LouAfter the reading of the journal of the proceedings of Thursday,

Mr. HOWARD moved the reconsideration of the vote

by which the message from the President relative to the ferred to a select committee; and, on his motion, the furOhio and Michigan boundary line was ordered to be rether consideration was postponed until to-morrow.

DEATH OF MR. WILDMAN.

Mr. HALEY, of Connecticut, announced the death of his colleague, the Hon. ZALMON WILDMAN, a Representative in Congress from the State of Connecticut; and, after a few remarks in eulogy of the deceased, submitted a motion for the usual demonstrations of respect for his memory; which was unanimously adopted.

DEATH OF MR. KANE.

A message was received from the Senate, announcing Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, submitted a resolution the death of the Hon. ELIAS K. KANE, Senator from the for furnishing documents, bills, &c., to certain depart-State of Illinois, and informing the House that the fune

H. OF R.]

Standing Committees--Election of Officers.

ral will take place in the Senate chamber at half past 12 o'clock. Whereupon,

Mr. CASEY, of Illinois, moved the following resolution, which was adopted:

Resolved, unanimously, That, in testimony of respect for the memory of the Hon. ELIAS K. KANE, late a Senator in Congress from the State of Illinois, the members of this House wear crape on the left arm for thirty days.

On motion of Mr. REYNOLDS, of Illinois, the House then adjourned for the purpose of attending the funeral.

STANDING COMMITTEES.

The standing committees of the House were announced as follows, in pursuance of the order of Thursday last:

On Elections.--Messrs. Claiborne, Griffin, Hawkins, Hard, Burns, Kilgore, Buchanan, Maury, and Boyd.

Of Ways and Means.--Messrs. Cambreleng, McKim, Loyall, Corwin, Johnson of Tennessee, Smith of Maine, Lawrence of Massachusetts, Ingersoll, and Owens.

Of Claims.-Messrs. Whittlesey, Forester, Banks, Bynum, Grennell, Davis, Taliaferro, P. C. Fuller, and Chambers of Kentucky.

On Commerce.-Messrs. Sutherland, Pinckney, Pearce of Rhode Island, Gillet, Phillips, Johnson of Louisiana, Ingham of Connecticut, Cushman, and McKeon.

On the Public Lands.-Messrs. Boon, Slade, Williams of North Carolina, Lincoln, Casey, Kennon, Dunlap, Chapman, and Harrison of Missouri.

On the Post Office and Post Roads.-Connor, Briggs, Laporte, Hall of Vermont, Mann of New York, Cleveland, French, Shields, and Hopkins.

For the District of Columbia.-Messrs. W. B. Shepard, Hiester, Vanderpoel, Bouldin, Washington, Lane, Rogers, Fairfield, and Towns.

On the Judiciary.-Messrs. Beardsley, Thomas, Hardin, Pierce of New Hampshire, Robertson, Peyton, Toucey, Jones of Virginia, and Martin.

On Revolutionary Claims.-Messrs. Muhlenberg, Crane, Standefer, Turrill, Kinnard, Beaumont, Craig, Chapin, and Underwood.

On Public Expenditures.-Messrs. Page, Clark of Pennsylvania, McLene, Mason of Maine, Deberry, Leonard, Haley, White, and Weeks.

On Private Land Claims.-Messrs. Carr, Galbraith, Patterson, Chambers of Pennsylvania, May, Garland of Virginia, Hammond, Huntsman, and Lawler.

On Manufactures.-Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Denny, Dickerson, McComas, Webster, Gideon Lee, Judson, Holsey, and Granger.

On Agriculture.-Messrs. Bockee, Bean, Roane, Shinn, Deberry, Bailey, Logan, Phelps, and Efner.

On Indian Affairs.-Messrs. Bell, McCarty, Everett, Graham, Ashley, Haynes, Lyon, Hawes, and Chaney. On Military Affairs.-Messrs. Johnson of Kentucky, Speight, Ward, Thomson of Ohio, Coffee, Bunch, McKay, Anthony, and Dromgoole.

On the Militia.--Messrs. Glascock, Henderson, William K. Foler, Wagener, Calhoun of Massachusetts, Joshua Lee of New York, Carter, Coles, and Williams of Kentucky.

On Naval Affairs.—Messrs. Jarvis, Milligan, Lansing, Reed, Grayson, Parker, Wise, Ash, and Grantland.

On Foreign Relations.-Messrs. Mason of Virginia, Howard, Campbell, Cramer, Hamer, Allan of Kentucky, Parks, Cushing, and Jackson of Georgia.

On the Territories.-Messrs. Patton, Potts, Brown, Fowler, Pickens, Sprague, Pearce of Maryland, Borden, and Montgomery.

On Revolutionary Pensions.-Messrs. Wardwell, Lea of Tennessee, Lay, Janes, Storer, Morgan, Klingensmith, Bond, and Fry.

[DEC. 15, 16, 1835.

On Invalid Pensions.-Messrs. Miller of Pennsylvania, Beale, Evans of Maine, Schenck, Taylor of New York, Harrison of Pennsylvania, Doubleday, Hoar, and Howell. On Roads and Canals.-Messrs. Mercer, Vinton, Rencher, Lucas, Reynolds of Illinois, Hannegan, Steele, Jackson of Massachusetts, and Calhoon of Kentucky.

On Revisal and Unfinished Business.—Messrs. Huntington, Mann of Pennsylvania, Mason of Ohio, Harlan,

and Farlin.

On Accounts.-Messrs. Lee of New Jersey, Darlington, Hall of Maine, Johnson of Virginia, and Turner. On Expenditures in the Department of State.--Messrs. A. H. Shepperd, Calhoun of Massachusetts, Hunt of New York, Morris, and Sickles.

On Expenditures in the Treasury Department.— Messrs. Allen of Vermont, Harper, Spangler, Russell, and Barton.

On Expenditures in the Department of War.-Messrs. Jones of Ohio, Bovee, Johnson of Virginia, Love, and Hubley.

On Expenditures in the Navy Department.-Messrs. Hall of Maine, Sloane, Seymour, Pettigrew, and Mason

of New York.

On Expenditures in the Post Office Department.-Messrs. Hawes, Burns, Childs, Bailey of Maine, and Reynolds of New York.

On Expenditures on the Public Buildings.--Messrs. Darlington, Hazeltine, Pearce of Rhode Island, Galbraith, and Beale.

SELECT COMMITTEES.

On the Rules and Orders of the House.-Messrs. Mann of New York, Adams of Massachusetts, Thomas of Mary land, Williams of North Carolina, Cambreleng, Everett, Parks, Parker, and Chambers of Pennsylvania.

On the Northern Boundary of Ohio.--Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Hardin, Patton, Pierce of New Hampshire, Haynes, Dickerson, McKay, Grayson, and Judson.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15.

The SPEAKER notified the House that, in compliance with its rules, he should to-morrow call for petitions and memorials in the order of States and Territories.

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

On motion of Mr. WHITTLESEY, the House proceeded to the election of its officers by ballot. Six ballotings for the choice of a Sergeant-at-arms took place, the last of which resulted as follows: For Roderick Dorsey,

Oliver Pease, Scattering,

122

92 4

So RODERICK DORSEY, of Maryland, was elected. Mr. BOCKEE offered a resolution, proposing the reelection of Mr. OVERTON CARR as doorkeeper, and J. W. HUNTER as assistant doorkeeper of the House.

Mr. HAWES said he believed that, according to the rules of the House, where the persons nominated were opposed, it was necessary to proceed to an election.. He had no objection to the nomination now made for doorkeeper, but, as he understood that there would be opposition as to the office of assistant doorkeeper, he must object to so much of the resolution offered. On motion of Mr. McCARTY, The House adjourned.

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

RODERICK DORSEY, elected Sergeant-at-arms of the House of Representatives, presented himself and was qualified.

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

Mr. FAIRFIELD, understanding, he said, that by a presentation of a petition, a member was not made responsible for its propositions, presented a petition signed by 172 females, praying the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and moved that it be referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

Mr. CRAMER moved that it be laid on the table; which was agreed to.

Mr. FAIRFIELD then presented a similar petition, which he moved to lay on the table.

[H. OF R.

Russell, Slade, Sloane, Sprague, Wardwell, Whittlesey-31.

Mr. SLADE said that, having made the motion to print, he would beg leave to say a few words in its support. He should not be discouraged in pressing the motion, by the vote which had just been given to lay the memorial on the table. Many gentlemen, he knew, had voted in favor of that motion, simply upon the ground that it had been made by the gentleman who had presented the memorial, but who would not, he was persuaded, deny the memorialists the privilege of laying their views before the House and the country, in the manner contemplated by the motion he had made. He thought the printing was due to the memorialists, and to the subject of their memorial. It was, confessedly, one of great national importance. It had long occupied the anxious attention of a large and highly

Mr. MASON, of Virginia, said, as it was extremely desirable to have an expression of sentiment on this sub-respectable portion of the country, who had repeatedly ject, by the House, he would ask for the yeas and nays on the motion; and they were ordered.

Mr. BOON called for the reading of the memorial. After it was read,

Mr. EVERETT rose to ask whether the motion to lay on the table was made by the member who presented the petition.

Mr. FAIRFIELD replied in the affirmative. Mr. SLADE moved that the memorial be printed. Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, asked the division of the question.

Mr. MASON, of Virginia, asked the yeas and nays on the motion to print, and they were ordered.

The question being taken on the motion to lay on the table, it was decided in the affirmative, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. C. Allan, Anthony, Ash, Ashley, Bailey, Barton, Beale, Bean, Beardsley, Beaumont, Bell, Bockee, Bond, Boon, Bouldin, Bovee, Boyd, Brown, Buchanan, Bunch, Burns, J. Calhoon, Cambreleng, Campbell, Carr, Carter, Casey, George Chambers, John Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, Claiborne, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Corwin, Craig, Cramer, Crane, Cushman, Davis, Deberry, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dromgoole, Dunlap, Efner, Everett, Fairfield, Farlin, Forester, Fowler, French, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, James Garland, Rice Garland, Gillet, Glascock, Graham, Granger, Grantland, Graves, Grayson, Griffin, Haley, Joseph Hall, Hammond, Hannegan, Hard, Hardin, Harlan, Samuel S. Harrison, Albert G. Harrison, Hawes, Hawkins, Haynes, Hoar, Hopkins, Howard, Howell, Hunt, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, Jabez Jackson, Jarvis, Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Henry Johnson, John W. Jones, Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard, Klingensmith, Lane, Lansing, Lawler, Lawrence, Lay, Gideon Lee, Joshua Lee, L. Lea, Leonard, Lincoln, Logan, Loyall, Lucas, Lyon, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Martin, John Y. Mason, William Mason, Moses Mason, Samson Mason, Maury, May, McComas, McKay, McKeon, McKim, Mercer, Milligan, Morgan, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parks, Patterson, Franklin Pierce, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Phelps, Phillips, Pickens, Pinckney, Reed, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Ripley, Roane, Robertson, Seymour, Shepard, Shepperd, Shields, Shinn, Sickles, Spangler, Steele, Storer, Sutherland, Taliaferro, Taylor, Thomas, J. Thomson, W. Thompson, Toucey, Towns, Turner, Turrill, Underwood, Vanderpoel, Vinton, Wagener, Ward, Webster, Weeks, White, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams, Wise-180.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, H. Allen, Banks, Borden, Briggs, W. B. Calhoun, Clark, Cushing, Darlington, Evans, Grennell, Hiland Hall, Harper, Hazeltine, Hen. derson, Hiester, Hubley, William Jackson, Janes, Laporte, Love, Morris, Parker, Dutee J. Pearce, Potts,

pressed the subjeet upon the consideration of Congress; and whatever might be the views of gentlemen in regard to the expediency of granting the prayer of the memorialists, it seemed to him that it was due to them, as a matter of common courtesy and common right, that the memorial should be printed, to the end that it might receive that attention which the importance of the question and the character of the memorialists demanded.

He was, indeed, personally unacquainted with them; but they belonged to a section of the country as much enlightened on the subject of human rights, and as well informed in regard to their constitutional privileges, as any other portion of the Union. If they were of the same stamp with those of his constituents who entertained the same views, and who had instructed him to present memorials similar to that now before the House, he was sure that none could deny to them a respectful hearing, and to their memorial the regard, at least, which would be indicated by ordering it to be printed.

These memorials for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia were less connected with the efforts for a general and immediate abolition of slavery in the southern States than was commonly believed. He had charge of memorials of the same character, which he knew contained the names of many individuals who had no connexion with abolition societies, and who did not harmonize with their views in regard to the object of their efforts; but who, nevertheless, felt deeply impressed with a conviction of the right and the duty of Congress to act upon this subject, and to abolish slavery, and erase from the national escutcheon the foul blot of the slave trade within the limits of this District.

[The CHAIR here interposed, and remarked that it was not in order to go into the merits of the petition on the motion to print.]

Mr. SLADE said he was well aware of the rule suggested by the Chair, which he did not intend to transgress by any attempt to discuss the merits of the question involved in the memorial. He only insisted on the propriety of printing it; and he felt warranted in pressing his motion, not only by the considerations he had sug gested, but by the additional one that former memorials to the same effect had been printed by order of the House. He referred, especially, to one which had been presented in 1828, signed by more than eleven hundred citizens of this District, great numbers of whom were slaveholders, and many of whom he knew to be among the most respectable inhabitants of the District. That memorial set forth in strong language the evils of slavery, and painted, in vivid colors, the abominations of the slave trade within this territory over which Congress is invested with the right of exclusive legislation. The signers of the memorial were not in a situation to be accused of fanaticism, while they were in a condition to

« AnteriorContinuar »