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THE GERMAN EMPEROR'S

SPEECHES

INTRODUCTION

HE year 1888, which proved so eventful for the German Empire and its Imperial Family, began under inauspicious circumstances. For more than a year the political horizon had been overcast with dark, threatening clouds. Germany was apparently on the verge of a war, which she would have to carry on simultaneously against two Powers-Russia and France. The Tsar Alexander III. was completely under the influence of the Pan-Slavists, and these again were in agreement with the French Nationalists and Boulangists, who made every effort to force on a war against Germany. Forged documents were secretly placed in the hands of the Tsar with a view to persuading him that the old friendship which had existed between Russia and Germany since the time of Napoleon had been betrayed by Germany in the basest manner. At the last moment, however, Bismarck succeeded in convincing the Tsar that these documents were valueless, and in proving that they were forgeries; but even this did not overcome the suspicions which Alexander III. entertained against Germany. Russia armed herself with great speed, and massed such numbers of troops on the German and Austrian frontiers that it was only out of consideration for the character of their relations with Russia, which had been fairly satisfactory since 1878, and prior to that time distinctly friendly, that the German Government refrained from despatching an ultimatum to the Russian Cabinet. In February, 1888, the relations between the two countries became worse than ever, though on the 31st of December, 1887, the Reichsanzeiger had published the forged documents and commented in a very friendly spirit on the

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"misunderstanding" on the part of Russia. The desired effect, however, was not produced in Russia, and the tone of the Russian and the French Press gradually became more and more truculent. Then, on the 3rd of February, the whole political world was startled by the announcement of the Austro-German Alliance. Though the wording of the document showed clearly enough that the alliance was of an entirely defensive character, and that it was far from the intention of either Austria or Germany to attack any State, the professional political agitators in Russia and France of course seized the occasion to make further attacks on Germany. At home, however, the question of a loan for the purpose of increasing the fighting strength of the army was discussed in the Reichstag, and the political world, in a state of great expectation, hoped that Bismarck would address the House and give a full explanation of the situation. "This speech of Bismarck's," said the Neue Freie Presse in its issue of the 1st of February, "which has not yet been delivered, keeps the whole world in suspense."

On the 6th of February the Chancellor at last delivered the expected speech. He was, of course, obliged to admit that the relations between Germany and Russia had recently suffered a severe shock. Yet all the time he was attempting to build golden bridges for the Russian Government, and took great pains to make the world believe that the estrangement was but temporary, and that even the concentration of Russian troops on the German frontier was for some other purpose than an attack on Germany. Notwithstanding this, however, Bismarck declared, in the name of the whole German people, that for the defence of their sacred possessions they were determined to carry on, if necessary, a war even along two fronts at once. But, at the same time, he kept pointing out that Germany was not planning any war of offence; she preferred to let herself be attacked. "If that should happen, then the whole of Germany, from the Memel to the Lake of Constance, would flare up like a powder-mine and bristle with arms. No enemy will venture to try conclusions with the furor teutonicus which is aroused in the event of an attack." The ever-memorable words with which the Chancellor concluded his speech found a powerful response throughout the German Empire. "We may easily, perhaps too easily, be won over by a display of kindness and good-will, but certainly not by threats. We Germans fear God, but nothing else in the world; and it is precisely the fear of God which makes us desire and foster peace. The nation, however, that breaks the peace will soon learn that the warlike

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