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published in the Fribourg Liberty, in which the writer vindicates his social apostolate by pointing out the difference between social democratic reform and Catholic reformation, is given in translation by the editor. M. Decurtius refutes the charge that the propagation of the democratic spirit is necessarily accompanied by doctrinal disruption. After a careful examination of Socialism and its claims, Comte Jos. de Mailath concludes that it is not a remedy for present-day evils, but an evil itself.
-The progress of social activity in Italy is noted. Revue Thomiste (July-Aug.): Fr. Thomas M. Pègues gives, in
a comprehensive manner, the doctrinal status of that school of writers in the Catholic Church against whom the Pope's allocution of April last was particularly directed. In the mind of the writer effort should be made not to harmonize Catholic teaching with "modern thought,” but rather to adjust "modern thought” to the truth which the Church has established. Fr. R. Gar. rigon-Lagrange defends the Thomistic proofs of the existence of God against the criticism of M. Le Roy.The authoritative source of Scriptural proofs for Theology is the subject of a paper by Fr. J. R. Bonhomme. While the Vulgate is the official Bible of the theologian,
Hebrew and Greek texts are not by that fact excluded. Stimmen aus Maria-Laach (Aug.): Victor Cathrein, S.J., dis
cusses the relation of “ Religion and Pedagogy." He de-
“From Rome to the Valley of Pompeii,” is the title of an article by H. G. Hagen, S.J.
As very little has taken place in General.
Europe specially related to the dis
tinct countries of which it is composed, it will be more convenient to refer in the first place to those events which have a bearing upon their mutual relations, especially as there is one feature common to them of the utmost importance and significance. This is the universal and apparently sincere desire for peace which animates not only the more enlightened guides of thought and opinion, but even the ruling potentates and their ministers. The frequent visits, which are characteristic of the present, have been the means by which these desires have led to the assurance that at present there is no reason to fear the outbreak of war. Even the troubles which are taking place in Morocco, and the consequent intervention of France and Spain, do not seem likely to inflame the jealousy of the ever-watchful Kaiser, or to lead to his intervention.
The visit paid by the Tsar to the German Emperor was the first of the steps taken. So far as is known its results, both positive and negative, were good. It has not stood in the way of the conclusion of an agreement between Russia and Great Britain; it has not weakened the alliance between France and Russia; it has not been the means of the revival of the Dreikaiserbund. Russia has not thrown herself into the arms of Germany. On the other hand, every obstacle to the maintenance of peace has been removed, not only in Europe, but also in the Far East. Some even think (or say) that the Tsar may form a link between the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria, and Italy on the one hand, and the Dual Alliance of France and Russia on the other, and that the tour of the European Courts which is being made by the Russian Foreign Minister is a step in that direction. It ought to have been mentioned before that the Triple Aliiance has been renewed for a further term of years. This took place automatically, and so almost escaped notice. If the two alliances, which were formed in view of probable hostile action, should evolve into a wider union for the preservation of peace, it would be a striking example of the survival of the fittest.
The visit of King Edward to the German Emperor was the
next step to bring about the present satisfactory outlook. The relations between Germany and England, as is well known, have long been of the worst. No doubt is entertained in England by a not inconsiderable number of publicists that Germany, during the Boer War, tried to form a continental alliance against England. This of course is a thing of the past; the same writers, however, are constantly giving expression to their conviction that it is against England that the German Navy is being prepared; that a war, sooner or later, is inevitable; and that, if it is to come, the sooner it comes the better for England. There is no reason to think that these ideas have been widely embraced; but there is no doubt that the sentiments of the country have long been so cold that the visits which the Kaiser was wont to make have been suspended. Last year's visit of the King to Cronberg tended to remove these feelings of distrust. It is too soon to say whether this year's visit has completely removed them; but it seems fairly certain that, while an entente between England and Germany is still non-existent, what political writers call a détente has been accomplished; and to this détente the King has set the seal. He could not well have done more, for his stay was less than ten hours; and as he took lunch, tea, and dinner, and changed his costume three several times, there does not seem to have been much time left for the discussion of serious questions. Perhaps this was done by the British Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who accompanied the King, and the German Chancellor, who was in attendance upon the Kaiser. But if speeches represent the real mind of the parties, the visit, in the Kaiser's opinion, was an expression of the good relations between the two nations, the King being the representative of the great English people; and the latter, on his part, declared that his greatest wish was that only the best and pleasantest relations should prevail between the two countries. This ought to be a sufficient refutation of the belief that there is personal animosity between the two monarchs. At all events, even if economic and political antagonism may, to a certain extent, still remain, the personal antagonism has ceased to be.
From Wilhelmshöhe, the King proceeded direct to Ischl, where the Emperor-King, Francis Joseph, awaited him, with Baron von Aehrenthal, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, in attendance. Between Austria and England there were
animosities to remove; the problem to be solved was what action should be taken in Macedonia. Macedonia is one of the blackest spots on the surface of the globe; and that it is such is due largely to the selfishness of Austria and Russia, whose chief and paramount care is their own aggrandizement. An end could long ago have been put to the manifold horrors with which the region is filled, were it not that the Emperor and the Tsar, while taking some inadequate steps to remedy the evils, stood in the way of the more energetic action which the Western Powers were willing to take. The latter had to acquiesce as the less of two evils, although with ever-increasing reluctance. England especially had indicated that some more decided steps must be taken, and the King, the secret of whose popularity is that he has succeeded in discovering and becoming the representative of the mind of his people, conveyed their message to the Emperor. The result has been, it is semiofficially announced, that there is full agreement between the two governments on the question of reforms in the Macedonian vilayets, and on proposals to be made to Turkey; also as to the manner in which the Macedonian bands are to be dealt with. Consequently, good hopes may be entertained of serious and lasting improvements being effected. The details of the proposed reforms have not yet been published, but they are said to include, in addition to the proposals for a reform of the judiciary now under discussion, an effective control of the Macedonian administration. The visit is regarded as restoring the Concert of Europe, which is expected to work more effectually and more expeditiously than in the past. In particular Turkey will, if what is said is true, find herself face to face with a united Europe. This is the one and sole condition of success in dealing with that dreadful incubus.
While the visit of the King to the Emperor of Austria was the last of those paid to the crowned heads of states, his interview with the French Premier may be looked upon as in the same category, as the head of the ministry for the time being in the Republic represents the power of the State. In this case, too, the preservation of peace, if not secured, was at least materially furthered, for the question of Morocco and of French action there was discussed, and it may be believed that the King, fresh from his visit to the German Emperor, was able to bring into accord the views of France and Germany.
A leading authority in political affairs describes, in the following terms, the resulting situation : “Through the exchange of views between the rulers of Germany and Russia, Germany and Great Britain, and Great Britain and Austria-Hungary, a sort of harmonious agreement has been effected which has become generally European; for the inclusion of France is as. sured by the Franco-Russian alliance and the entente between the Powers, without French statesmen having taken part personally in these meetings. In fact, the conversation between King Edward and M. Clemenceau at Marienbad has filled up this apparent gap. The general wish for peace has never before found such imposing expression, and in the same way the powerful guarantee which the world's peace interests possess in the great reigning Houses of Europe has never been so clearly demonstrated as in the summer of 1907."
Here our chronicle of Royal visits might terminate, were it not that it may be mentioned that the King of Denmark has made a journey to Iceland, the first we believe ever paid by a reigning monarch to that island. This visit was not made merely for the pleasure of the trip, but to counteract, by personal influence, the agitation which is going on for Home Rule. There are some in the island who, while preserving the personal link of and with the crown, wish no longer to be subordinate to the Parliament of Denmark. Other royal peregrinations may be mentioned. The Crown Prince of Portugal has been to see the colonies of that country in Africa, and America has been favored by the presence of a member of the royal house of Sweden.
While monarchs have been so busy, cabinet-ministers have not been idle. Meetings have taken place between Baron von Aehrenthal and Signor Tittoni, the Foreign Minister of Italy, at Desio and at the Semmering. These have led to a complete understanding regarding the lines of international policy of the two nations. With respect to Balkan affairs, in particular, perfect identity of view exists between Austria-Hungary and Italy.
While Austria and Italy hitherto, although in general agree. ment, have had some few points of difference, Germany and France have scarcely found anything on which to agree. Whether the Conferences between the German Chancellor and M. Jules Cambon, the French Ambassador to Berlin, have materially changed the situation, it is too soon to say, but the mere fact that these conferences had been held led to the ru