nion, For who decides on the justice of a war but the party which undertakes it? No doubt our royal author thought the war which he undertook against Maria Theresa, when she was in a situation of danger and difficulty, and therefore unable to resist his attack, justifiable. No war is justifiable but a defensive one, and by this is meant simply a defence of one's own territory. Conquest is incompatible with such a kind of warfare. When the king of Prussia wrote his Anti-Machiavel he was a young man; after he was grown older and wiser, he discovered that there was another justifiable mode of acquiring dominion, that is, whenever a favourable opportunity offers. The cowardly and unprovoked aggression against the defenceless empress queen, and the partition of Poland were the result of this discovery.

In the examen of the seventh chapter, the king of Prussia draws a comparison between Fenelon and Machiavel. "The first," he says, "is one of those pure intelligences that Eternal Wisdom has appointed to superintend the government of the universe; the other is a composition of cruelty, perfidy and every species of wickedness. In Telemachus mankind resemble angels, in Machiavel's works they are like devils." Whether the representation of mankind as given by Machiavel or Fenelon be in general the most just, I shall not now inquire, but I may venture to say that the portion of mankind, who form the object of Machiavel's satire, do not in general much resemble angels.

In the examen of the eighth chapter, there is the following passage.

"It appears to me that when we consider the nature of the human mind, the difference of rank and fortune vanishes; that kings are but men and that all men are equal; the object is, only to consider the general impressions or modifications, which certain external causes have produced on the mind. All England knows what took place at London some years ago, when the Beggar's Opera was brought on the stage. The subject of this piece is the display of the juggling and roguery of robbers; the event was, that on leav ing the theatre, many persons found their rings, watches and snuff-boxes gone. This proves sufficiently, I think, how dangerous it is to display bad examples. It is certainly much to be wished, that such characters as Agathocles and Oliverotto da Fermo had been buried in eternal oblivion, rather than have been quoted so ostentatiously, as by Machiavel."

The charge then brought by the king of Prussia against this chapter of The Prince,' is, that the author has encouraged kings to commit those crimes which produced such brilliant advantages to Agathocles and Oliverotto da Fermo. It must certainly be conceded to the royal critic, that pictures of triumphant vice may increase the number of the vicious: the answer I make on behalf of Machiavel, is, that it was impossible to make kings worse than they were before, by any display of royal villany, however brilliant and successful; and that the end he had in view would be answered, if, by an animated picture of the crimes in question (the commission of which he proves to have been essential to the preservation of the usurped power of Agathocles and Oliverotto da Fermo) he could hold up the perpetrators and their fellows, as objects of horror and detestation, to an indignant universe. If it be objected that kings have been made worse than they were before, that is, that greater monsters have since existed, than were Tiberius, Cæsar Borgia, or Louis XI. and that this greater progress in crimes is the consequence of this chapter of Machiavel, even in this case, I contend that the evil is less than the advantage, and this is a sufficient jnstification of Machiavel.

The ninth chapter is entitled The Citizen Prince;' the remarks of the king of Prussia on it, are most admirable; hear his own words.

"There is no desire more generally implanted in the nature of man, than that of liberty; for as we are born free, we think we have a right to continue so. To this unconquerable spirit, the world is obliged for so many great men; this first gave birth to REPUBLICAN government, which restores EQUALITY to mankind, and re-establishes them in their native freedom. It is impossible to persuade republicans to choose a master; they will always insist that it is better to depend on laws, than on the caprice of any one man. The law is just and immutable, man is unjust and mutable; equal laws are inestimable, but laws which depend for their existence on the caprice of an individual, instead of being remedies are fatal poisons; in short, liberty is a blessing and our birthright; why then should we deprive ourselves of it? If it be criminal to rebel against a lawful sovereign, it is equally so to be instrumental in enslaving a republic."*

Compare this language with the subsequent conduct of Frederic, after he became king.

* Anti-Machiavel of the King of Prussia, ch. ix.

In the examen of the twelfth chapter by the king of Prussia, there is one remark, the truth of which has been wonderfully illustrated by the behaviour of the different armies belonging to the French republic. "Countries in a state of revolution are much superior to others in military establishments: every subject becomes a soldier, and as genius has then an opportunity of distinguishing itself without the favour of superiors; great abilities will always be advanced. Great men of all sects emerge in those times, and new life and vigour are infused into the whole nation."

Contrast with this the character he gives of other soldiers. "Armies in general are now composed of the vilest of the people; of idle fellows who will not work, debauchees, who expect to find license and impunity for their excesses in a military life, of such as are disobedient to their parents, and of giddy young men, who list out of mere levity and wantonness. It should seem that the soldiers of kings have always been of the same stamp, for when David had escaped from Achish every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented and bitter of soul gathered themselves unto him, and he became captain over them.'" 1 Samuel, xxii. 2.

The king of Prussia goes on to say, I cannot conclude this chapter without taking notice of a strange expression of Machiavel, "The Venetians suspecting Carmignola, were obliged to have him sent out of the world." I own I do not understand the meaning of this, except it be to get him poisoned or assassinated. But such are the artifices which this wicked politician is obliged to fly to; and in this manner is he obliged to palliate the most attrocious crimes by softening the terms; his heart seems here to revolt against his head, he is forced to vary the common forms of speech in cooking up his abominable maxims which he himself could not swallow without mincing.

Now this clearly proves that the king of Prussia was misled by Houssaie's French translation; which says "de le faire sortir de ce monde," for the original Italian does not at all mince the matter, it says amazzare, but if the Italian had been, as the king of Prussia supposed it to be, I contend the whole to be verbal criticism and mere cavilling, for every one understands what is meant by sending a man out of the world. The passage however is of

some consequence, as it proves that a professed writer against Machiavel never read his work in the original, but was liable to all the mistakes and interpolations of the French translator, and therefore as in the present instance, often attacks men of straw.

In his examen of the thirteenth chapter the king of Prussia remarks on the atrocious act of Hiero tyrant of Syracuse, in causing the destruction of his auxiliary forces. "Similar crimes," says he, "shock us when we see them barely recorded in history; what then ought to be our indignation when we see them praisingly spoken of in a treatise meant for the instruction of princes? Cruelty and barbarity are often retaliated on individuals, and are therefore seldom committed by them; but princes who are placed by Providence so far above vulgar destiny, are less averse from barbarous and cruel actions in proportion as they are safe from retaliation." This passage appears in the first, but is omitted in the subsequent editions of the Anti-Machiavel.

The chapter of the Anti-Machiavel corresponding with the thirteenth chapter of The Prince' is almost entirely a philippie against the chase. The king of Prussia inveighs against it chiefly on account of its cruelty, but this in a man who afterwards made the hunting of his fellow-men his principal pursuit, is like straining at straws and swallowing mountains.

In his remarks on the seventeenth chapter of The Prince,' the king of Prussia agrees with Machiavel as to the necessity of severe military discipline, "For how," says he, "would it be possible to govern a motley multitude of libertines, debauchees, poltrons, hot-brained young fellows, in short, of brutes and rascals of every kind; if they were not hard reined and kept in obedience by the fear of punishment?" To prove that his majesty's political foresight is at least equal to his criticism, I select the following passage:

"The fashion of revolutions seems to be pretty well over in these times, There is no kingdom except England where the prince has any thing to apprehend from his subjects, and even there he has nothing to fear but from a storm of his own raising."

The eighteenth chapter of The Prince' has for its object to prove, that a king cannot consistently with his interest keep his faith. The king of Prussia inveighs with proper indignation

against the system of hypocrisy and faithlessness, which this chapter contains. The apologist of Machiavel can only say in his defence, that he does not recommend hypocrisy and faithlessness as right in themselves, but as necessary to the political existence of a prince. The moral to be extracted from it by the people is, not to submit to a government which cannot exist unless founded on fraud. It is curious to observe the very wide loop-hole which the royal declaimer against Machiavelism provides for princes. "Nevertheless, I confess," says his majesty," that there are some disagreeable and melancholy occasions which oblige a prince to break his treaties and alliances, but yet he should do it in as honorable a manner as possible." Poor man, he met with many of these disagreeable and melancholy occasions, but it must be granted that when he was perfidious his perfidy was as honourable as perfidy can be.

The above extracts will be sufficient to give the reader an idea of the nature of the Anti-Machiavel of the king of Prussia. Nothing can be more curious than to contrast his conduct with the principles which he here pretends to inculcate. Let the reader observe how the man who exclaims so violently against Machiavel for recommending fraud and falsehood, (done as has been already proved ironically) does himself seriously and solemnly, in instructions to his generals, which he knew would be obeyed, enjoin the very same crimes which he pretended to abhor.

"On choisit un riche Bourgeois qui á des fonds de terre et une femme et des enfans: on lui donne un seul homme travesti en domestique qui posséde la langue du pays. On force alors ce Bourgeois d'emmener le dit homme avec lui comme son valet ou son cocher et d'aller au camp ennemi sous pretexte d'avoir a se plaindre des violences qui lui ont etè faites, et on le menace en meme tems trés severement que s'il ne ramène pas avec lui son homme aprés qu'il se sera assez longtems arretè au camp sa femme et ses enfans seront hachés en piecès et ses maisons bruleès. Je fus contraint d'avoir recours a ce moyen et il reussit."*

"Si c'est dans un pays protestant comme la Saxe on joue le role de protecteur de la religion Lutherienne et on cherche a inspirer le fanatisme au petit peuple dont la simplicité peut étre facilement trompée. Si le pays est catholique on ne parle que de tolerance, on preche la moderation, on * Instructions de Frederic II. a ses generaux publiées pendant son

regne.