In 1859, a new difficulty has arisen with respect to the possession of the island San Juan, but these are in process of arrangement.

The relations between England and France continue friendly. This is not the case, either in 1858 or 1859, with Spain. An amicable arrangement is resolved on, if possible; hitherto it has been found impossible to realize it. To a distinguished citizen of Kentucky has been confided the task of essaying for the last time to obtain justice from the Spanish government. What, then, are the grievances of the affair of the Black Warrior, declared by the President to be of a nature, if reparation be not made, to justify an immediate appeal to war? The reclamation of custom-house duties, illegally collected. Then Spanish functionaries, placed under the control of the Captain-General of Cuba, have insulted the national flag.

Behold Cuba arraigned for trial!

Listen to the sequel. It is very disagreeable to have to make reclamations at Madrid, so far distant and before a cabinet that changes so often, for, in short, "Cuba is almost within sight of our shores; our commerce with it is far greater than that of any other nation, including Spain itself, and our citizens are in habits of daily and extended personal intercourse with every part of the island.”

A grasping farmer does not plan more adroitly how to efface the boundary-lines of the field of his neighbor, upon the latter's refusal to sell him this field so near his own, so necessary to his convenience, so much frequented by his children; he too alleges the interests of agriculture: the field will be better cultivated in his hands, he will not suffer it, like its present possessor, to be run down by weeds or by obsolete methods of farming.

Mr. Buchanan takes higher ground: he invokes morality and philanthropy, he points out the error of Europe. She fancies that the United States covet Cuba in order that

there may be one more Slave State in the Union. She recalls the letter to Mr. Soulé that we have cited. No, no, it is through abhorrence of the slave-trade that the United States wish to acquire Cuba.

....

can be

"It is the only spot in the civilized world where the African slave-trade is tolerated, and we are bound by treaty with Great Britain to maintain a naval force on the coast of Africa, at much expense both of life and treasure, solely for the purpose of arresting slavers bound to that isle. . . . "As long as this market shall remain open, there no hope for the civilization of benighted Africa. Whilst the demand for slaves continues in Cuba, wars will be waged among the petty and barbarous chiefs in Africa, for the purpose of seizing subjects to supply this trade. In such a condition of affairs, it is impossible that the light of civilization and religion ever penetrate these dark abodes."

The message of 1859 repeats these considerations, so philanthropic and pious :

"But we are obliged, as a Christian and moral nation, to consider what would be the effect upon unhappy Africa itself, if we should reopen the slave-trade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it never had even in its palmiest days. The numerous victims required to supply it would convert the whole slave-coast into a perfect pandemonium, for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of God and man. Its petty tribes would then be constantly engaged in predatory wars against each other, for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply the American market. All hope of African civilization would thus be ended.

"On the other hand, when a market for African slaves shall be no longer furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade, we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the gradual improvement of Africa. The chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever there is

no longer any demand for slaves. The resources of that fertile, but miserable country, might then be developed by the hand of industry, and afford subjects for legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In this manner, Christianity and civilization may gradually penetrate the existing gloom."

Our suspicions are put to rest; it is through interest for Africa that America wishes to despoil Spain; it is through aversion to the slave-trade that the South burns to annex one Slave State more!

With these pious views is mingled, however, a less exalted sentiment; already expressed, it appears again a second, then a third time. Mr. Buchanan speaks of the princi ples of America, before speaking of its appetites, as one says grace before meat; but hunger cries more loudly, and stifles the moralizing.

"The island of Cuba, from its geographical position, commands the mouth of the Mississippi, and the immense and annually increasing trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley of that noble river, now embracing half the sovereign States of the Union. With that island under the dominion of a distant foreign power, this trade, of vital importance to these States, is exposed to the danger of being destroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time of peace. Our relations with Spain, which ought to be of the most friendly character, must always be placed in jeopardy, while the existing colonial government over the island shall remain in its present position.

"Whilst the possession of the island would be of vast importance to the United States, its value to Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. Such was the relative situation of the parties when the great Napoleon transferred Louisiana to the United States. Jealous, as he ever was, of the national honor and interests of France, no person throughout the world has imputed blame to him for accepting a pecuniary equivalent for this cession."

It is easy to divine the rest. The United States are to haggle for Cuba, like a merchant for a bale of cotton; or to abduct it as a lover carries off a beauty.

"It has been made known to the world, by my predecessors, that the United States have, on several occasions, en deavored to acquire Cuba from Spain by honorable negotia tion. We would not, if we could, acquire Cuba in any other manner. This is due to our national character. All the territory which we have acquired since the origin of the government has been by fair purchase from France, Spain, and Mexico; or by the free and voluntary act of the independent state of Texas,* in blending her destinies with our own. This course we shall ever pursue, UNLESS circumstances should occur, which we do not now anticipate, rendering a departure from it clearly justifiable, under the imperative and ruling law of self-preservation."†

Astuteness and covetousness could invent no more adroit and audacious language than this. In truth, one asks himself whether he is reading a genuine historical document or a scene in a farce.

* Mr. Buchanan puts his own interpretation on the history of the capture of Texas and the sale of Louisiana. We have seen how free and spontaneous was the annexation of Texas. As to Louisiana, it is well known that Napoleon I. at the time of the rupture of the Peace of Amiens (March, 1803), embarrassed how to defend Louisiana against the probable aggressions of the English, and unwilling to ask credit for the resources of war, determined, despite the warm opposition of M. Decrès, his Minister of the Marine, to sell this beautiful territory for eighty million francs. Mr. Monroe, who had visited France to regulate the question of transit on the Mississippi, was greatly surprised by this unexpected proposition, which he had the shrewdness to accept on the spot. The necessities of war and financial distress were the causes, therefore, of this lamentable cession, which rendered the United States masters of the mouths of the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico, and left them with no other neighbor than Spain. (Thiers, Histoire du Consulat et de l'Empire, Tom. IV. Liv. XVI. p. 320.)

In 1859 this policy is confirmed. "I need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last annual message in favor of the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that measure remain unchanged. I therefore again invite the serious attention of Congress to this important subject. Without a recognition of this policy on their part, it will be almost impossible to institute motions with any reasonable prospect of success."

These petty grievances summed up, amplified, and transformed into a casus belli; this adroit persistence in setting forth the seductious of the coveted object; morality invoked at the moment when it is least expected; then these prosaic offers of sounding silver; the unfortunate reminiscence of the free and spontaneous action of Texas; these protestations of fidelity to the national reputation, -all compose a perfect drama, concluding with this ineffable stroke. "This course we shall ever pursue, UNLESs circumstances should occur which should authorize us to depart from it"!

This is the explanation given the world. Had the adventurer Lopez been President, would he have used other words? It is probable that, in the confidence of his political councils, the President held a still clearer, more explicit, and more practical language.

We involuntarily recall the last scene of the second act of Casimir Delavigne's "Louis XI.," where the king, who has just made a treaty with the Duke of Burgundy through the mediation of the Count de Nemours, schemes with his compeer Tristan to regain the treaty and rid himself of the Count.

"Both are at your mercy."

Respect the right of nations! No, no, not here." He interrupts himself to offer a prayer, then continues: "But who knows? on the road." "He is proud """Arrogant" "He may insult you in a lonely wood, - himself or friends.' "He will." "Defend yourself.” "Count

Thus Spain, forced to be a vender despite herself, might see her property, should she resist, slip through her fingers with its price. For the message does not even foresee the possibility of hesitation. The President submits the question to Congress, because, says he, "it may become indispensable that I should find myself clothed with the faculty of making advances to the Spanish government, directly after