H. OF R.]

Death of Mr. Richard J. Manning.

constituents, to graduate the price of the lands, and thus open a door to their actual settlement by the hardy yeomanry of the land. Believing, as I do, that the first proposition will prostrate the interests of the West, make that portion of the Union tributary and subservient to the Eastern and Southern States, and paralyze the arm of exertion and industry, without corresponding benefits, I am forced to vote against it. I am a Western man. I represent a portion of the people of that country, and (though there are no public lands in Kentucky) I cannot be instrumental in prostrating the interests of our sister States; to bind, manacle, sell, and deliver them over to the balance of the Union. Let the other States but once revel in the spoils wrested from the West, and where is the remedy in case we should wish to reduce the price of the public lands? Shall we act on the principles of the monarchies of Europe, keep large forests and huntinggrounds, to be the abode of beasts of prey? or shall we, for a small consideration, open them to the actual occupation of the honest farmer and his family?

[MAY, 1836.

and thus destroys equality of rights and privileges, and drives liberty from our happy and prosperous land. Mr. Speaker, here is the last foothold and resting-place of liberty in this world; it is the only land where men enjoy rights and privileges on equality; it is the home of the oppressed of all nations, climes, and countries; and, for myself, I will not aid in the subversion of this glorious fabric, so nobly sustained by our ancestors, and so generously handed down to us for preservation.

FRIDAY, April 29.

The Hon. THOMAS T. WHITTLESEY, of Connecticut, elected to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of the Hon. ZALMON WILDMAN, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat.

TUESDAY, May 3.

Death of Mr. Richard J. Manning. Mr. PINCKNEY rose and addressed the House to the following effect:

Mr. Speaker: Often as Death has already been amongst us this session, he has again entered within these walls, and taken another, and one of the most excellent members of this honorable body. Yes, sir, Death has again been amongst us; and it is in consequence of one of those sudden and awful dispensations of Divine Providence, to which, however painfully we may feel them, it is our duty to submit, that I now rise to announce to this House the decease of my late honored and lamented colleague, RICHARD J. MANNING. He left this city on Friday last, on a visit to Philadelphia, and died, as I am informed, at that place, on Sunday evening, of a hemorrhage, produced by the rupture of a blood vessel in his lungs. Surely, if ever there was an event which could teach us "what poor shadows we are, and what shadows we pursue," this is one which should impress that lesson deeply on our minds. But a few days ago he was here, in his place upon this floor, in the pride of intellect and vigor of manhood, mingling freely with his fellow-members, partaking the cares and honors of legislation, and discharging the high duties of a representative of the people in the councils of the nation. Now he is numbered with the silent dead. I know that it is customary, upon occasions of this kind, to deliver eulogies upon the

This is the true question to be decided; and, for myself, I would prefer to see the land occupied by a prosperous and industrious population, surrounded by peace, plenty, and happiness, with the glorious privilege to say this is my own, and no one can wrest it from me, than draw from them and their little ones their hard-earned dollars, to be lavished in wild and reckless profusion among the States of this confederacy. The people should never be taxed to a greater amount than is actually necessary for an economical Government; and whenever the receipts exceed the expenditures, the burdens ought to be removed to that extent. I will not, by any vote of mine, ask the people to look up to the General Government as superior to themselves; or, in other words, I will not recognize the claim of the Government to collect more from the people than is actually necessary for authorized and constitutional purposes. I cannot recognize the right of Congress to say to the States what they shall and what they shall not do with the dividends. They shall not say to us-do this, and do that; spend this amount in internal improvement, and that in education. Sir, this education is another scheme of the aristocracy to appropriate the whole to their own benefit. The schools will be established in the towns alone, and no provision made for the country; and hence the great body of the people will re-characters of departed members. But I shall ceive no benefit, while the wealthiest portion of the community reap the whole. I need dwell no longer on this subject, for the weakest mind can discover its operation at the first glance, and that operation will be to make the rich richer, and the poor poorer; to throw abundance into the lap of wealth, and take away the hard-earned and scanty subsistence of poverty; the amount of all which is, that the many become dependent on the few,

make no such attempt upon the present occasion. I could not do justice to such a character as his. To say that he was a man of sound judgment and extensive information-a gentleman, in the strictest signification of the terma man, of sterling honor and integrity—a devoted husband and most tender parent-pure and irreproachable in all the relations of lifeall this is true, perfectly true, and yet it conveys but a poor idea of the beautiful cluster

Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition.

The reading occupied about an hour, and a half. The report concluded with the follow-feelings of a South Carolinian; not of a South ing resolutions:

MAY, 1836.]

Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions.

[H. OF R.

faith. Mr. T. would not, if he could fairly | tutional power to abolish slavery in the District avoid it, send the report to the printer; he of Columbia or the Territories. would rather commit it to the flames or to the hangman.

Mr. OWENS said the document must speak for itself. It was the intention of the committee to have the document printed, so that it might be fairly understood, and might be a subject of deliberation hereafter; but no one had anticipated a debate on it at this stage. Mr. O. concluded by moving to print thirty thousand extra copies of the report.

Mr. HAWES was convinced, from the arguments of gentlemen, that this report ought to be printed. No sooner was this very long report read, in the preparation of which the committee had been engaged weeks upon weeks, than one gentleman from the South rose in his place and said he could not vote for it, because

Mr. THOMSON, of Ohio, did not rise to discuss the question. It had already been too much discussed. He moved the previous question.

Mr. PINCKNEY hoped the gentleman would withdraw the motion for a moment. He desired merely to say that the report did not, as had been stated, yield the constitutional power to Congress of abolishing slavery in the District. All assertions of the kind were grossly incorrect.

The debate was here arrested by the expiration of the time for which the rule had been suspended.

THURSDAY, May 19.

Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. it contained such and such matters. Another from the South rose and said that he would go The House resumed, as the unfinished busifor printing the document, because he consid-ness of yesterday, the consideration of the ered it as going to allay the excitement at the report and resolutions from the select commitSouth; and this difference of opinion he con- tee on the subject of the abolition of slavery sidered as the strongest reason why the docu- in the District of Columbia. ment should be printed. His constituents would not permit him to form an opinion for them in this matter; they would require the report itself to be submitted to them; and he thought the gentleman from Virginia had gone rather far in speaking for his constituents.

Mr. PATTON wished to state his reasons for voting to print this document. He should not only vote to print the usual number, but he would vote to print any reasonable extra number. The report was presented to him as the result of the labors of a committee which had been raised to take into consideration a most interesting and exciting subject. He had not concurred with the House in the course it thought proper to pursue on this subject, because he was not of opinion that it was the most prudent and judicious course, and he had not changed in opinion. He was perfectly satisfied that the expectations of gentlemen would be frustrated and disappointed. Notwithstanding this, he would be in favor of having the report take the usual course.

The question being on the motion of Mr. ROBERTSON to recommit the report, with instructions to report a resolution declaring that Congress has no constitutional power to interfere with the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia

Mr. BYNUM, who was entitled to the floor, spoke at considerable length. He observed that it had been said by certain gentlemen that they were disappointed in the report; that it was just such a report as had been anticipated by them. In reply to that, Mr. B. said that the opposition to this report was just such identical opposition as he had anticipated. He was prepared to expect that the report would not meet the approbation of certain gentlemen in that House, and he was not at all surprised at this opposition. It was surprising that gentlemen were prepared, as by intuition, to condemn a report of immense length; and that these gentlemen perfectly understood the report without having it printed for examination. If, however, the statements of gentlemen who Mr. ROBERTSON contended that the report had opposed the printing of the report were yielded to Congress the right to abolish slavery to be taken as good for any thing, it was the in this District, and yielded every thing which strongest evidence that the report should be the abolitionists could have expected when printed for the consideration of that body and they sent their petitions there. He had heard of the nation. It was due to the honorable the report read, he would not say with surprise, chairman of the committee who had made but with deep mortification and regret; because that report, that it should be printed, because it was not calculated to put the South upon his motives and his reasons had been denounced the ground which she ought to occupy; and on that floor, and this document should be the resolutions did not go to the extent abso-printed as his defence. He ought to have it lutely necessary to the peace and safety of the laid before the people, who were to judge him. country. Mr. R. contended that the printing It would be an act of injustice of the most of a document was left to the discretion of the crying kind to refuse to print this document; House, and he thought in the present instance that gentleman had a right to be heard before they should not print. Mr. R. concluded by that House and before the country. moving to recommit the report to the select committee, with instructions to report a resolution that Congress does not possess the consti

Mr. B. was not prepared to say that he would sanction every sentiment and every principle laid down in this report; but he was prepared

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·Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions.

[MAY, 1836.

vituperation and suspicion. Mr. P. said he deeply regretted that inflammatory discussion had again arisen upon this matter. He should do nothing to continue it. He had always deprecated the agitation of slavery in the halls of Congress. He hoped the subject would soon be disposed of, and that peace might be restored to the South and to the country. While he was up, however, with the permission of the House, he would inquire of the honorable member from Virginia whether it was his desire to press his amendment to a vote.

to say that he would look into it, and give it | confidence and gratitude; not repelled by his impartial consideration, and he felt himself free to act after reading it. But the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. ROBERTSON) had stated that the report surrendered every thing to the abolitionists. It was a mistake. Neither the House nor the report, so far as met his observation, surrendered every thing to the abolitionists. The very object which the abolitionists contended for had been met by the House, and refused them. Attempts had been made to cast imputations on the party with whom he acted in relation to this subject; and, if it was not out of order, he would call upon the chairman of the committee who had made this report, to say what party had generally introduced these abolition memorials, and what number of those that belonged to the party with which he acted had signed them.

[Mr. ROBERTSON replied, unquestionably it was.]

Mr. PINCKNEY then said, if that was his object, and a vote should be taken, he should certainly vote for the amendment. Mr. P. held, and always had held, that Congress possesses no constitutional authority to abolishi slavery in the District of Columbia. He thought it susceptible of demonstration. It had been his opinion, long before it was ever talked of by many who now ride upon it as a hobby. The gentleman had said that the report gave up the constitutional question. It does no such thing. It asserts distinctly the contrary, considering Congress as the National Legislature of the Union. As regards its power as a local Legislature, no opinion is expressed. Congress remains uncommitted upon that point. No decision has ever been made upon it by either House; and why should a decision be called for now? What would be thought of any Southern man who should move the resolution declaring that Congress does not possess power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Now, he had no doubt, that if the House were pressed to vote upon a resolution denying such power, it would be rejected, and most probably by a large majority. He did not know the fact, of course, as no man can know any thing that has not actually taken place. But it was his decided conviction that such would be the result. The South would be beaten, as it had been in the Senate on the question of reception. One defeat was enough. He did not desire another. That was the reason he had avoided

Mr. PINCKNEY, in reply to this call upon him, declined giving an explanation. He could not do so, consistently with a sense of propriety, upon the call of an individual member. If the House required it, he would state all that he knew respecting the memorials, but not otherwise. He had examined them very carefully, and had made a schedule of the places and States they came from, and of the aggregate number of memorials and signatures. He had nothing to do with party, in reference to slavery, and therefore would not say any thing that might have the remotest tendency to excite any party feeling on the subject. It was not amiss, however, he thought, to state that the whole number of memorials presented to Congress this session amounted to one hundred and seventy-six; that they came from ten States, embracing an aggregate population of nearly eight millions; that the whole number of signatures was about thirty-four thousand; and that, of those, more than two-fifths were females. He thought these facts ought to be known. The people of the South ought to know every thing respecting these memorials. They could see the immense disproportion between the millions of freemen who are determined to maintain their constitutional obligations to their Southern brethren, and the band of incendiary agitators who would trample on all laws, human and divine, in the relent-pressing the House upon the abstract questions less prosecution of their diabolical designs. He believed that there never was a healthier tone of sentiment in the non-slaveholding States, in reference to the domestic institutions of the South, than at this moment. There was, unquestionably, abundant reason for vigilance and caution in relation to the fanatics; but there was also abundant reason to rely on the enlightened patriotism of the non-slaveholding States. There are great moral causes at work in favor of the South. We should trust their efficacy, and watch their progress. The people of the non-slaveholding States are alive to the dangers connected with this question, and they are generously fighting the battle of the South. They should be encouraged by

of the right of petition, and the actual authority of Congress over slavery in the District.

As matters now stand, every thing is operating favorably to the South. The Senate, by a large majority, has rejected the prayer of the abolition memorials. This House has adopted resolutions pledging the national faith not to interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia. The tone of public sentiment is sound and patriotic in all the non-slaveholding States. The South, so far, is victorious, and every thing goes well for her advantage and security! Why, then, press this abstract question now? Why force a battle upon a ground no way necessary to the safety of the South, and with a moral certainty of being driven from it? Is