H. OF R.]

West Point Academy.

Government from which they derive the means of education, and that many who take commissions possess few qualifications for the command of men, either in war or in peace. Most of the members of this House have had more or less intercourse with these young gentlemen, and I leave it for each individual to form his own opinion of the correctness of the charges. Thus much I will say for myself, that I believe that these and greater evils, are the natural, if not inevitable, result of the principles in which this institution is founded; and any system of education, established upon similar principles, on Government patronage alone, will produce like results, now and forever. Sir, what are some of these results? By the report of the Secretary of War, dated January, 1831, we are informed that, "by an estimate of the last five years, (preceding that date,) it appears that the supply of the army from the corps of graduated cadets has averaged about twenty-two annually, while those who graduated are about forty, making in each year an excess of eighteen. The number received annually into the Academy averages one hundred, of which only the number stated, to wit: forty, pass through the prescribed course of education at schools, and become supernumerary lieutenants in the army." By the report of the Secretary of War, December, 1830, we are informed that "the number of promotions to the army from this corps for the last five years, has averaged about twenty-two annually, while the number of graduates has been at an average of forty. This excess, which is annually increasing, has placed eighty-seven in waiting until vacancies shall take place; and shows that, in the next year, probably, and in the succeeding one, certainly, there will be an excess beyond what the existing law authorizes to be commissioned. There will then be one hundred and six supernumerary brevet second lieutenants appurtenant to the army, at an average annual expense of $80,000." Sir, that results here disclosed were not anticipated by Mr. Madison, is apparent from a recurrence to his messages of 1810 and 1811.

In passing the law of 1812,both Congress and the President acted for the occasion, and they expected those who should succeed them to act in a similar manner. Their feelings of patriotism and resentment were aroused, by beholding the privileges of freemen wantonly invaded, our glorious stars and stripes disregarded, and national and individual rights trampled in the dust. The war was pending. The necessity for increasing the military force of the country was obvious and pressing, and the urgent occasion for increased facilities for military instruction equally apparent.

Sir, it was under circumstances like these, when we had not only enemies abroad, but I blush to say, enemies at home, that the institution, as at present organized, had its origin. It will hardly be pretended that it was the original design of the law to augment the number

[JUNE, 1836. of persons instructed beyond the wants of the public service.

Well, the report of the Secretary shows that, for five years prior to 1831, the Academy had furnished eighteen supernumeraries annually. A practical operation of this character has no sanction in the recommendation of Mr. Madison. The report demonstrates, further, the fruitfulness and utility of this institution, by showing the fact, that but two-fifths of those who enter the Academy graduate, and that but a fraction more than one-fifth enter the public service.

This is not the fault of the administration of the Academy; it is not the fault of young gentlemen who are sent there; on your present peace establishment there can be but little to stimulate them, particularly in the acquisition of military science. There can hardly be but one object in the mind of the student, and that would be to obtain an education for the purposes of civil life. The difficulty is, that the institution has outlived both the occasion that called it into existence and its original design.

I have before remarked that the Academy was manifestly enlarged to correspond with the army and militia actually to be called into service. Look, then, for a moment, at facts, and observe with how much wisdom, justice, and sound policy, you retain the provisions of the law of 1812. The total authorized force of 1813, after the declaration of war, was 58,254; and in October, 1814, the military establishment amounted to 62,428. By the act of March, 1815, the peace establishment was limited to 10,000, and now hardly exceeds that number. Thus you make a reduction of more than 50,000 in your actual military force, to accommodate the expenses of the Government to its wants. And why do you refuse to do the same with your grand system of public education? Why does that remain unchanged? Why not reduce it at once, at least to the actual wants of the service, and dispense with your corps of supernumerary lieutenants? Sir, there is, there can be, but one answer to the question, and that may be found in the war report of 1819, to which I have before had occasion to allude. The Secretary says, "the cadet who cannot be provided for in the army will return to private life; but in the event of a war their knowl edge will not be lost to the country."

Indeed, sir, these young gentlemen, if they could be induced to take the field, would, after a lapse of ten or fifteen years, come up from the bar, or it may be the pulpit, fresh in military science, and admirably qualified for command in the face of an enemy!

The magazine of facts, to prove at the same glance the extravagance and unfruitfulness of this institution, is not easily exhausted; but I am admonished by the lateness of the hour to omit many considerations which I regard as both interesting and important. I will only detain the committee to make a single state

MONDAY, July 4.
Texas Independence.

[H. OF R.

Mr. MASON, of Virginie, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, made a report in relation to the affairs of Texas, accompanied by the fol

ment, placing side by side some aggregate re-
sults. There has already been expended upon
the institution more than three millions three
hundred thousand dollars. Between 1815 and
1821, thirteen hundred and eighteen students
were admitted into the Academy; and of all
the cadets who were ever there, only two hun-lowing resolutions:
dred and sixty-five remained in the service at
the end of 1830. Here are the expenses you
have incurred, and the products you have

realized.

I leave them to be balanced by the people. But, for myself, believing as I do that the Academy stands forth as an anomaly among the institutions of this country; that it is at variance with the spirit, if not the letter, of the constitution under which we live; so long as this House shall deny investigation into its principles and practical operation, I, as an individual member, will refuse to appropriate the first dollar for its support.

Mr. CAMBRELENG moved that the committee rise, and report the "bill for the suppression of Indian hostilities," and lay the one under consideration aside.

Mr. BRIGGS objected to the motion.

The motion was disagreed to without a division, and Mr. PIERCE concluded his remarks.

The committee then rose and reported both the above bills to the House, when the amendments to both were severally concurred in, and they were ordered to a third reading, and read a third time and passed.

Death of Ex-President Madison. Mr. PATTON, from the select committee, made the following report:

"The President of the United States having communicated to the two Houses of Congress the melancholy intelligence of the death of their illustrious and beloved fellow-citizen, JAMES MADISON, of Virginia, late President of the United States, and the two Houses sharing in the general grief which this distressing event must produce:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the chairs of the President of the Senate, and of the Speaker of the House of Representatives be shrouded in black during the present session; and that the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the members and officers of both Houses, wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty days.

Resolved, That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on the left arm, as mourning, for thirty days.

"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to Mrs. Madison, and to assure her of the profound respect of the two Houses of Congress for her person and character, and of thoir sincere condolence on the late afflicting dispensation of Providence."

"1. Resolved, That the independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the United States, whenever satisfactory information has been received ment, capable of performing the duties and fulfilling. that it has in successful operation a civil Governthe obligations of an independent power.

"2. Resolved, That the House of Representatives perceive with satisfaction that the President of the United States has adopted measures to ascertain the political, military, and civil condition of Texas." Mr. ADAMS moved to lay the report and resolutions on the table. Negatived-yeas 40,

nays 108.

Mr. PEYTON demanded the previous question upon the adoption of the resolutions.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, thought it not necessary, and he therefore begged the gentleman from Tennessee to withdraw it.

Mr. PEYTON refused, on the ground that there was no time to discuss the subject. The previous question was seconded-ayes 80, noes not counted.

Mr. HARDIN called for the yeas and nays on the main question; which were ordered. Mr. ADAMS called for a division of the question.

The question was taken on the first resolution, and was-yeas 128, nays 20, as follows:

YEAS.-Messrs. Ash, Bell, Bockee, Bond, Bouldin, Boyd, Bunch, Bynum, J. Calhoon, W. B. Calhoun, Cambreleng, Carr, Carter, Casey, G. Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, N. H. Claiborne, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Cushing, Cushman, Darlington, Denny, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dunlap, Forester, French, W. K. Fuller, Galbraith, J. Garland, R. Garland, Gillet, Granger, Griffin, Haley, J. Hall, Hamer, Hardin, Harlan, A. G. Harrison, Haynes, Henderson, Heister, Hopkins, Howard, Hubley, Hunt, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, J. Jackson, R. M. Johnson, C. Johnson, H. Johnson, J. W. Jones, Kinnard, Lane, Lawler, Lay, G. Lee, T. Lee, L. Lea, Lewis, Loyall, Lucas, Lyon, J. Mann, Martin, J. Y. Mason, W. Mason, Maury, May, McCarty, McKay, McKennan, McKim, McLene, Mercer, Miller, Milligan, Montgomery, Morgan, Morris, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parker, Patterson, Patton, F. Pierce, Pettigrew, Peyton, Phelps, Pinckney, Rencher, John Reynolds, Ripley, Robertson, Rogers, Seymour, A. H. Shepperd, Shields, Shinn, Sickles, Sloane, Smith, Spangler, Standefer, Storer, Sutherland, Taliaferro, Thomas, J. Thomson, Toucey, Towns, Underwood, Ward, Washington, E. Whittlesey, T. T. Whittlesey, L. Williams, S. Williams-128.

NAYS.-Messrs. Adams, H. Allen, Bailey, Beale, Clark, Crane, Grennell, H. Hall, Hazeltine, Jarvis,

The report and resolutions were concurred Lawrence, Lincoln, Love, D. J. Pearce, Phillips,

in unanimously.

On motion of Mr. BRIGGS,

The House then adjourned.

Potts, Reed, Russell, Slade, Vinton-20.

So the first resolution was adopted.

Proceedings.

TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS.-SECOND SESSION.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE.

It was accordingly so determined, by lot, acting Secretary:

SENATE.]

Fellow-citizens of the Senate

The President's Message.

and House of Representatives: Addressing to you the last annual Message I shall ever present to the Congress of the United States, it is a source of the most heartfelt satisfaction to be able to congratulate you on the high state of prosperity which our beloved country has attained. With no causes at home or abroad to lessen the confidence with which we look to the future for continuing proofs of the capacity of our free institutions to produce all the fruits of good government, the general condition of our affairs may well excite our national pride.

[DECEMBER, 1836. by all, unless the irritating effect of her struggle with Texas should unfortunately make our immediate neighbor, Mexico, an exception.

It is already known to you, by the correspondence between the two Governments communicated at your last session, that our conduct in relation to that struggle is regulated by the same principles that governed us in the dispute between Spain and Mexico herself; and I trust that it will be found, on the most severe scrutiny, that our acts have strictly corresponded with our professions. That the inhabitants of the United States should feel strong prepossessions for the one party, is not surprising. But this circumstance should, of itself, teach us great caution, lest it lead us into the great error of suffering public policy to be regulated by partiality or prejudice; and there are considerations connected with the possible result of this contest between the two parties of so much delicacy and importance to the United States, that our character requires that we should neither anticipate events, nor attempt to control them. The known desire of the Texans to become a part of our system, although its gratification depends upon the reconcilement of various and conflicting interests, necessarily a work of time, and uncertain in itself, is calculated to expose our conduct to misconstruction in the eyes of the world. There are already those who, indifferent to principle themselves, and prone to suspect the want of it in others, charge us with ambitious designs and insidious policy. You will perceive by the accompanying documents, that the extraordinary mission from Mexico has been termi

I cannot avoid congratulating you, and my country particularly, on the success of the efforts made during my administration by the Executive and Legislature, in conformity with the sincere, constant, and earnest desire of the people, to maintain peace, and establish cordial relations with all foreign powers. Our gratitude is due to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, and I invite you to unite with me in offering to him fervent supplication, that his providential care may ever be extended to those who follow us, enabling them to avoid the dangers and the horrors of war, consistently with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our country. But, although the present state of our foreign affairs, standing without important change as they did when you separated in July last, is flattering in the extreme, I regret to say that many questions of an interesting character, at issue with other powers, are yet unadjusted. Amongst the most prominent of these is that of our north-eastern boundary. With an undiminished confi-nated, on the sole grounds that the obligations of this dence in the sincere desire of his Britannic Majesty's Government to adjust that question, I am not yet in possession of the precise grounds upon which it proposes a satisfactory adjustment.

With France, our diplomatic relations have been resumed, and under circumstances which attest the disposition of both Governments to preserve a mutually beneficial intercourse, and foster those amicable feelings which are so strongly required by the true interest of the two countries. With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Naples, Sweden, and Denmark, the best understanding exists, and our commercial intercourse is gradually expanding itself with them. It is encouraged in all these countries, except Naples, by their mutually advantageous and liberal treaty stipulations with us.

The claims of our citizens on Portugal are admitted to be just, but provision for the payment of them has been unfortunately delayed by frequent political changes in that kingdom.

The blessings of peace have not been secured by Spain. Our connections with that country are on the best footing, with the exception of the burdens still imposed upon our commerce with her possessions out of Europe.

The claims of American citizens for losses sustained at the bombardment of Antwerp, have been presented to the Governments of Holland and Belgium, and will be pressed, in due season, to settlement.

With Brazil, and all our neighbors of this continent, we continue to maintain relations of amity and concord, extending our commerce with them as far as the resources of the people and the policy of their Governments will permit. The just and long-standing claims of our citizens upon some of them are yet sources of dissatisfaction and complaint. No danger is apprehended, however, that they will not be peacefully, although tardily, acknowledged and paid

Government to itself and to Mexico, under treaty stipulations, have compelled me to trust a discretionary authority to a high officer of our army, to advance into territory claimed as part of Texas, if necessary, to protect our own or the neighboring frontier from Indian depredation. In the opinion of the Mexican functionary, who has just left us, the honor of his country will be wounded by American soldiers entering, with the most amicable avowed purposes, upon ground from which the followers of his Government have been expelled, and over which there is at present no certainty of a serious effort on its part being made to re-establish its dominion. The departure of this minister was the more singular, as he was apprised that the sufficiency of the causes assigned for the advance of our troops by the commanding general had been seriously doubted by me, and that there was every reason to suppose that the troops of the United States, their commander having had time to ascertain the truth or falsehood of the information upon which they had been marched to Nacogdoches, would be either there in perfect accordance with the principles admitted to be just in his conference with the Secretary of State, by the Mexican minister himself, or were already withdrawn in consequence of the impressive warnings their com manding officer had received from the Department of War. It is hoped and believed that his Government will take a more dispassionate and just view of this subject, and not be disposed to construe a measure of justifiable precaution, made necessary by its known inability in execution of the stipulations of our treaty to act upon the frontier, into an encroachment upon its rights or stain upon its honor.

In the mean time, the ancient complaints of injustice, made on behalf of our citizens, are disregarded, and new causes of dissatisfaction have arisen, some of them of a character requiring prompt remonstrance,