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The cavalry, which is the principal strength of the Austrians, is here of little utility. When we read the accounts of the greater part of their battles, we naturally ask, "where then was that numerous, that excellent cavalry of the Austrians?" The General, who accepts battle, fights upon the ground, or at least according to the circumstances, which the enemy has chosen, and in the manner which suits him. The French avoid, as much as possible, having any thing to do with the Austrian cavalry. Add to this, the close order, which the French infantry generally observe, (and from which they would be obliged to depart, if instead of giving, they accepted battle,) leaves them little cause to be afraid of cavalry, which is well known to be only formidable in proportion as the infantry is bad, or in thin order. We cannot sufficiently express our astonishment, that the Austrian Generals should renounce the superiority of their tactics, and of their skill in manoeuvring, and give the French an opportunity of employing the means that are peculiar to them. The latter are particularly skilful, wherever the ground is such as to secure them from the cavalry, by scattering their riflemen so as to annoy the Austrian corps in every quarter. The French soldiers, who are more active, more enterprizing, and ready in availing themselves of every advantage of ground, will hang round bodies of men that are much more numerous than themselves; they molest, harrass, and advance upon them, by means of the smallest shelter; the Austrians, in the mean time, preserve their rank and file, but their oblique firing has not the least effect upon men who are either scattered about, or advantageously posted; while every discharge of the latter, being levelled at a con siderable body, cannot fail of telling. When the Austrians advance, the riflemen withdraw, but return to the charge, as soon as the Austrians retire again the Austrian troop is thus harrassed by an enemy, that keeps out of its reach, and whose numbers, upon looking at the extent of ground which they occupy, appear more considerable than they really are. This method of fighting continues, until the losses they have experienced, and the inutility of resistance, produce discouragement and confusion; until, at length, the troops overwelmed with fatigue and thrown into disorder, either disperse, or lay down their arms. The French, who would not have dared to meet these same Austrians in open field, have often defeated and taken thousands of them with some hundreds of men only for the instant their ranks are broken, the Austrians become like a flock of sheep dispersed, and incapable of re-uniting. The coolness of the Austrians is inexplicable. The humiliation of surrendering their arms does not seem to affect them any more than the dangers of a battle. One would suppose, in considering their indifference, that it was nothing but the finale of a pantomime or ballet. The Austrians carry their fear of being outflanked or turned, to a degree which is at once ridiculous and extravagant; it might indeed be called a national disorder, or weakness. They fancy themselves out-flanked, or enveloped at the very mo

This was the case among the sand hills in Holland, when the British advanced under the recurring fire of the French musquetry.' T.

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ment, in which they might surround those, who have had the rashness to out-run them. This excessive apprehension disconcerts their plans, and drives them to retrograde movements at a time, when, in order to beat the enemy, they have only to advance upon him.

The French Generals, like rich and bold gamesters, are incessantly tempting fortune. They look upon their losses as nothing, provided they succeed in the end. The little value, which they set upon their men, the certainty of being able to replace them, the personal ambition of their chiefs, the customary superiority of their numbers, afford them an advantage, which cannot be counteracted but by great skill, conduct, and activity.

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The Austrian Generals, disciplined by rule, and accustomed to the literal execution of their orders, are in dread of the responsibility of the event, and of what it may cost them, not only in men, but in military effects, in baggage, ammunition, and artillery. Having only regular troops, and no good light infantry, they are of course more circumspect and tardy in their movements. They are more apprehensive of being defeated, than they are ambitious of conquering. Their Generals in chief look forward to the Aulic council of war * court martial, with greater apprehension than to the French. Hence the slowness of their motions, the multiplicity of their precautions, and the whole of their defensive system: he, who is beaten, is acquitted, if he was attacked; but he, who gets himself beat in attacking, is lost without resource; as if, not to attack would prevent being attacked! or not seeking to fight could prevent being beaten ! In proportion as the rank of officers descends, their conduct becomes more mechanical, till at length it reduces the private soldier to the degraded state of a mere automaton.'

To the author's remarks on the English armies we principally attended in our former article, and therefore need not again advert to them.

On the soldiers of a great orthern power, to which Europe now looks with such anxious expectation, we have these observations:

In their discipline and tactics, the Russians are the disciples of the Prussians, and adhere strictly to the school of Frederick the Great; they practise, what the Prussians did thirty years ago.'

The Russian soldier is deficient in instruction rather than intelligence: the servile obedience, to which he is accustomed from his birth, the rigorous discipline of the army, and his absolute separation from all other nations, (whose language and manners are totally unknown to him,) make him more obedient to his officers, and more patient and hardy, than the soldier of any other service. Courage is the general characteristic; it is, if we may so express ourselves, the

Much as the system of military discipline amongst us corres-/ ponds with that of the Austians, in point of evolutions, we trust, it will never be the fate of any one of our Generals to be cramped by a military council.' T.

We have lately heard that the Archduke Charles has cffected the, abolition of the Aulic Council. Rev.

faith and creed of the Russian soldier. Implicit obedience occasions in him the same effects, that enthusiasm does on other nations. The effect, which servitude produces, is in this instance, the same with that of the most ardent patriotism; it is more sure and durable than that of enthusiasm; the artificial warmth of which cannot be long kept up. Thus, what by philosophers is called the last state of degradation, places man on the same level with heroism. The Russian soldiers do not conceive it possible to give up the contest, so long as they have life to continue it. The officers, are, in general, very ignorant, for this reason strangers are in high esteem among them; they are brave in the ranks, but, like the soldiers, they are so from the ef-fect of discipline. The same horror is conceived in the Russian armies of cowardice, as is entertained in other countries, against irreligion and villainy. Bravery is a duty from which nobody considers himself exresembles camp a horde of Tartars. In the same empt. A Russian manner that a people accustomed to obey the laws mechanically observe them, so do the Russians constantly follow the rules of dis cipline, without daring to depart from them.'

Their method is to charge the enemy with the bayonet, at full speed, crying, Owri, Owri; no troops in the world can stand this charge: the firing does not abate their impetuosity; they attack at battery in front, if that is a readier way, than to attack it in flankt.

To withsand this shock, the enemy must not wait for it, but proceed to meet it with the same resolution. The French are more remarkable for boldness and rashness, than for intrepidity; the approach of the long and broad Russian bayonets always alarmed them; their grenadiers could never stand their impression. The courage of the Russians is proof against every thing; they know how to die to ensure victory, and to die rather than be beaten. They will beat all other troops, if they can but bring them to action: they are moving machines of fire, that consume all in their way. No troops in the world are so careless of being attacked in flank, or turned; they think, let the enemy be where he will, if they can but face about to meet him, that he is in front and regular array before them.

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The Russian discipline is extremely rigorous, and has all the ingredients of an autocratical government. The subordination amongst the officers of different ranks, is almost as great as that of private soldiers to their officers in other services; they are sometimes treated

* So much so, that any adventurer with a specious appearance, and with common daring may get into the first situations. Witness the success with which the notorious Major Semple, alias Major Lisle, got himself into the good graces of Prince Potemkin.' T.

They are, in fact, perfect strangers to that species of chicanery in war, with which modern tactics are so frequently interwoven.' T.

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This character is the reverse of what has been given, and certainly constitutes that of the Austrian army. We cannot, therefore, wonder at the issue of a compaign conducted with such heterogeneous views, and contradictory means. T.

in the same manner as the privates. Their bravery is the effect of discipline, more than of elevated sentiments.

Each company has its hero; it is a distinction, which he obtains from the suffrages of his comrades; he has no pre-eminence determined by order, though he has in effect a very great one; he is the example, the model, and the chief of the mess; he enjoys great consideration among his comrades, and never fails to give them an example of bravery, firmness, and good conduct. When men are accustomed to any thing, it is sufficient for one to give an example, to induce the others to follow it: this it is, that renders the hero in question so useful in action. Few persons are capable of setting an example, though almost all are capable of following it.'

We must now restrain our pen, and conclude with advising our military and political readers to consult the work at large.

MONTHLY CATALOG U E, For OCTOBER, 1805.

HISTORY.

Art. 14. A New History of Great Britain from the Invasion of Julius Casar to the present Time exhibiting to the Minds of Youth a variety of instructive and pleasing Information, and some Particulars now first adapted to the Capacities of young People of both Sexes: the whole calculated to operate as moral Lessons, while it contains every leading Trait of the History of England. On a Plan nearly similar to that of Dr. Henry. By the Rev. John' Adams, A.M., Author of Lectiones Selecta, &c. 12mo. pp. 480.

4s. bound. Law, &c. COMPILATIONS of this nature are intitled to praise, provided that

they are executed with tolerable accuracy, because it is highly commendable to invite our youth to the study of the history of their own country: but, however concise, they ought not to be carelessly executed; nor should the compiler suppose that brevity is an apology for a want of precision. A history designed for young persons, we may fairly suppose, will be a kind of text-book in the hand of the master, and will be committed to memory by the pupil. In the first instance, therefore, the references should not be merely general, as see Diodorus Siculus, Tacitus, Julius Cæsar, Pliny, &c.: but the particular book and chapter should be specified. In the latter case, names, places, and dates should be carefully given.-Now we cannot open the compendium before us without perceiving that Mr. Adams has been negligent in both these respects. He merely quotes the names of authors at the bottom of his page, by which he occa sions great trouble to the persons who wish to consult his sources; and he has not been sufficiently solicitous in tracing what may be termed the outlines and stations of history. We find him, in the outset, telling the young reader that Calais was the place at which

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Julius Cæsar embarked, when it is more probable that the Portus Itius, or Iccius, was Boulogne, or some adjacent spot. He states also that Britain was subject to the Romans, more or less, 500 years but the whole period of the subjection of the Britons to the Romans was not more than 464 or 465 years.-We read in the chapter on the religion of the antient Britons, that not only the Druids cherished a sacred reverence for the Oak, but that even the Jewish patriarchs entertained an equal veneration for this tree; and in support of this assertion, we are referred to Gen. xxxi. This reference should be Gen. xxxv. 4.: but Mr. Adams, as a divine, should have known that the Hebrew word which is rendered oak in our bibles, is translated by the LXX Tego; and that their version is most correct, since the oak is not a native of Palestine, or at least does not flourish there, as the turpentine tree does.

The idea of the Jewish patriarchs' veneration for the oak is similar to the information which presents itself in the concluding paragraph, that, if any of the apostles visited this country, it was St. Paul.' This is worse than trifling with youth; it is deceiving them; for there is no positive evidence to induce a belief that St. Paul was ever nearer to this country than Rome. The Acts of the Apostles, which give for the most part the Life of Paul, mention no peregrinations of the Apostle, subsequent to his being conveyed a prisoner to that capital of the world.

We enter our protest also against the admission of Ossian's poems as historic evidence, however valuable in other respects; for we cannot approve the introduction of fiction in the room of fact.

As Mr. Adams advances, we find less reason to object; though we observe an error in the chapter on the learning of the AngloSaxons, where the venerable Bede is said to be the great luminary of England and the Christian world in the eighteenth century: Mr. A., no doubt, meant to write the eighth.

This epitome is divided into nine books, and the matter of each is generally arranged under the following heads: Military History, Ecclesiastical Affairs, Government, Literature, Arts, Biographical Sketches, Manufactures and Commerce, Manners, and Incidents and curious Particulars. The whole is compiled with the double view of conveying important and amusing instruction, and of inspiring the youthful mind with sentiments of virtue, patriotism, and philanthropy. In the concluding book, the biographical notices occupy a considerable space, conveying a short account of the eminent men who adorned the eighteenth century. The last events, which are recorded in the class of curious particulars, are the treaty of Amiens, Sir John Eamer's display of the Man in armour, on Lord Mayor's Day, Nov, 9, 1801, the sailing of the French fleet from Brest to St. Domingo in the month of December, and the court martial held on board the Gladiator in Portsmouth harbour, for the trial of the mutineers of the Temeraire, Jan. 6, 1802. It is singular, however, that though Mr. Adams mentions the treaty of Amiens, he does not give the day on which it was signed, which was March 27, 1802.

We approve Mr. Adams's plan, and in general his mode of execution; we shall therefore advise him in a subsequent edition

carefully

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