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List of Members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.

SENATE.

MAINE-John Holmes, Peleg Sprague.
NEW HAMPSHIRE-Samuel Bell, Levi Woodbury.
MASSACHUSETTS-Nathaniel Silsbee, Dan'l Webster.
CONNECTICUT-Samuel A. Foot, Calvin Willey.
RHODE ISLAND-Nehemiah R. Knight, Asher Robbins.
VERMONT-Dudley Chase, Horatio Seymour.
NEW YORK-Nathan Sanford, Charles E. Dudley.
NEW JERSEY-Theodore Frelinghuysen, Mahlon Dick-

erson.

PENNSYLVANIA-William Marks, Isaac D. Barnard.
DELAWARE-John M. Clayton, (Vacant.)
MARYLAND-Samuel Smith, Ezekiel F. Chambers.
VIRGINIA-L. W. Tazewell, John Tyler.
NORTH CAROLINA-James Iredell, ( Vacant.)
SOUTH CAROLINA-William Smith, Bobert Y. Hayne.
GEORGIA-George M. Troup. John Forsyth.
KENTUCKY-John Rowan, George M. Bibb.
TENNESSEE-Hugh L. White, Felix Grundy.
OHIO-Benjamin Ruggles, Jacob Burnet.
LOUISIANA-Josiah S. Johnston, Edward Livingston.
INDIANA-William Hendricks, James Noble.
MISSISSIPPI-Powhatan Ellis, (Vacant.)
ILLINOIS-Elias K. Kane, John McLane.
ALABAMA-John McKinley, William R. King.
MISSOURI-David Barton, Thomas H. Benton.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MAINE-John Anderson, Samuel Butman, Geo. Evans,

Rufus McIntire, James W. Riply, Joseph F. Wingate-6 (one vacant.)

NEW HAMPSHIRE-John Brodhead, Thomas Chandler, Joseph Hammons, Jonathan Harvey, Henry Hubbard,

John W. Weeks.-6.

MASSACHUSETTS-John Bailey, Isaac C. Bates, B. W. Crowninshield, John Davis, Henry W. Dwight, Edward Everett, Benjamin Gorham, George Grennell, Jr. James L. Hodges, Joseph G. Kendall, John Reed, Joseph Richardson, John Varnum.-13.

RHODE ISLAND-Tristam Burges. Dutee J. Pearce.-2. CONNECTICUT-Noyes Barber, Wm. W. Ellsworth, J. W. Huntington, Ralph J. Ingersoll, W. L. Storrs, Eben. Young.-6.

VERMONT-William Cahoon. Horace Everett, Jonathan Hunt, Rollin C. Mallary. Benjamin Swift.-5.

NEW YORK-William G. Angel, Benedict Arnold, Thomas Beekman, Abraham Bockee, Peter I. Borst, C. C. Cambreleng, Jacob Crocheron, Timothy Childs, Henry B. Cowles, Hector Craig, Charles G. Dewitt, John D. Dickinson, Jonas Earll, Jr. George Fisher, Isaac Finch,. Michael Hoffman, Joseph Hawkins, Jehiel H. Halsey, Perkins King, James W. Lent, John Magee, Henry C. Martindale, Robert Monell, Thomas Maxwell, E. F. Norton, Gershom Powers, Robert S. Rose, Henry R. Storrs, James Strong. Ambrose Spencer, John W. Taylor, Phineas L. Tracy, Gulian C. Verplanck, Campbell P. White.-34.

NEW JERSEY-Lewis Condict, Richard M. Cooper, Thomas H. Hughes, Isaac Pierson, James F. Randolph, Samuel Swann.-6.

VOL. VI.-A.

PENNSYLVANIA-James Buchanan, Richard Coulter, Thomas H. Crawford, Joshua Evans, Chauncey Forward, Joseph Fry, Jr., James Ford, Innis Green, John Adam King, George G. Leiper, H. A. Muhlenburg, Alem Gilmore, Joseph Hemphill, Peter Ihrie, Jr. Thomas Irwin, Marr, Daniel H. Miller, William McCreery, William Ramsay, John Scott, Philander Stephens, John B. Sterigere, Joel B. Sutherland, Samuel A. Smith, Thomas H. Sill 25. (One vacant.)

DELAWARE-Kensey Johns, Jr.-1.

MARYLAND-Elias Brown, Clement Dorsey, Benja min C. Howard, George E. Mitchell, Michael C. Sprigg, Benedict I. Semmes, Richard Spencer, George C. Washington, Ephraim K. Wilson.-9.

VIRGINIA-Mark Alexander, Robert Allen, William P. Barbour, J. T. Boulding, Richard Coke, Jr. Nathaniel H. S. Archer, William Armstrong, John S. Barbour, Philip Claiborne, Robert B. Craig, Philip Doddridge, Thomas Davenport, William F. Gordon, Lewis Maxwell, Charles F. Mercer, William McCoy, Thomas Newton, John Roane. Alexander Smyth, Andrew Stevenson, John Taliaferro, James Trezvant.-22.

NORTH CAROLINA-Willis Alston, Daniel L. Bar ringer, Samuel P. Carson, H. W. Conner, Edmund De berry, Edward B. Dudley, Thomas H. Hall, Robert Pot ter, William B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Jesse Speight, Lewis Williams.-12. (One vacant.)

SOUTH CAROLINA-Robert W. Barnwell, James Blair, John Campbell, Warren R. Davis, William Drayton, William D. Martin, George McDuffie, William T. Nuckolls, Starling Tucker.-9.

Wilson Lumpkin, Henry G. Lamar, Wiley Thompson, GEORGIA Thomas F. Foster, Charles E. Haynes, Richard H. Wilde, James M. Wayne.-7.

KENTUCKY-James Clark, N. D. Coleman, Thomas John Kincaid, Joseph Lecompte, Chittenden Lyon, Robert Chilton, Henry Daniel, Nathan Gaither, R. M. Johnson, P. Letcher, Charles A. Wickliffe, Joel Yancey.-12.

TENNESSEE-John Blair, John Bell, David Crockett, James K. Polk, James Standifer.-9. Robert Desha. Jacob G. Isaacs, Cave Johnson, Pryor Lea,

ton, James Findlay, John M. Goodenow, Wm. W. Irwin, OHIO-Mordecai Bartley, Jos. H. Crane, Wm. CreighShields, John Thomson, Joseph Vance, Samuel F. Vinton, Wm. Kennon, Wm. Russell, William Stanberry, James Elisha Whittlesey.-14.

LOUISIANA-Henry H. Gurley, W. H. Overton, Edward D. White.-3.

INDIANA-Ratliff Boon, Jonathan Jennings, John

Test.-3.

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21ST CONG. 1ST SESS.]

Message of the President, at the Opening of the Session.

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT,

TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS,

[SEN. AND H. OF REPS.

of the policy which the present Cabinet of Great Britain designs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific character; and if

At the commencement of the First Session of this anticipation be realized, we may look with confidence

the Twenty first Congress.

DECEMBER 8, 1829.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate

and of the House of Representatives:

It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on the occasion of your assembling at the Seat of Government, to enter upon the important duties to which you have been called by the voice of our countrymen. The task devolves on me, under a provision of the Constitution, to present to you, as the Federal Legislature of twenty-four sovereign States, and twelve millions of hap py people, a view of our affairs; and to propose such measures as, in the discharge of my official functions, have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objects of our Union.

In communicating with you, for the first time, it is, to me, a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that we are at Peace with all mankind, and that our coup try exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other Nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in social happiness.

Our foreign relations, although in their general character pacific and friendly, presents subjects of difference between us and other Powers, of deep interest, as well to the country at large, as to many of our citizens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object of my earnest endeavors; and notwithstanding the difficulties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend unfavorable results. Blessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national strength, she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In discharging the responsible trust confided to the Executive in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong; and I flatter myself, that, supported by the other branches of the Government, and by the intelligence and patriotism of the People, we shall be able, under the protection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be respected.

Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other Powers, the most prominent are those which have, for years, been the subject of negotiation with England, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our Ministers to those Governments left the United States, render it impossible, at this early day, to inform you of what has been done on the subjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying upon the justice of our views in relation to the points committed to negotia tion, and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differences.

to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs.

Under the Convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of the disputed points of boundary, under the fifth article of the Treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candor and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sovereign States, seeking to adjust, by the most unexceptionable means, important and delicate subjects of contentionThe first statements of the parties have been exchanged, and the final replication, on our part, is in a course of preparation. This subject has received the attention demanded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member of this Confederacy. The exposition of our rights, already made, is such as, from the high reputation of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared, we had a right to expect. Our interests at the court of the Sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition, by assuming the delicate task of arbitration have been committed to a citizen of the State of Maine, whose character, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the subject, eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and in the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to apprehend from the result.

From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to expect that justice which becomes the Sovereign of a pow. erful, intelligent, and magnanimous People. The beneficial effects produced by the Commercial Convention of 1822, limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the administration of her Government. Should this result induce a disposition to embrace, to their full extent, the wholesome principles which constitute our commercial policy, our Minister to that Court will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition, and to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions. The claims of our citizens for depredations upon their property, long since committed, under the authority, and, in many instances, by the express direction of the then existing Government of France, remain unsatisfied; and must, therefore, continue to furnish a subject of unpleasant discussion, and possible collision between the two Governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims, and the established policy of all enlightened Governments, as on the known integrity of the French monarch, that the injurious delays of the past will find redress in the equity of the future. Our Minister has been instructed to press these demands on the French Government with all the earnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutable justice; and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to the feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is required.

Our Minister recently appointed to Spain, has been authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either by concluding a Commercial Convention upon liberal and reciprocal terms; or by urging the acceptance, in their full extent, of the mutually beneficial With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and provisions of our navigation acts. He has also been inwar, we may look forward to years of peaceful, hon-structed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, orable, and elevated competition. Every thing in the in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon condition and history of the two nations is calculated to our commerce, committed under her authority-an_apinspire sentiments of mutual respect, and to carry convic-peal which the pacific and liberal course observed on tion to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve our part, and a due confidence in the honor of that Go the most cordial relations: Such are my own views, and vernment, authorize us to expect will not be made in it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing vain. sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time With other European Powers our intercourse is on the nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her territo

21ST CONG. 1ST SESS.]

Message of the President, at the Opening of the Session.

[SEN. AND H. OF REPS.

appearances strongly indicate, that the spirit of independence is the master spirit; and if a corresponding senti ment prevails in the other States, this devotion to liberty cannot be without a proper effect upon the councils of the mother country. The adoption, by Spain, of a pacific policy towards her former colonies-an event consoling to humanity, and a blessing to the world, in which she herself cannot fail largely to participate-may be most reasonably expected.

rial limits, extensive population, and great power, high in the rank of nations, the United States have always found a steadfast friend. Although her recent invasion of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who were exposed to the desolations of war, we cannot but anticipate that the result will prove favorable to the cause of civilization, and to the progress of human happiness. The treaty of peace, between these Powers, having been ratified, we cannot be insensible to the great benefit to be derived to the commerce of the United States, from The claims of our citizens upon the South American unlocking the navigation of the Black Sea, a free passage Governments, generally, are in a train of settlement; while into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to the principal part of those upon Brazil have been adports of Russia under a flag at peace with the Porte. This justed and a Decree in Council, ordering bonds to be advantage, enjoyed upon conditions, by most of the Pow-issued by the Minister of the Treasury for their amount, ers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. Dur has received the sanction of his Imperial Majesty. This ing the past Summer, an antecedent, but unsuccessful at- event, together with the exchange of the ratifications of tempt to obtain it, was renewed, under circumstances the Treaty negotiated and concluded in 1828, happily which promised the most favorable results. Although terminates all serious causes of difference with that Power. these results have fortunately been thus in part attained, Measures have been taken to place our commercial refurther facilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the lations with Peru upon a better footing than that upon enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently which they have hitherto rested; and, if met by a proper desirable to ensure to them our most zealous attention. disposition on the part of that Government, important beOur trade with Austria, although of secondary impor-nefits may be secured to both countries. tance, has been gradually increasing, and is now so extended as to deserve the fostering care of the Government. A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that Power by the late Administration, has been consummated by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which will be laid before the Senate.

Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister Republics, and more particularly in that of our immediate neighbor, it would be most gratifying to me, were I permitted to say, that the treatment which we have received at her hands has been as universally friendly as the early and constant solicitude manifested by the United During the recess of Congress, our diplomatic relations States for her success gave us a right to expect. But it with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar state of becomes my duty to inform you that prejudices, long inthings in that country caused a suspension of the recog-dulged, by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico against nition of the Representative who presented himself, until the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ the United States, have had an unfortunate influence upon there, information regarding the actual, and, as far as the affairs of the two countries; and have diminished that practicable, prospective condition of the authority by usefulness to his own which was justly to be expected which the representative in question was appointed. This from his talents and zeal. To this cause, in a great deinformation being received, the application of the esta-gree, is to be imputed the failure of several measures blished rule of our Government, in like cases, was no longer withheld.

Considerable advances have been made during the present year, in the adjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoilations; but all that we have a right to demand from that Government, in their behalf, has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, however, upon which this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, been placed by the Government, together with the uniformly just and friendly disposition which has been evinced by His Danish Majesty, there is a reasonable ground to hope that this single subject of difference will speedily be removed.

Our relations with the Barbary Powers continue, as they have long been, of the most favorable character. The policy of keeping an adequate force in the Mediterranean, as security for the continuance of this tranquility, will be persevered in; as well as a similar one for the protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific.

The Southern Republics of our own hemisphere have not yet realized all the advantages for which they have been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the day is not distant when the restoration of peace and internal quiet, under permanent systems of Government, securing the liberty, and promoting the happiness of the citizens, will crown with complete success their long and arduous efforts in the cause of self-government, and ena ble us to salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly great and glorious.

The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby produced upon her domestic policy, must have a controlling influence upon the great question of South American emancipation. We have seen the fell spirit of civil dissention rebuked, and, perhaps, forever stifled in that republic, by the love of independence. If it be true, as

equally interesting to both parties; but particularly that of the Mexican Government to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its own capital and under its own eye. Under these circumstances, it appeared expedient to give to Mr. Poinsett the option either to return or not, as, in his judgment, the interest of his country might require; and instructions to that end were prepared; but, before they could be dispatched, a communication was received from the Government of Mexico, through its Chargé d'Affaires here, requesting the recall of our Minister. This was promptly complied with; and a representative, of a rank corresponding with that of the Mexi can Diplomatic Agent near this Government was appointed. Our conduct towards that Republic has been uniformly of the most friendly character, and, having thus removed the only alleged obstacle to harmonious intercourse, I cannot but hope that an advantageous change will occur in our affairs.

In justice to Mr. Poinsett, it is proper to say, that my immediate compliance with the application for his recall, and the appointment of a successor, are not to be ascribed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper interference by him, in the local politics of Mexico, was well founded; nor to a want of confidence in his talents or integrity; and to add, that the truth of that charge has never been affirmed by the Federal Government of Mexico, in its communications with this.

I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part of our Constitution which relates to the election of President and Vice President. Our system of Government was, by its framers, deemed an experiment; and they, therefore, consistently provided a mode of remedying its defects.

To the people belongs the right of electing their Chief

21ST CONG. 1ST SESS.]

Message of the President, at the Opening of the Session.

[SEN. AND H. OF REPS.

Magistrate it was never designed that their choice and the necessity of securing in the Cabinet and in diploshould, in any case, be defeated, either by the intervention matic stations of the highest rank, the best talents and of electoral colleges, or by the agency confided, under political experience, should, perhaps, except these from certain contingencies, to the House of Representatives, the exclusion. Experience proves, that, in proportion as agents to execute the will of the People are multiplied, there is danger of their wishes being frustrated. Some may be unfaithful: all are liable to err. So far, therefore, as the People can, with convenience, speak, it is safer for them to express their own will.

There are perhaps few men who can for any great length of time enjoy office and power without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to a faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immediately addressed to themselves; but they are apt to The number of aspirants to the Presidency, and the acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the diversity of the interests which may influence their public interests, and of tolerating conduct from which claims, leave little reason to expect a choice in the first an unpractised man would revolt. Office is considered instance: and, in that event, the election must devolve as a species of property; and Government rather as a on the House of Representatives, where, it is obvious, means of promoting individual interest, than as an instruthe will of the People may not always be ascertained; or, ment created solely for the service of the People. Corif ascertained, may not be regarded. From the mode of ruption in some, and, in others, a perversion of correct voting by States, the choice is to be made by twenty-feelings and principles, divert Government from its legifour votes; and it may often occur, that one of these timate ends, and make it an engine for the support of the may be controlled by an individual representative. Ho- few at the expense of the many. The duties of all pubnors and offices are at the disposal of the successful can-lic officers are, or, at least, admit of being made, so plain didate. Repeated ballotings may make it apparent that and simple, that men of intelligence may readily qualify a single individual holds the cast in his hand. May he themselves for their performance; and I cannot but benot be tempted to name his reward! But even without lieve that more is lost by the long continuance of men in corruption-supposing the probity of the Representative office, than is generally to be gained by their experience. to be proof against the powerful motives by which he I submit, therefore, to your consideration, whether the may be assailed the will of the People is still constantly efficiency of the Government would not be promoted, and liable to be misrepresented. One may err from igno- official industry and integrity better secured, by a general rance of the wishes of his constituents; another from a extension of the law which limits appointments to four conviction that it is his duty to be governed by his own years. judgment of the fitness of the candidates: finally, although all were inflexibly honest-all accurately informed of the wishes of their constituents-yet, under the present mode of election, a minority may often elect the President; and when this happens, it may reasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the majority to rectify this injurious operation of their institutions. But although no evil of this character should result from such a perversion of the first principle of our system-that the majority is to govern-it must be very certain that a President elected by a minority cannot enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of his duties.

In this, as in all other matters of public concern, policy requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us, then, endeavor so to amend our system, as that the office of Chief Magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority.

I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the Constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in the election of President and Vice President. The mode may be so regulated as to preserve to each State its present relative weight in the election; and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for, by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connection with such an amendment, it would seem advisable to limit the service of the Chief Magistrate to a single term, of either four or six years. If, however, it should not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a provision disqualifying for office the Representatives in Congress on whom such an election may have devolved, would not be proper.

While members of Congress can be constitutionally appointed to offices of trust and profit, it would be the practice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations as they are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens; but the purity of our Government would doubtless be promoted by their exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the President in whose election they may have been officially concerned. The nature of the judicial office

In a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the People, no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another. Offices were not established to give support to particular men, at the public expense. No individual wrong is therefore done by removal, since neither appointment to, nor continuance in office, is matter of right. The incumbent became an officer with a view to public benefits; and when these require his removal, they are not to be sacrificed to private interests. It is the People, and they alone, who have a right to complain, when a bad officer is substituted for a good one. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that are enjoyed by the millions, who never held office. The proposed limitation would destroy the idea of property, now so generally connected with official station; and, although individual distress may be sometimes produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which constitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, give healthful action to the system.

No very considerable change has occurred, during the recess of Congress, in the condition of either our Agriculture, Commerce, or Manufactures. The operation of the Tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former, nor as beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished, while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have been low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital, and are prudently managed, will survive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no good reason to doubt.

To regulate its conduct, so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the most difficult tasks of Government; and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations, could not by common consent be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise-always its surest guide-might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations, and are therefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations, in the man

21ST CONG. 1ST SESS.]

Message of the President, at the Opening of the Session.

ner best calculated to avoid serious injury, and to harmoa nize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impressions, I invite your attention to the existing Tariff, believing that some of its provisions require modification.

[SEN. AND H. of Reps.

four hundred and five thousand and five dollars and eighty cents; reducing the whole debt of the Government, on the first of January next, to forty-eight millions five hundred and sixty-five thousand four hundred and six dollars and fifty cents, including seven millions of five per cent. The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties stock, subscribed to the Bank of the United States. The upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that payment on account of the publie debt, made on the first which will place our own in fair competition with those of of July last, was eight millions seven hundred and fifteen other countries; and the inducements to advance even a thousand four hundred and sixty-two dollars and eightystep beyond this point, are controlling in regard to those seven cents. It was apprehended that the sudden witharticles which are of primary necessity in time of war. drawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money operation, it is important that it should never be attempt-market, might cause much injury to the interests depened but with the utmost caution. Frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and

loss.

dent on bank accommodations. But this evil was wholly averted by an early anticipation of it at the Treasury, aided by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the Bank of the United States.

This state of the finances exhibits the resources of the In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects, nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry and local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the auspicious of the ability of Government, in a very short patriotic determination to promote the great interests of time, to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be the whole. All attempts to connect them with the party done, our population will be relieved from a considerable conflicts of the day, are necessarily injurions, and should portion of its present burthens, and will find, not only new be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be motives to patriotic affection, but additional means for the under the control of higher and purer motives. Legis- display of individual enterprise. The fiscal power of the lation, subjected to such influences, can never be just, and States will also be increased, and may be more extensivewill not long retain the sanction of a People whose actively exerted in favor of education and other public objects, patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits, nor inser-while ample means will remain in the Federal Governsible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which ment to promote the general weal, in all the modes pergave life to our political compact, and still sustains it. mitted to its authority. Discarding all calculations of political ascendancy, the North, the South, the East, and the West, should unite in diminishing any burthen, of which either may justly complain.

The agricultural interest of our country is so essentially connected with every other, and so superior in importance to them all, that it is scarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It is principally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of agricultural productions, and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society, that they deserve the fostering care of Government.

After the extinction of the public debt it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff, upon principles satisfactory to the People of the Union, will, until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government without a considerable surplus in the Treasury, beyond what may be required for its current service. As, then, the period approaches when the application of the revenue to the payment of 'debt will cease, the disposition of the surplus will present a subject for the serious deliberation of Congress; and it may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be decided. Considered in connexion with the difficulties which have heretofore attended appropriations for purLooking forward to the period, not far distant, when a poses of internal improvement, and with those which this sinking fund will be no longer required, the duties on those experience tells us will certainly arise, whenever power articles of importation which cannot come in competition over such subjects may be exercised by the General Govwith our own productions, are the first that should engage ernment, it is hoped that it may lead to the adoption of the attention of Congress in the modification of the Tariff some plan which will reconcile the diversified interests Of these, tea and coffee are the most prominent: they enter of the States, and strengthen the bonds which unite largely into the consumption of the country, and have be-them. Every member of the Union, in peace and in war, come articles of necessity to all classes. A reduction, will be benefited by the improvement of inland navigatherefore, of the existing duties, will be felt as a common benefit; but, like all other legislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious, and not injurious, it should be gradual and certain.

The public prosperity is evinced in the increased revenue, arising from the sales of the public lands, and in the steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and tonnage, notwithstanding the additional duties imposed by the act of 19th of May, 1828, and the unusual importations in the early part of that year.

tion and the construction of highways in the several States. Let us, then, endeavor to attain this benefit in a mode which will be satisfactory to all. That hitherto adopted has, by many of our fellow-citizens, been deprecated as an infraction of the Constitution, while, by others, it has been viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the expense of harmony in the legislative councils.

To avoid these evils, it appears to me that the most safe, just, and federal disposition which could be made The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January, 1829, of the surplus revenue, would be its apportionment was five millions nine hundred and seventy two thousand among the several States according to their ratio of refour hundred and thirty-five dollars and eighty one cents presentation; and, should this measure not be found warThe receipts of the current year are estimated at twenty-ranted by the Constitution, that it would be expedient four millions six hundred and two thousand two hundred to propose to the States an amendment authorizing it. I and thirty dollars, and the expenditures for the same tine regard an appeal to the source of power, in cases of real at twenty-six millions one hundred and sixty-four thousand doubt, and where its exercise is deemed indispensable five hundred and niuety-five dollars; leaving a balance nto the general welfare, as among the most sacred of all the Treasury on the 1st of January next. of four millions our obligations. Upon this country, more than any other, four hundred and ten thousand and seventy dollars, eighty-has, in the providence of God, been cast the special guardianship of the great principle of adherence to written There will have been paid, on account of the public constitutions. If it fail here, all hope in regard to it will debt, during the present year, the sum of twelve milliors be extinguished. That this was intended to be a Gov

one cents.

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