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APRIL 20, 1830.]

Organization of the Army.

[H. OF R.

left it, and engaged in such a profession as would best pro-ing for liberty, under all the embarrassments and disad mote their private interest; either the practice of law, or vantages that a nation could be placed in, our liberty was the practice of medicine, or some other of the liberal pro- gained, all the glorious victories were achieved, under fessions which they believed would best promote their own the command of officers who never had any military interest. Those young gentlemen might acquire all the education whatsoever; that he had heard of our officers education necessary for them to have, in their own States, and soldiers fighting bravely and conquering nobly; and and at their own expense, and for which the Government will not the history of our last war show conclusively that now pays, besides paying them for getting it. There is all the most glorious victories were achieved under the another objection that he [Mr. T.] had to this institution, command of officers who, likewise, never had any milita, and that is, [said he] those young gentlemen are selected ry education? We had one officer in command, he beby the Secretary of War, or rather by the President of lieved, through the whole of the war, high in command, the United States, who has the controlling power over it, and great confidence and reliance were placed on him, on and who can have but little or no opportunity to know any account of his military qualifications, which he had acquired thing about the talents and qualifications of the applicants, at the Military Academy in France. And what did he do? only from such information as they can get from other What victory was gained under his command! Not one sources, and which, he believed, was generally received [said he] that he had ever heard of, nor had he ever heard from members of Congress; and, as to their choice, [said that that officer was in one single engagement during the he] human nature teaches us whom they will select. Mr. whole war. The officer he alluded to, was General İzard. T. believed this principle to be anti-republican. Mr. T. said, now compare the services of this officer with the services of the officer who commanded at New Or. leans and elsewhere. He said, the commanding officer at New Orleans never had had a military education, and a more glorious victory never had been achieved in this or any other country, than that of New Orleans. There never had been more skill and bravery manifested by any officers and soldiers. than there was by the commanding officer, and the officers and soldiers under his command, at New Orleans; and where will you find an officer in our army, or any other, who has had a military education, and who has exhibited greater skill and bravery, than General Brown, and his officers and soldiers? He believed that there was not one officer under the command of General Brown, who had had a military education; if there were, he had never heard of it; and as for that officer himself, [said Mr. T.] he had been informed he had never received any military education, and but a very limited education of any kind.

[Here he took up the report of the Secretary of War, and quoted from it the number of cadets that had been admitted into the institution, and the number who had withdrawn or were dismissed from it, in each year, from its first establishment.]

He then resumed, and, in the course of his remarks, said, that he thought the gentleman from New York [Mr. TAYLOR] had no cause of complaint about the number of cadets received in the academy from his State; he discovered, on examining this report, that there were as many as forty admitted in one year from that State, and he believed, by examining this document throughout, that it would be found that New York had her full proportion at least. [Mr. TAYLOR here explained.] Mr. TUCKER said, he thanked the gentleman from New-York to correct him wherever he found him wrong in his statements, as he did not wish to misrepresent any gentleman at any time. But [said he] the statement that the gentleman now makes, does not affect the view that he had of this matter. His principal object in examining this report, at this time, was to show the large proportion of the cadets who were educated at this institution, and who are paid by the Government to get their education, and who have left it at their pleasure, and engaged in such professional pursuits as they believed would promote their private in

terests.

But [said Mr. T.] I have another serious objection to this institution, on its present plan, at least. I am opposed to having a privileged order of men in our country. There is no man [said he] that, under the present system, is to be appointed in our armies, but those who are educated at the Military Academy. They are to be appointed to command, to the exclusion of all other persons. There are [said he] thousands of other men equally meri torious, equally as well qualified to command, as those young gentlemen who are educated at that institution. Mr. T. said that all the education which is essentially ne cessary to qualify men to command in time of the greatest peril and danger, can be attained by those who are disposed to get it in their own States, and at their own expense; and in that way, [said Mr. T] we should have the most efficient and best officers. He said, all the education that young gentlemen can get at the Military Academy, more than is to be acquired by them elsewhere, at their own expense, will never give them additional bravery or stronger nerve. Mr. T. said, it is sound judgment, strong nerve, and inflexible courage, that constitute the essential qualifications for commanding officers. If we will only reflect on the history of our own country, [said Mr. T.] he thought no man could say, but what the most glorious victories that ever have been achieved in our country, and, be believed, in any country, had been gained under the command of officers who never had any military education. In our revolutionary struggle, when we were fightVOL. VI.-102.

Mr. T. said, in addition to all other objections that he had stated against the principles of this institution, he had another, not less objectionable than those that he had before mentioned, and that is, [said he] it is the main prop to this deceptive name called the American system. Indeed, [said he] it is a part of the system itself; it is a delightful name, it is true; and, so far as the name can have any influ ence, it is well calculated to delude the people, and blind their understanding; and he supposed that that was the rea son why the leaders of this unconstitutional and oppressive policy (as he believed it to be) gave it the name of the American system. Mr. T. said, if gentlemen are disposed to keep up this institution, so as to have a certain class of young gentlemen educated, and also paid for getting their education, at the expense of the Government, and then return home, and engage in such professions as they believe will best promote their private interests; and, also, a further privileged order of men in our country, to command our armies in time of peace and war, with nearly an army of cadets, as officers in the pay of Government in time of peace; and, also, a corps of engineers sufficient to survey all the paths, roads, rivers, creeks, and branches in the United States, as a means to deceive the people, to blind their understanding, and in this way get them to embrace this deceptive American system, with the vain and delusive idea that they are not only to have the public money distributed among them, but that all their water-courses are to be made navigable, their paths and highways made smooth and firm; that all their produce is to be sent to market, and every other facility afforded them that vain hope can imagine; and all this they can call national, because they say it will facilitate the transmission of the mail, or the transportation of our armies and munitions of war, or regulate commerce and the like; so that every thing [said Mr. T.] that can be called by the name national, is then to be national-all is to be

H. oF R.]

Judge Peck-Organization of the Army.

[APRIL 21, 22, 23, 1830. constitutional; the will of a majority of Congress is to be in support of the resolution, and in favor of the impeachthe law of the land, without bounds or limitation. He ment. said that the engineers had made two or three surveys Mr. BELL, of Tennessee, followed at considerable through South Carolina, on different routes, for the con- length in opposition to the resolution, and in defence of struction of this great national road to New Orleans; and the Judge. he had been credibly informed that that was either the nearest or the best route, or some other remarks, so as to induce the people to believe that there was some prospect, at least, that the road might be made on that route; and he had no doubt but that it had been the case wherever surveys had been made, and would still continue to be the

case.

In conclusion, Mr. T. said, that when he left this place next session, at furthest, it would be never more to return; he should then quit public business, and retire to private life; that Congress would not be troubled with any remarks or vote of his after that period, at furthest; but, [said Mr. T.] when I do verily believe from my soul, if this policy is not abandoned, but persisted in, that it will shortly end in the destruction of the liberty, peace, and happiness of the American people, that he could not, and would not, forbear to declare it as his most solemn opinion. [Here the debate closed for this day.]

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 21, 1830.

The House resumed the consideration of the resolution calling on the Secretary of War to report a new organiza. tion of the army, embracing a reduction of the number of officers; when

Mr. DRAYTON spoke in continuation of his remarks of yesterday. His main object was to show that disciplined troops are greatly superior to undisciplined soldiers. He continued until the expiration of the hour.

JUDGE PECK.

On motion of Mr. BUCHANAN, the House resolved it self into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. MARTIN in the chair.

Mr. PETTIS moved that the committee take up the bill to amend an act in alteration of acts imposing duties on imports.

Mr. BUCHANAN moved to take the report of the mittee on the Judiciary on the case of Judge Peck. The motion of Mr. PETTIS was negatived: yeas, nays, 75.

Mr. MCDUFFIE then moved that the committee rise, and report the resolution to the House, stating that his own mind was made up on the question, and that he was ready to vote on it.

Mr. PETTIS expressed a wish to deliver his sentiments on the resolution, and therefore hoped that the committee would ask leave to sit again; and

Mr. TAYLOR suggesting that as Mr. P. was the sole Representative from Missouri, courtesy required that he should be allowed the opportunity of delivering his opinions on the subject

Mr. McĎUFFIE withdrew his motion; when, On motion of Mr. PETTIS, the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.

FRIDAY, APRIL 23, 1830.
THE ARMY.

The House resumed the resolution proposing a reduction of the officers of the army.

Mr. DRAYTON addressed the House nearly an hour in conclusion of his remarks.

to

[They were to the following effect:]

Mr. D. said, that, in the remarks which he submitted when the resolution was first considered, he said that he should vote for its adoption, as he regarded it to be entitled to make. My colleague upon the Military Coma mere inquiry for information, which every member was mittee, [Mr. DESHA] who reported the resolution, will recollect [said Mr. D.] that I expressed this opinion in the committee, adding that I had not given particular attention to the subject, which was important, and required investigation; but that my impressione were, that the number of our military officers could not be reduced without injury the public service. Having made these explanations to within its proper limits, I should not again have addressed avoid being misunderstood, had the debate been confined Com-pected discussion has been entered into, in the course of the House. But, under this resolution, a wide and unex61-that a standing army, in time of peace, being expensive which it has been contended by several members: first, ed, that it should be reduced in number. Secondly, that, and useless, it ought to be disbanded; and, if not disbandber of officers ought to be reduced, as it is disproportionadmitting the expediency of the standing army, the numately large, in comparison with the number of soldiers; and, thirdly, that, however these questions might be disposed of, the Military Academy at West Point ought to be amined into the subject involved in it; and having arrived abolished. During the progress of this debate, I have exat conclusions utterly at variance with the propositions which I have just stated, I shall offer to the House the reasons upon which my conclusions are founded, and reply to the arguments of those from whom I differ in opinion.

The committee then took up the report of the Judiciary Committee on the case of Judge Peck.

Mr. BUCHANAN addressed the committee for about an hour, in explanation and defence of the report of the committee, and to sustain the resolution for impeaching.

Mr. CLAY, of Alabama, opposed the resolution, and defended the Judge.

Mr. SPENCER, of New York, spoke in support of the

resolution.

The committee then rose.

THURSDAY, APRIL 22, 1830.

THE ARMY.

The House resumed the resolution relative to a reduction of the officers of the army.

Mr. DRAYTON continued his remarks on the subject, without having concluded, when the hour expired.

JUDGE PECK.

The House went again into Committee of the Whole, Mr. WILDE in the chair, and resumed the consideration of the case of Judge Peck.

Mr. DODDRIDGE, of Virginia, submitted at length his reasons for deeming the impeachment just and proper.

Mr. STORRS, of New York, also spoke for some time

First. That a standing army, in time of peace, being expensive and useless, it ought to be disbanded; and, if not disbanded, that its numbers ought to be reduced.

To conduct the operations of war, requires the union of science and art. The one prescribes the principles and rules, which the latter reduces to practice. This combination of theory and practice has usually been termed the art of war; the progress of which has kept pace with the lights and improvements of the age. If, therefore, we would maintain an equality with those nations with which we may be involved in hostilities, it is necessary that our knowledge of the art of war should not be inferior to that which they possess. This could not be effected were we deprived of the means of obtaining this knowledge, which

- APRIL 23, 1830.]

Organization of the Army.

[H. of R.

must be furnished either by a military academy or a stand- they have alone defeated an equal number of disciplined ing army. Destitute of these establishments, the art of troops in the open field. The affairs at and near New Orwar would soon be unknown in the United States. All will leans, among the most brilliant in the annals of history, admit that the physician, the lawyer, and the artisan can have repeatedly been cited as proofs that there is no sunot be versed in the principles and the practice of their periority in the regular over the militia soldier. Upon several vocations without study and experience. Upon these occasions, the steadiness and courage of the militia what ground, then, can it be contended that the same rea- could not be surpassed. But it must not be forgotten, soning does not apply to military knowledge, which re- that, when they defended New Orleans, they were behind quires a greater extent and variety of science and attain-intrenchments, and that the action of the 23d December ments than any of the learned or mechanical pursuits? It was fought in the night: that in neither of these situations has been said that this science is of no service: that officers could the manoeuvres of the field be practised. It must can lead, and soldiers can fight, as well without it. Whoever also be remembered, that the marines and United States' will take the trouble to examine into military details, both artillery and infantry constituted nearly one-third of those in ancient and modern history, will be satisfied of the error who were engaged on the 23d of December and on the 8th of this opinion. [Here Mr. D. detailed the particulars of of January. After the defeat of the enemy, the force with the conduct and evolutions of Hannibal, in Italy; of Cæsar, General Jackson, including the militia, in the rear of the in Gaul; of the Duke of Marlborough, in the war of the lines of New Orleans, was nearly equal to that of the Britsuccession; of Frederick the Great in the seven years' war; ish survivors. Would they have been suffered to retreat of Bonaparte, in his battles with the Austrians; and of the unassailed to their shipping, had the troops under so great Duke of Wellington, in Portugal and Spain.] These ex- a commander as Geueral Jackson been regularly disciplinamples illustrate, more forcibly than any arguments which ed! No, sir, with such troops, flushed with recent victoI could urge, that skill and discipline are an overmatch ry, and with such a leader at their head, the enemy could for valor and numbers. At one period. the most renowned hardly have escaped capture or destruction. and successful troops in Europe were the Spanish-after- Because a few individuals not educated for the profeswards the Swedish-then the French-then the allies sion of arms have been eminently distinguished in the field, under Marlborough and Eugene-then the Prussians, it has been inferred, by some gentlemen, that military &c. When this military pre-eminence was respectively science and experience were useless. These are excep claimed and allowed, it was exclusively attributable to the tions to general rules. The mass of mankind stand in skill of the officers, and to the discipline of the soldiers. need of instruction and practice to render them comIn the commencement of the revolutionary war, General petent to discharge the functions of subordinate officers. Washington, great as were his talents for command, did Even those extraordinary personages who have been renot lead the armies under him to victory. It was not ferred to, whom nature endowed with the capacity to until after the arrival of Baron Steuben, appointed In- conceive, and the judgment to direct, great military exspector General, that a system of tactics and instruction ploits, would be devoid of the species of knowledge was introduced among the officers and men, which ren- which would enable them to discipline an army, to give to dered them competent to meet and to vanquish a discip- it that mechanical skill in the execution of rapid, comlined enemy. bined, and complex movements, which are so essential. Generals Washington and Brown were strongly impressed with the expediency of maintaining a small standing army in time of peace. General Jackson, judging from his message to both Houses of Congress, as well as from other authentic sources of information, entertains the same opinion. It might as reasonably be argued that arithmetic and mathematics were useless, because Zera Colburn and Brindsley had never learned them, as that no advantage is to be derived from a knowledge of the art of war, because a few splendid examples could be adduced of consummate generals, whose genius rose above the ordinary means by which military skill is obtained.

I know that it is the habit, both in this House and out of it, to assert that the militia are, in all respects, equal to regulars. I know that it is popular to advance, and unpopular to controvert, this assertion; and yet it is irreconcilable with reason and experience. Is it not notorious that bat tles are gained by communicating to large bodies the facility of executing combined, and, frequently, complicate movements, with celerity and precision; that inferior numbers are often victorious by the skilful selection of positions, and by judicious manoeuvres; that, by these means, a comparatively small army may be directed, with superior force against the weak points of the enemy, and thus beat him in detail? To effect these results, the officer must To determine whether our army be too large, we must have learned his duties, and the soldier must be carefully advert to the purposes for which it has been raised. These and laboriously trained. Have the militia these advan- are, to garrison our forts along the Atlantic coast; to octages? In pronouncing them not to be equal to regular cupy certain commanding posts upon our inland frontier; troops, I say no more than that those who have not acquired to restrain the inroads of neighboring savages; to punish a difficult art, cannot be so competent to practice it as their aggressions, and thus to protect our thinly populated those who have devoted to it their labor and time. Our settlements; and to preserve military skill, which cannot militia are citizens of the same country-they are endow-subsist without the proper subject upon which it is to be ed with the same moral and physical powers as the regu- exercised.

lar soldiers, but they want tactical knowledge and dis- The extent of a line drawn around the United States and cipline, without which an army is comparatively feeble. My their territories, excluding the indentations of coasts, &c. colleague [Mr. TUCKER] has eulogized, and justly eulo-may, I believe, be estimated at between eight and nine gized, Marion, and Pickens, and Sumpter, and Hampton, thousand miles. We have now forty-two military posts and Butler, and Williams, officers of militia in South Caro- and seventeen ordnance depots, (together fifty-nine,) so that lina, who were conspicuous in the revolutionary war. I our army, consisting of five thousand four hundred and entirely concur with him in all that he has uttered in their thirty non-commissioned officers and privates, would give praise. He would not be more unwilling than myself to to each post and depot no more than ninety rank and file. tarnish their well earned laurels. But South Carolina was In this enumeration I have made no allowance for the ocrescued from the military grasp of Great Britain by conti-cupation of several forts nearly finished, and of others not nental regiments, led by General Greene. With them the commenced, which it is intended shall be erected. Demilitia of the State, and many of the officers whom my ductions must, also, occasionally, be made from our garricolleague has named, co-operated bravely. Militia, acting sons. Two detachments, each of four companies, have with regulars, have, upon various occasions, obtained de- recently been upon duty-one to protect the western tradserved reputation; but I recollect no instance in which ers to Santa Fe; the other to repel an attack which was

1

H. OF R.]

Organization of the Army.

[APRIL 23, 1830.

In the army, as now established, the officers of the
line, including general, regimental, and company officers,
amount to
448
The officers attached to companies, viz. captains
and subalterns, are

The officers detailed for staff duties, with two or
three exceptions, are taken from the compa-
nies, and the number of them thus employed,
according to the Army Register, is

412

142

threatened by the Pawuees and Camanches. Whoever which ought to be kept in view when we speak of the will take all these circumstances into consideration, will, I proportion between the rank and file, and the officers atthink, be satisfied that our military peace establishment is tached to and commanding them, I will proceed to state not upon too large a scale for the public exigencies. Scat- what that proportion really is. tered as our army is over so wide a region, the opportunities can be but rare for the practice of any course of tactics, beyond that which applies to the company or the battalion. Shortly after the commencement of Mr. Jefferson's administration, in March, 1802, a period of profound peace, unmingled with any apprehensions of war, the military peace establishment of the United States consisted of three thousand three hundred and twenty-three rank and file. Our population was then about one half what it is now, our revenue was in the same proportion, and our national debt was greater by thirty millions of dollars than it will be on the first of January next. In 1802, neither Louisiana nor Florida had been ceded to the United States, and the number of our military posts was only twenty-six; to each of which, three thousand three hundred and twenty-three rank and file would afford a garrison of one hundred and thirty. Upon a comparison, there fore, of our relative situation in 1802 and 1830, it is evident that the number of our standing army was, relatively, greater in the early part of the pacific administration of Mr. Jefferson, than it is at the present day.

Secondly. That, admitting the expediency of the standing army now existing, the number of the officers ought to be reduced, as it is disproportionately large, in comparison with the number of soldiers.

company officers,

Leaving 270

The number of the rank and file being five thousand four hundred and thirty, to each company officer there will be about twenty men. Upon a war establishment, when the company consists of four commissioned officers to one hundred rank and file, the ratio of men to each officer would only be increased by five. Independently of the advantages resulting from the officers of the line being instructed in the duties of the staff, which they are frequently called upon to perform, in active service, were they not detailed from the line, the staff department must be greatly augmented. For the two Departments of the Quartermaster and of the Commissary General of Subsistence alone, seventy officers are taken from the line. In my My colleague upon the Military Committee, [Mr. DE- estimate of the deductions from the line, I have not included SHA] has told us that we have an officer for every seven any officers who are members of, and witnesses before, men and a fraction. He includes in this enumeration the courts martial, nor those who are upon the recruiting serofficers of the line and of the staff, and also the cadets at vice, nor the sick, nor absentees upon furlough. Taking the Military Academy; but, as neither the cadets nor the all deductions into consideration, it will, I think, be appastaff have any command over the soldiers, his deductions rent that it would be injurious to reduce the number of are manifestly erroneous. The cadets are stationary at our officers. It is certainly desirable that our officers West Point, where they are engaged in the prosecution of should be more numerous upon a peace than upon a war those studies and exercises which are to qualify them to establishment. This was contemplated, and has been parenter the army. The duties of the staff do not connect tially executed, under the act of 3d March, 1821. A leadthem otherwise than collaterally with the troops. Their ing object, in a military peace establishment, is to create formation is founded upon the principle of the division of and preserve a body of officers, well instructed in every labor, by which the functions of the general and the offi- branch of their duties, consisting of such a number as to cers of the line are so simplified as to be confined to the admit of a distribution of them among the recruits who objects for which they are intended-to watch the move- would be raised in the event of war. Were our present ments of the enemy-to attack him, and to resist his attacks. force of six thousand men broken into small divisions of If the general and the officers of the line were obliged to ten privates, with two good non commissioned officers and procure whatever was requisite for the materiel and per- one experienced commissioned officer, to each of these sonel of an army-to take care of the sick and wounded-divisions might be added forty recruits, who would soon to obtain the necessary supplies of food, clothing, arms, be regularly trained and disciplined. Our army of six thoutents, grain, fuel, &c.-to provide for their transportation, sand men would thus promptly be converted into one of and of whatever might be needful in camp, in garrison, upon marches, or in the field, they would be so overwhelmed with the variety and multitude of their employments, as to be unable to attend to their proper duties. Of all the component parts of the military system, the staff is the most difficult to organize. It is the best, in all armies, which attains regularity and efficiency. Its officers should be skilful, intelligent, and practised in their complicate duties, which they must learn in time of peace. Without a well arranged staff, the operations of an army are exposed perpetually to delay, and are often altogether obstructed. It is notorious that one of the principal causes of our disasters in the two first years of the late war, was the want of an efficient staff.

thirty thousand, prepared to meet any enemy. More time and study are requisite to form the officer than the soldier. With skilful and experienced officers, recruits are soon rendered efficient; without them, military knowledge is slowly obtained, and, during its acquisition, the blood and the treasure of the country would be uselessly lavished: for, in proportion to the want of organization and disci pline, must, in war, be the loss of life, and the increase of our military expenditures.

Thirdly. That the Military Academy at West Point ought to be abolished.

The substance of the numerous objections which have been made to the Military Academy may be thus summed up: That the cadets are principally selected from the sons As far as I have understood, no one contemplates a re- of the rich and influential; that many of those who are duction in the department of the staff. Bills, reported by received into the academy never graduate, and many who the Military Committee, are now upon the calendar, for do, abandon the army and follow civil professions; that the the increase of some of them; and when those bills come officers of the army are taken altogether from the cadets, before the House, I trust that I shall satisfy its members that, to the injurious exclusion of citizens of merit and talents; by their passage, the efficiency of the particular depart that the cadets are maintained out of the public funds, ments referred to will be essentially promoted, whilst annual instead of their own resources; that the abuses connected expenditures upon them will be considerably diminished. with, or practised at, the academy, can only be remedied Having made these observations, to show the distinction by abolishing the institution; and, if the abuses complained

APRIL 23, 1830.]

Organization of the Army.

[H. or R.

of did not exist, that the instruction given to the cadets, | Government; nor would it be politic to oblige an officer, does not qualify them to discharge the duties of military against his inclinations, to remain in the service. Thus

officers.

Before replying to these objections, I will remark, that the Military Academy owes its origin to the act of Congress of 16th March, 1802, when Mr. Jefferson was President, authorizing the appointment of teu cadets "to be stationed with the corps of engineers at West Point, to constitute a military academy." Before the end of Mr. Jefferson's administration, in one year, (1808,) forty cadets were appointed to the academy. I state these facts, because I presume that no one will attribute to Mr. Jefferson the disposition to encourage what has been termed "an expensive, useless, and aristocratic military institution." From the time of Mr. Jefferson, the academy has been approved of by every President, including Gen. Jackson, who has recommended it to the "fostering care of Congress, as one of our safest means of national defence, and as having the happiest influence upon the moral and intellectual character of the army." He adds, that " their knowledge" (that of the graduates) "of the military art will be advantageously employed in the militia service, and, in a measure, secure to that class of troops the advantages which, in this respect, belong to standing armies."

compelled, he would be little likely to acquire reputation for himself, or to do credit to his country. Upon looking at the report, which, under a resolution of this House, has been sent to us by the Secretary of War, it will be seen that the number of the graduates who do not join the army is less than would have been inferred from the remarks which have been made upon this floor. The whole number of the graduates is five hundred and ninety-one, of whom four hundred and twenty-three continued in the army Those who make it a subject of complaint, that officers. are exclusively selected from the cadets, must have forgotten that the cadets are officers. When commissioned as second lieutenants, they are regularly promoted. To prevent their promotion, by substituting for them citizens in civil life, would be as unjust as, in the same manner, to supply a vacancy in the line by putting one who had never been in the army over the head of an officer who, according to the existing regulations, was entitled to the vacant office. Before an applicant can be admitted at the academy, he must be well recommended by respectable persons. He then undergoes a probation of six months. If, during that time, he conducts himself with propriety, a warrant is delivered to him; but if, at any subsequent period, before he graduates, he manifests a want of morals, or capacity, or application, he is discharged. With these preecautions, is it not more probable that he will perform his duties ably and faithfully, than a citizen whose fitness for the army has never been tested? I can see no better mode of insuring a body of good officers, than by the practice which now prevails. Commissions are not given until it has been ascertained, by experiment, that the necessary qualifications for them are possessed by those upon whom they are conferred.

The objection, that cadets are maintained out of the public funds, ceases to have any weight, when it is recollected that they are officers in the service of the Government, and liable, at any time, to be ordered to perform the duties of their profession. They are as much entitled to compensation as any other officers of the United States, civil or military. If the cadets at West Point defrayed their own expenses, as several gentlemen insist they ought to do, the very evil would result which is so loudly complained of, that the institution was exclusively for the wealthy. It might then be correctly alleged that the Federal Government was fostering a distinct class, and enlisting on its side the aristocracy of the nation. Organized as the academy now is, the avenue to it is as open to the poor as to the rich. It is the only place of public instruction in the Union, into which admittance cannot be gained by the means of wealth.

I will now proceed to the examination of the objections which I have stated. That the cadets are principally selected from the sons of the rich and influential, is an assertion unsustained by the semblance of proof. From the official information which has repeatedly been communicated to this House, we learn that the reverse is the fact; that more appointments are conferred upon the relatives of the poor and undistinguished, than of the rich and influential; although some among the wealthy are also chosen, it being unjust, and contrary to the spirit of our Government, to exclude any class of our citizens from the enjoyment of equal rights. This mingling together of the poor and the rich, and subjecting them to the same rules and regulations, cannot be a grievance. The rich ought no more to be proscribed than the poor. According to the prevailing practice, neither are proscribed; both are indis criminately admitted, with a preference, nevertheless, to those whose circumstances are narrow. That many of those who are received into the academy, never graduate, and that many who do, abandon the army for civil professions, is unquestionably true; but by far the largest proportion of those who retire without graduating, are, in fact, dismissed, from want of capacity or industry, or other causes. This can, surely, afford no ground for censure. It is not desirable that the immoral, the dull, or the idle should be retained, to be a burden upon the institution, useless as relates to themselves, and exhibiting bad examples to their associates. Those who, after graduating, do not continue in the army, have gained that military If any abuses exist connected with the general adminisknowledge which renders them valuable militia officers, tration or the particular superintendence of the academy, and that general knowledge which renders them useful they ought to be inquired into and corrected. If, upon in a variety of civil professions-particularly in those which investigation, they should be found to be radical, and of require mathematical science. The labor and expense such a nature as to render it inexpedient that the instituwhich have been bestowed upon them are, therefore, not tian should be continued, let it be abolished. I speak unlost to the country. But, as I am not disposed to defend der the authority of its superintendent, when I declare thus any system, right or wrong, I admit, as the academy is publicly that he invites the most rigid scrutiny into his intended for the instruction of military officers, that no conduct. It would be peculiarly gratifying to him that one ought to enter it, unless he purposed making the army all the regulations and detail which he directs should be his profession. According to the regulations, the graduate submitted to the strictest inquisition, and exposed to the is at liberty to leave the army, after having served in it public eye. I do admit that, in my opinion, some abuses one year. In doing so, he violates no contract, express or have prevailed in the exercise of the patronage of the implied. Considering, however, this practice, which is academy, which are set forth in the report of the Secrefrequent, to be a departure from the leading object of the tary of War. By looking at the sixty-eighth page of that institution, I would be willing that it should be prevented, document, it will be seen that four foreigners were reprovided a remedy could be devised which would not in-ceived into the academy, of whom one defrayed his extroduce a greater evil in its room. To require that the graduate should always be attached to the army, would be harsh, and would be an assumption of power over the free dom of action, inconsistent with the genius of a republican

penses, the other three being paid as cadets. This institu tion being intended solely for the education of our officers, to place at it foreigners, who owed allegiance to their own Governments, was unauthorized and illegal. A degree

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