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H. of R.]

Navigation and Imposts.-The Tariff.

he has uttered on this and another point, which I will also notice.

He has said that a few manufacturers send members here, and that the great body of the people are mere instruments in their hands. Can the gentleman be serious? Does he believe the people of New England, whom he thus stigmatizes, are reckless of their political rights and privileges? Sir, I have never seen a people who could more justly treat with scorn this contumely; they are as free and independent as the air that sweeps over their native hills, Show me a capitalist who attempts to influence an election by the power of wealth, and I will show you a proud spirited people, that will brand him as a wretch, and biss him from the community. We are unlike some other portions of the country-we have no captains of tens, twenties, or fifties, who lead men to the polls, and direct them how to vote; the people scorn such degrading influence, and pay no such price to be in the employ of any one. He has said the people are ignorant, acting under delusion, because they read little, and only on one side of the question. Does he not know we have been forced into our present attitude, against our prejudices and prepossessions? Does he not know that many of the most approved productions against the tariff have been written, and published, and read, among us? He nods assent. Does he not know that we are the most reading people in the United States, and that all questions are canvassed and examined with the greatest freedom? If he believes we do not read both sides, and do not understand what belongs to this policy, he is greatly in error. It has always been a topic of earnest and careful consideration, and is supported from a settled conviction that the country would fall into decay, if it should be subjected to such a policy as the gentleman aims at.

[MAY 5, 1830.

on Commerce, on Friday last, concerning navigation and imposts.

Mr. WAYNE resumed his remarks on the subject, and addressed the House during the remainder of the hour allotted to the discussion of reports, without concluding. THE TARIFF.

On motion of Mr. MALLARY, the House then again went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. POLK in the chair, on the state of the Union, and took up the bill in alteration of the several tariff laws.

Mr. CRAWFORD, of Pennsylvania, addressed the committee near an hour in conclusion of the remarks which he commenced yesterday. He remarked, in the commencement of his speech, that it had been often and truly said, that no human enjoyment was without an admixture of something which lessened the gratification it would otherwise yield. To nothing is this remark more applicable [said Mr. C] than to our political condition. Living under a Government of our own choice-an essential feature of which is equal representation, and a voice by each freeman (with such local qualifications as have been prescrib ed) in the making of those rules by which all must be governed, discontent has, nevertheless, at every period of our history, since the adoption of the constitution, existed in some section of the country. Its earliest ebullition was in my native State, where a scene was exhibited, that I hope and trust may never again be found within her limits. On more than one occasion the northern and eastern por tions of the United States have murmured their dissatisfac tion audibly, nay, spoken it out plainly; and at still later stages of our existence, our southern brethren have held the language of complaint boldly and fearlessly; have asserted what they believed to be their rights with characteristic ardor and frankness, which I am so far from quarrelling with, that they strongly recommend to me the other high qualities with which they are found in association. A generous devotion to the interest of his own constituents, and a zealous adherence to State, so far as compatible with United States duties, will always commend a legislator to me. I want neither for my friend, nor the administrator of my country's affairs, either in an executive or legislative capacity, a man who has no community of feeling or of interest with those among whom he has grown from childhood, or in the midst of whom he has lived since his enSir, much has been said by the gentleman from South trance upon life. From him who never looks beyond his Carolina and his colleague [Mr. BLAIR] on other topics, own door, or who is content if the sky be serene for him, which have not the remotest connexion with the measure although it lowers upon others; who can look on calmly before the House, I heard, and regretted to hear, argu- while the storm howls, and prostrates those near him, when ments, which appeared to me to touch, rather roughly, the an extended arm might shroud, or, if the attempt failed, it integrity of the Union; but it is not a question before us would at least console them, I desire to be far removed. whether we shall maintain or dissolve the Union. The While, therefore, I admire the warmth with which southconstitutional power of this Government to pass laws to ern gentlemen maintain the positions they assume, I conprotect our industry, has been denied. On a former occa- scientiously believe they are mistaken in the views they sion I delivered my sentiments on this topic; and, being take of the subject, and have glanced at one or two passatisfied that the power is not only clearly given to the Go-sages of our history, to show that they are not singular as vernment, I shall not go into the question, for an argument would necessarily be a repetition of what is now before the public. I shall, therefore, forbear any comment upon such arguments, and conclude by thanking the committee, with great sincerity, for the very kind attention they have bestowed through the whole of my remarks.

The gentleman has told us that there is one small factory in his district, and he verily believes, if there were another, it would turn him out of his seat. Sir, when he spoke of the influence of capital in the North, I fear, to use a homely adage, he measured the corn of others in his own bushel. If two factories will revolutionize his district, I will not do his people the injustice to say it is the influence of capital, but leave the world to decide whether it will be that, or a practical argument, dispelling prejudice, and converting men from error by the power of

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truth.

Mr. CRAWFORD of Pennsylvania, followed on the same side, and spoke about an hour, when he suspended his remarks.

WEDNESDAY, MAY 5, 1830.

NAVIGATION AND IMPOSTS.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill reported by Mr. CAMBRELENG, from the Committee

relates either to the source whence they suppose their difficulties to spring, or (I say it with the highest respect for all my opponents on this question) the error under which they labor in making the allegation.

And here permit me to remark that I have heard it repeatedly asked in this Hall, by some of those who differ from me in opinion, "What! do we not understand our own interest?" And although it was not said, the ides was evidently intended to be conveyed, that we, of the middle and northern States, were not so well qualified to judge of southern interests. Perhaps it is true: so far as concerns myself, I admit it. But, sir, have I any choice! Am not I, in my proper place, in my representative capacity, bound to decide upon such questions as shall be, or have been raised? Further, sir, am I not compelled, as one of those charged with inflicting flagrant injustice, to stand by my conduct, and show that it is arraigned with

MAY 5, 1830.]

The Tariff.

[H. OF R.

out reason? Having, therefore, a serious, and, perhaps it, sixty per centum advance on the invoice prices, proves might even be called, in reference to the opinions of others, that frauds have been practised. Do we not hear from of whom I have made a high estimate, a solemn duty to perform, I may not, and, unless prevented by stronger than human powers, I will not neglect it, but must proceed to state the grounds of my preference for the original bill, modified as may be deemed best hereafter, but preserving its principle and purpose, and my objections to the amend ment of the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE.]

It has been, and it must be conceded, that, if the law stands as it now does, it should be rigidly enforced. No honorable gentleman on this floor will countenance its infraction: whatever our statutory provisions may be, they should be executed. It is disrespectful to the sovereign power; unjust to the revenue; faithless to the manufacturer; an encouragement of fraud; and a dereliction of duty, not to compel an observance of such regulations as the competent authority may from time to time enact. True of all laws, the remark is especially so of those which pertain to commerce, particularly that portion of it which belongs to importation, because they are most easily evaded. Facilities for eluding vigilance grow out of the extended nature of the business to be operated on; out of the facts, that it is transacted partly upon the ocean, and partly upon the laud-in different countries, and requires numerous agents. Do frauds exist? If the interrogatory is answered in the affirmative, this branch of the question

is settled.

It may be useful to ask here, by whom is the importing business of the United States now conducted? Not exclusively, but chiefly by foreigners. In New York, which may be called, without impropriety, the port of the country, there are but five importing merchants. By whom, then, are goods introduced? They are imported for account of foreign houses, and received by foreign agents. A young man arrives in America, fixes his abode in a boarding house in New York; without any interest in our affairs; without making any contribution to our expenses; without any feeling in common with us; and with no desire but to get rid of as much of our import duty as possible. In a short time, a cargo of goods is landed, and taken possession of by him as consignee; which are disposed of at auction, the money received for them, and carried off, without the payment of the duties. which he has been unable to evade; for these rest in bond, until a second and sometimes a third cargo has been introduced; thus enabling the foreigner, who has defrauded the revenue, to trade upon your own capital; furnishing him the very means of injuring you, and agreeing to receive a deadly wound from an instrument that you place in the hands of your enemies. Sir, I believe the credit system, in respect of duties, should be abolished, or, at least, so modified, that the amount due to Government shall not be carried out of the country, to purchase other goods for the further depression and final destruction of home interests. But of that, more at a proper time.

these very men themselves, of more than one invoice of the same goods, and of cloths sold in Boston for five dollars per yard, which were imported as not worth one dollar? All the officers of the Government complain of the constant infractions of the law. The frauds perpetrated upon the revenue are enormous, depriving it of many millions per annum; and consignees and others are frequently made the ignorant and innocent instruments of these practices, by means of double invoices and papers. Does not every man see that the evil must necessarily exist, according to the present legal provisions? The imports of New York amount, nominally, to twenty-five mil lions of dollars; but really to forty or forty-five millions. Two appraisers are appointed to inspect these goods; can they do it? It is impossible they can examine the one-hundredth part of what they are enjoined to look at. I am supposing the best possible intentions and qualifications on the part of the appraisers, for I know nothing to justify the expression of a different opinion; but it is morally impossible they can go through what is required of them. These importations come like spring and autumn floods, sweeping all of duty and principle before them, and drowning in their course honest industry; as the prospects of the farmer and the artisan are often overwhelmed by the streams which rise above their banks, and desolate all within their range. At these seasons of influx, critical examination is out of the question by two men. You might as well attempt to stay the current of the North river, as to prevent the fraudulent introduction of goods, with your present barriers againt dishonesty. They are so feeble, as to invite almost the efforts of avarice and cunning to a competition with the diligence and vigilance of our custom-house officers. Does not every day's observation prove that an inefficient agency or an imbecile and ill-executed system, is exactly what is most desired by those who disapprove of it? That, to them, it is better than a partial abolition or modification of the system? By seeming to yield to what is not, and cannot be enforced, they violate it with impunity, and make such inroads upon its wholesome but unfulfilled provisions, as to render it, in a great degree, useless.

Smuggling has been mentioned, and it is said our northern border neighbors understand this species of roguery. It is probable there is ground for the complaint; nay, I do not doubt that, to some extent, the evil exists; but those who are best qualified to judge, say it is not known or felt in business, and they are those whose wits are sharpened by their interests, and who, in the opinion of the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE] habitually, zealously, and devotedly worship in the temple of mammon-the manufacturers themselves do not attribute their greatest degree of injury to this cause, but to the evasions that the bill on your table proposes to prevent. To what extent soever smuggling exists, let it be arrested; I will join heartily in any measure calculatThe honorable chairman of the Committee on Manu-ed to abolish the traffic, and prevent its recurrence; but factures, [Mr. MALLARY] and the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. DAVIS] have shown, conclusively I think, that the laws for the collection of our duties require revision. The very temptations held out by the existing system, lead men of weak principle to fall into the pit. By it, one package in twenty (act of March, 1823) is to be examined and appraised: what becomes of the residue? They are warehoused, carried off to Philadelphia, Baltimore, and other towns, or distributed through various shops in New York, and cannot be traced. Has a collector any authority to enter a warehouse or store, in search of these articles? None. He may enforce the penalty of the law; but that is his only remedy. The very fact that has been stated, of merchants or consignees refusing to receive twenty-five, thirty, and, in one instance,

the crying evil, the one that those intended to be benefited arraign the most solemnly, is the one that the great mart of the country seems to cherish and nourish; an evil that demoralizes, while it does not enrich-that disgraces while it wounds.

One of the great interests of the country is differently injured-injured by what I cannot but deem a most erroneous construction of the laws by the officers of the Government. And here I mean no reflection upon any officer, and, least of all of them, could I idtend any upon bim, who was lately, or on the gentleman who now is,* charged with the execution of the laws under considera

which I dissent, on the laws; and that Mr. Ingham, not feeling at *I have been informed that Mr. Rush put the construction from liberty to depart from, has acted upon it.

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[MAY 5, 1830.

Believing that all will coincide in the wish to execute ex isting laws, and that enough has been done to call for the proposed legislative interference, I will endeavor to lay before the committee some of my reasons for thinking that the amendment submitted should not be adopted.

tion. They have, severally, I doubt not, discharged their public duties faithfully and conscientiously. All I design to say is, that either they have been, or I am in error; and it is no disparagement of either of us, to suppose a mistake. Iron, sir, is manufactured to a great amount in various parts of the United States, but in no part of the I regard the simple question at issue to be, whether we country is it now made to the same extent (an extent des shall employ and sustain our own countrymen, or look to tined, in future times, to be almost without limit) as in foreigners for a supply of our wants. Whether we shall Pennsylvania. It is there, and I do not doubt elsewhere cherish those of our own blood and lineage, or foster others, but there I know it is, smelted by men of as exalted cha-' who are alien from our family, careless of our happiness, and racters and principles, as any other class bearing the name averse from our interests, and who will, probably, serpentof American-whose reputations and deserts I would wil-like, when warmed in our bosom, pour the deadly poison lingly compare with those of an equal number of gentle- into our veins. men who hear me, for integrity, for patriotism, for intel- One of the most useful maxims that any statesman can lectual endowments, for all the qualities that adorn and lay down before his government, is that one which admoelevate our nature, and await the result of the comparison nishes him not lightly to disturb any settled course of po cheerfully and fearlessly, for they have no superiors.licy, not to turn aside legislation from its accustomed chanThese respectable but aspersed manufacturers struggled nels, without some overruling necessity; and, when great long, and tottered under the embarrassments and difficul- interests have been engrafted on the measures of the Goties of their business-many of them were obliged to vernment, to adhere steadily to them, until time and expestop-the few that lived out the darkness and gloom that rience shall bring their results to prove what true wisdom preceded it, were encouraged by the light that shone upon requires of us. This maxim, acted out, will negative the their path in 1824-it revived the drooping, and raised amendment; and acted out I solemnly believe it can be, the despondent-old establishments were resuscitated, with the fullest and most sincere regard to the interests of new ones commenced-but it was not till the brightness those opposed to the protection system, for I do not deof 1828 covered the land, that they moved cheerily on, spair of satisfying even some of them that the injuries they and what was hope became reality, in the successful pro- charge us with inflicting on them are not wrongs, but secution of a most valuable branch of domestic produc- misfortunes growing out of causes beyond their and our tion, until a blight seized upon the crop when it was ready control. For a series of years, but particularly since 1816, for the sickle, and the labors of the husbandman were the policy of the country has been regarded as fixed; act about to be suitably rewarded, by a return for all his toils after act has proclaimed to the world, and to those immeand anxieties. By the first section of the act of May 19, diately under our Government, and subject to its regula1828, it is enacted that a duty shall be imposed on bar tions and restrictions, that we would encourage the growth and bolt iron, made wholly or in part by rolling," of thir- of what our various climates would yield, and the making ty-seven dollars pert on; provided that "all iron in elabs, of what the industry and skill, the ingenuity and enterblooms, loops, or other forms, less finished than iron in prise of our fellow-citizens could furnish. To them a bars or bolts, excepting pig or cast iron, shall be rated cheering voice has been extended, that gently whispered as rolled iron in bars or bolts, and pay a duty accordingly." the persuasive language of our early measures, which has Of this law, one would have supposed that there could been gradually increasing its volume since, until, in our have been but one construction; the cupidity of foreigners, late, and, as I think, happier day, we have spoken in a however, discovered that, by the first section of the law tone so loud and strong, as to reach every settlement and of the 22d May, 1824, manufactures of iron and steel, not hamlet, and to invite all whose means, whose habits, whose specifically enumerated, are subject to a duty of twenty- pursuits and interests might be thereby bettered, to emfive per centum ad valorem. But how, it will be naturally bark upon the voyage, which it was calculated would reasked, could the law of 1828 be avoided, by a pretended turn the adventure risked, many fold increased. They compliance with the act of 1824 I could scarcely have have listened to the invitation, and have not been deceived; believed it, sir, but it is stated upon authority that cannot all that was predicted of the golden harvest, has been realbe questioned, that bar iron, through which a few holes ized. Millions of money, and millions of human beings, were perforated, as is done in the case of wagon tire, or hang upon the hitherto unbroken faith of the Governthe plates used on railroads, costing nothing, and having ment, pledged by the various laws alluded to. The entire no just claim to be considered as a manufacture, has, ne- country, north and east, and a portion of that west of vertheless, been so imported and entered, and been so this spot, depend, for all of competence and comfort that recognised by the proper department. What is the ef- belong to them, on the preservation of the present system. fect of this! Instead of paying a duty of thirty-seven And here let me request honorable gentlemen to dissbuse dollars per ton, under the law of 1828, the iron is intro- their minds of the idea that manufacturers are the lords of duced as a manufacture, under the provision of 1824, and, the land, the aristocrats of the country, who, rioting in costing less abroad than twenty-eight dollars per ton, pays prosperity, refuse to relieve the poverty and distress they a duty of twenty five per centum ad valorem, or some- create but do not feel-whose thirst for wealth even the thing short of seven dollars per ton. Is not this virtually sufferings of their fellow-citizens cannot allay, and who, repealing the act of 1828 What is a manufacture! It it would have accorded well with the opinions of some genis something made by art; an article fashioned, as the tlemen to have said, feasted like vultures upon their prey, word imports, by the hand of man, and to which the chief with a voracity of appetite that refused to be satiatedvalue is given by the labor bestowed upon it. Will any who live upon groans and misery, and smile while the gentleman who hears me, contend that striking a few writhings of agony, and the distortion of despair, are turnholes through a crude bar of iron makes it a manufac- ed imploringly to them. They are (excepting a few men ture, within the meaning and intention of the law of 1828 of wealth, not so numerous, I presume, as those in the Sir, it is a perforation of the law itself, so to construe it- same circumstances among their more fortunate brethren amounting to a setting aside of legal enactments, in my of the South) gentlemen of small moneyed capital, but judgment, instead of an enforcing of them. Although, possessing an abundant one of skill and industry, and enperhaps, not strictly regular, at this stage of the bill, I terprise and character, who, so far from having found the could not say less on this particular subject than I have mines of Potosi in their manufactories, require to be updone. In due season an amendment will be offered, that, held by the fostering hand of government, without which I trust, will correct the evil. they must sink. They, I say it with great respect, and

MAY 5, 1830.]

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without disparagement, are equal in all regards to their to abandon it, and give my attention to some one more southern friends who pursue different occupations. They profitable, but you interfered, and lured me to my ruin. acknowledge no superiors, nor do they arrogate to them- You not only counselled me to persevere, but, by your selves the right of dictating to their fellow-citizens. They promise of assistance, induced me to enlarge my expendo not send gentlemen to this Hall, as the honorable mem-ses; nay, more, you assisted me for a season, and when I ber from South Carolina [Mr. McDUFFIE] alleged, who, had every reason to suppose that your aid would be at instead of representing the intelligence, and integrity, and least continued, if not increased, you withdrew your friendpatriotism of their districts, stand forward as the cham-ly hand, and suffered me to sink to a depth infinitely lower pions of capitalists and their interests. wide of the fact. The gentleman is than that at which you found me." have no such influence in our elections as he seems to sup- it was fixed at twenty-five per centum ad valorem for I thank God that moneyed interests The duty on cotton cloths has varied but little. In 1816, pose. Two cotton factories, if I understood the gentleman three years, and twenty per centum afterwards, while those right, would, in his opinion, control the elections of his fabrics composed of cotton, or of which it was the chief district, in despite of himself and every man in it. not dispute with him about what he is necessarily well ac- did not exceed, with the addition of twenty per centum I can- component part, (with the exception of nankeens,) that quainted with. It must be so. remark is just of South Carolina; I know it is not of Penn- of ten per centum if from any other place, twenty-five I cannot but conclude his if imported from or beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and sylvania-I do not believe it is of any State north or east cents per square yard, were to be taken as worth twentyof it. In my own district there are about ten manufac-five cents, and charged accordingly. The law of 1824 tories for the production of iron, as many of woollen and varied this no further than to extend the fixed or legal cotton articles of various kinds, a number of which yield price to thirty cents, nor was any other alteration made by to the public use and convenience every kind of iron imple- the act of 1828, than to place this statutory value at thirments, extensive distilleries, &c., and yet I have never ty-five cents. Throughout all this period, the sum at which heard, nor do I believe, nor do I think one man in the dis- cotton twist, yarn, or thread was rated, has remained extrict believes, that these establishments enable their pro-actly the same. prietors to exercise any undue influence in elections; cer- be justly complained of, the increase has been too trifling tain it is, they have never controlled them, for, with few to be felt, and the price of cotton was high and satisfacThis branch of the system surely cannot exceptions, they have always been in the minority. No, tory, I believe, after at least two of these laws were passsir; without intending the slightest disrespect to any one, ed, as I shall presently show. I must be permitted to say, that, however inferior we may be in capacity to serve the country, we will yield to none as any occupation in our country, diffusing itself rapidly; The iron business is next in order, and is as important in purity of intention, and directness of purpose. mean to advance the interest of this people, and will try as extensively useful as any pursuit that can engage the We and, if the present system is adhered to, calculated to be to effect it. I will here further remark (for this part of attention of our fellow-citizens. Something was absolutely the debate is disagreeable, and I should find no pleasure necessary to be done in maintenance of this interest; the in recurring to it, but am desirous of disposing of it as law of 1816 was of no benefit; the act of 1824, of some, quick as possible) that it is said no man could be elected comparatively, but still inadequate; that of 1828, if enPresident of the United States who was believed to be op- forced according to its spirit and meaning, will probably posed to the protecting policy: without answering the pro-answer the end designed. That this species of manufac position after the New England mode, as I might very ture was a losing concern before 1828, is certain; now it justly do, by asking if a gentleman friendly to the policy affords a moderate remuneration only for the capital emmentioned would receive the votes of the anti-tariff States, ployed, and labor bestowed; and, while it does so, no man I will say that I know of no method of determining the is injured, for the price of iron remains as low as forchoice of this high functionary, so proper as that which merly, I meau American iron. How is this? The foreign shall base it upon his principles and opinions in reference article is in a great measure excluded, our own citizens to leading questions; it is the only foundation upon which have the market, and by their competition keep down the any statesman can act with safety; but I would not confine price, which will be still further reduced by the new and myself exclusively to this ground of preference. man must be joined to the principle-principles and men to most purposes, is now lower than it has been at some The rising factories. Our own product, which is better suited are the true ground. Give me a man of the principles and periods heretofore, because, in addition to the competition, opinions I approve, and I will sustain him, provided he be the price of labor, of provisions, of every thing that ensuch a one as I can rely upon to carry them into action. ters into the manufacture, is reduced. Admit the foreign Upon what else shall we rest, to assure us that our selec-iron on equal, or nearly equal footing, and the grinding tion is judicious and wise? alone? Never. Upon personal preference oppression of European Governments, which wrings from When you meet with sentiments and the brow of industry the sweat of a bare subsistence, principles, and for their sake love the individual in whose which expresses from the heart of shivering poverty character they are embodied, confide in him-elevate him almost its last drop of blood, will not be confined to their -exalt him to the point whence they shall be drawn into own miserable subjects, but be made to extend in its opeexercise, like so many radii from the centre to the peri-ration, to reach indirectly to our firesides, and to bear phery of the circle, giving strength, and vigor, and health, upon my friends and countrymen. To this I will never and life to the entire community-sustaining all through assent. whom they pass, even to the uttermost point of the circumference.

The duty upon wool and woollen goods is next brought What, I ask gentlemen, and I request them to reflect its ramifications almost every class of the community. The under review. This, too, is a great interest, effecting in seriously upon it, what would be thought of any Govern- wool, which the farmer grows, sunk, between 1825 and ment that would lead its citizens to embark in any pro- 1828, from forty to fifty per cent. The depreciation was ject-that would induce them to engage in a particular owing to the low price of cloths. This circumstance also course of business by its persuasions, by its acts, by its puts it out of the power of the manufacturer to give more words, and then coldly abandon them to a fate which it had than a certain sum for the raw material. To give any value made inevitable, by withdrawing the pillar that upheld to the imposition of a duty, it became obviously necessary them? Might not they, or one of them, hold the following to furnish the farmer a market for his wool, which could language to a Government thus fitful and giddy: "I was only be done by taxing the importation of foreign cloth. engaged in a pursuit that would not sustain me: I was aboutThey must go together, or neither is useful. If you say

H. OF R.]

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to the foreigner, you shall not sell your articles in our | be likely to be more tardy than might consist with the incountry, unless you pay for the privilege, you enable your terest either of individuals or of the society. In many own manufacturing citizens to become the purchasers of cases, they would not happen while a bare support could what your farmers can produce; and thus each branch of be insured, by an adherence to ancient courses, though industry flourishes by the aid it receives from, and affords resort to more profitable employment might be practicsto, the other; nor are the rights of any infringed. An un- ble. To produce the desirable changes as early as may natural effort was made in 1826, 1827, by those whose be expedient, may, therefore, require the incitement and rivals we are, at the sacrifice of vast sums, to prostrate our patronage of Government. infant manufactories: in other instances, the sacrifices were made to save themselves from impending ruin; for a season, it might, therefore, appear that our home prices were enhanced; but I firmly believe, if you could annihilate every manufactory in the country, you would pay more for your consumption than you now do. The importer would be without competition, and tix his own price.

Sir, the manufacturing districts furnish the best market the grain-growing States have. The flour of Pennsylvania and Maryland, New York and Ohio, is sold in greater quantity there than anywhere else. The corn of Maryland and Virginia finds its way there; and I am informed, as a proof of it, that five hundred thousand bushels of it were purchased in the little town of Providence alone, in one, I believe, the last year. And in connexion with this, let me say, if you allow foreign spirits, or, what is the same thing, spirits made of foreign materials, to come into competition with our domestic distillation, you prostrate all the midland farmers, who can now scarcely live.

Sir, these, the stamina of your country, are pining and struggling, but they are a patient and enduring class of men, who hope for better and brighter times, which will never shine upon them if the amendment shall prevail.

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The apprehension of failing in new attempts is, perhaps, a more serious impediment. There are dispositions apt to be attracted by the mere novelty of an undertaking; but these are not always those best calculated to give it suc cess. To this it is of importance that the confidence of ers, should be excited. And to inspire this description of cautious, sagacious capitalists, both citizens and foreignpersons with confidence, it is essential that they should be made to see, in any project which is new, and for that reason alone, if for no other, precarious, the prospect of such a degree of countenance and support from Government, as may be capable of overcoming the obstacles inseparable from the first experiments.

"The superiority antecedently enjoyed by nations, who have pre-occupied and perfected a branch of industry, constitutes a more formidable obstacle than either of those which have been mentioned, to the introduction of the To maintain between the recent establishments of our same brauch into a country in which it did not before exist. country, and the long matured establishment of another country, a competition upon equal terms, both as to quality in the one, or in the other, or in both, must necessarily and price, is, in most cases, impracticable. The disparity I beg the attention of the committee to the sentiments oe so considerable, as to forbid a successful rivalship, with"But the greatest obstacle of all, to the successful pro and views of one of the many vigorous minds that gave out the extraordinary aid and protection of Government. shape and form to our institutions. I refer to the reasoning of the first Secretary of the Treasury, who, in a pro-secution of a new branch of industry in a country in which phetic spirit, and with a power of intellect that gives it was before unknown, consists, as far as the instances almost irresistible force to his opinions, in the year 1791, apply, in the bounties, premiums, and other aids, which met and refuted, if not every one, almost all of the argu- are granted in a variety of cases by the nations in which ments now urged. I read from the report on manufac- the establishments to be imitated are previously introduccourse of this report, will be cited) that certain nations tures of the late General Hamilton, of the 5th December, ed. It is well known (and particular examples, in the The remaining objections to a particular encourage-grant bounties on the exportation of particular commodiment of manufactures in the United States, now require to be examined.

1791:

"One of these turns on the proposition, that industry, if left to itself, will naturally find its way to the most useful and profitable employment. Whence it is inferred that manufactures, without the aid of Government, will grow up as soon and as fast as the natural state of things, and the interest of the community, may require.

plant all competitors, in the countries to which those ties, to enable their own workmen to undersell and sup commodities are sent. Hence the undertakers of a new manufacture have to contend, not only with the natural disadvantage of a new undertaking, but with the gratuities and remunerations which other Governments bestow. To interference and aid of their own Governments are indisbe enabled to contend with success, it is evident that the pensable.

"Combinations by those engaged in a particular branch Against the solidity of this hypothesis, in the full latitude of the terms, very cogent reasons may be offered. These have relation to the strong influence of habit, and of business, in one country, to frustrate the first efforts to the spirit of imitation, the fear of want of success in un-introduce it into another, by temporary sacrifices, recomtried enteuprises, the intrinsic difficulties incident to the first essays towards competition with those who have pre viously attained to perfection in the business to be attempt ed, the bounties, premiums, and other artificial encourage ments, with which foreign nations second the exertions of their own citizens in the branches in which they are to be rivalled.

pensed, perhaps, by extraordinary indemnifications of the Government of such country, are believed to have existed, and are not to be regarded as destitute of probability. The existence or assurance of aid from the Government of the country in which the business is to be introduced, may be combinations, to defeat their effects, if formed, and to essential to fortify adventurers against the dread of such prevent their being formed, by demonstrating that they must, in the end, prove fruitless.

Experience teaches that men are often so much go"Whatever room there may be for an expectation that verned by what they are accustomed to see and practise, that the simplest and most obvious improvements, in the most ordinary occupations, are adopted with hesitation, the industry of a people, under the direction of private reluctance, and by slow gradations. The spontaneous interest, will, upon equal terms, find out the most bene transition to new pursuits, in a community long habituated ficial employment for itself, there is none for a reliance to different ones, may be expected to be attended with that it will struggle against the force of unequul terms, proportionably greater difficulty. When former occupa- or will, of itself, surmount all the adventitious barriers to tions ceased to yield a profit adequate to the subsistence a successful competition, which may have been erected, of their followers, or when there was an absolute deficien- either by the advantages naturally acquired from practice, ey of employment in them, owing to the superabundance previous possession of the ground, or by those which may of hands, changes would ensue, but these changes would have sprung from position, regulations, and an artificial

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