« AnteriorContinuar »
MAY 5, 1830.)
[H. or R.
policy. This general reflection might alone suffice as an while I, an humble individual, unknown out of this House, answer to the objections under examioation, exclusively of and to many within it, can scarcely hope that due weight the weighty considerations which have been particularly will be given to what I may feebly urge: but I go onward urged."
with perfect confidence, not in myself, but in the strength Agaio: “ There remains to be noticed an objection to and justice of the cause I advocate. Entertaining, as I the encouragement of manufactures, of a nature different do, the most exalted respect for the distinguished gentlefrom those which question the probability of success. This man referred to, I request that, if a single word has inadis derived from its supposed tendency to give a monopoly vertently escaped me, which can be supposed to cast the of advantages to particular classes, at the expense of the faintest shadow of disparagement upon him, or those assorest of the community, who, it is affirmed, would be able ciated with him in opinion, I may be credited for sincerity, to procure the requisite supplies of manufactured articles when I say 20. such intention was conceived by me. on better terms from foreigners than from our own citizens ; Sir, the basis of the honorable gentleman's argument is and who, it is alleged, are reduced to the necessity of pay. the assumption that the consumer does not pay the duty, ing an enhanced price for whatever they want, by every but that the producer of the article for which the importmeasure which obstructs the free competition of foreign ations are exchanged, is the person upon whom the tax falls. commodities.
If this idea is delusive, and can be justified by po sound rea" It is not an unreasonable supposition, that measures son--if the substratum has not firmness enough to sustain which serve to abridge the free competition of foreign arti- the superstructure, the whole edifice must totter and tumcles, have a tendency to occasion an enbaucement of prices ; ble from turret to foundation stone." It is said twoand it is not to be denied that such is the effect in a uum-thirds of the States produce little, comparatively, for ex ber of cases; but the fact does not uniformly correspond portation, and that almost all the materials for our trade with the theory: A reduction of prices has, in several in- with foreign countries grow upon the remaining third. stances, immediately succeeded the establishment of do- For the sake of argument, admit it. If the producing mestic manufacture. Whether it be that foreign manufac- section imports all, as, according to the reasoning, it is asturers endeavor to supplant, by underselling our own, or sumed it does, are not the other sections dependent upon whatever else be the cause, the effect bas been such as is it? If the crop fails, or if it is desirable not to sell it, but stated, and the reverse of what might have been expected. to keep it for a more favorable price, how are our wants !" But though it were true that the immediate and to be supplied ! For it seems we cannot furnish our own certain effect of regulations controlling the competition luxuries or comforts, or necessaries, because, exporting alof foreign with domestic fabrics, was an increase of price, most nothing, we can import only in the same proportion. it is universally true that the contrary is the ultimate effect If this be so, does it not furnish a good reason, if no other of every successful manufacture. When a domestic manu- existed, for our course of policy i The southern citizens facture has attained to perfection, and has engaged in the say, your system is death to us : this we do not believe: but, prosecution of it a competent number of persons, it in- if we did, might say its abolition would be our destruction; 1 variably becomes cheaper. Being free from the heavy and shall we not, being two-thirds, take such measures as 1 charges which attend the importation of foreign commo- we are assured our safety requires ? Would it not be suici
dities, it can be afforded, and accordingly seldom or never dal in us to place ourselves in this situation-this state of 1 fails to be sold, cheaper, in process of time, thao was the dependence has been removed, and shall we not continue foreigu article for which it is a substitute. The internal independent? I do not mean absolutely, for we are all de
competition which takes place, soon drives every thing like pendent upon each other to some extent, and will find our u monopoly, and, by degrees, reduces the price of the arti: true interest in exchanging our productions and commoscle to the minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital dities: but shall we not be permitted to supply our own I employed. This accords with the reason of the thing, wants—to take care of ourselves ? Shall eight millions of and with experience.
people yield themselves to the government of four, and 1. Whence it follows that it is the interest of a community, place themselves in dependence upon them! The exports, i with a view to eventual and permanent economy, to en- it is argued, pay the imports. Admit it, for a moment, y courage the growth of manufactures. In a national view, in its broadest sense, and suppose the tariff to be abolished, sa temporary enhancement of price must always be well and manufactories to be annihilated, what would be the si compensated by a permanent reduetion of it.
operation of this state of things on Penosylvania ? It will " It is a rešection which may, with propriety, be ia- be admitted that the consumption in the several States is dulged here, that this eventual diminution of the prices in the proportion of their population; that of Pennsylvania of manufactured articles, which is the result of internal is about one million and a half. Goods are now imported to manufacturing establishments, has a direct and very im- an amount between sixty and seventy millions of dollars ; portant tendency to benefit agriculture. It enables the ber proportion of which would be about eight millions, farmer to procure, with a smaller quantity of his labor, the which she must pay for: but she has few exports to pay with e manufactured produce of which he stands in need, and, what is to be done I Cash must be given for them. Could
consequently, increases the value of his income and pro- she exist ten years in this condition But, sir, it would be perty."
greatly worse: repeal the tariff---the manufactories go These are the opinions of forty years ago-uttered by an down, and foreign articles will be imported to twice the individual
, who, without the aid of experience, looked, extent they now are. Pennsylvania would have to pay nevertheless, deeply into futurity; and, by anticipation, met sixteen millions in money for her goods : how long could and repudiated the favorite doctrines of the present day. this be borne ? This argument I consider fair, sir, for the Among the many evidences of the reach of the surpassing whole reasoning spread before us on the other side is talente of Alexander Hamilton, I know of no testimony founded on the misery of the South, alleged to be promore decided and conclusive, than the report, a part of duced by the present system. How much worse, then, which I have brought to my assistance.
would be our condition, if the wishes of the planting Let us inquire into the reasons urged for the adoption States could be gratified? Now, the Amerioan manufacof the amendment submitted. On this part of the con- tories furnish us with a great deal of what we want, and, troversy I enter upon very unequal terms ; he, whose ad- in return, we give them our productions which we cannot dress listened to with the greatest pleasure, as I always export. Labor is the element of wealth. Jogenuity, do to every thing that proceeds from him, [Mr. McDUFFie] skill, professional ability, &c. may occasion its transfer, but is well known to the nation as talented and patriotic ; the labor in the field, in the mechanic arts, in manufactures, is force of argument is accorded by many to his assertions; the source of it, and lies at the bottom of all our prospe
H. OF R.)
(MAY 5, 1830.
rity ; it is a common stock, and does not belong to the What just ground of complaint is here! Noue. Tlie North or the South, the East or the West, but to all. It southern planter gets his price, a reduced one from that creates an ability to consume, and this ability it is which is which preceded it, and was received prior to 1818, 1819, taxed, and not the labor producing it. The ability, which I agree, but as much as he has latterly been accustomed is invariably followed by the disposition to consume, pays to, and pays a duty on what it is his pleasure to consume, the duty; and as that ability is small or great, so will be the which costs bim less than the same indulgence did before purchases of those articles is common use where a mao lives. the duties were imposed. And here lies the fallacy of the argument. If the pro We have been asked repeatedly, what does Pennsylva ducer was his own merchant, who sold his own crop in nia pay, what do other manufacturing States pay! It has Liverpool, and thence imported articles which he himself been said they pay nothing. Pennsylvania pays more consumed, or which he and his neighbors exclusively used, than the honorable gentleman's [Mr. MoDUFFIE) owo the argument would be difficult to resist; no, it would not, State; her consumption, which cannot be easily ascertain for then, indeed, he would be the consumer, and in that ed, fixes her contributions to the treasury in this particu capacity pay the duty. But, what, sir, is the course of lar; as she chooses to use, so is she bound to pay; so does trade 1 He sells his crop to his merchant in Augusta, in she pay. It is, in my judgment, as impossible to maintain Charleston, in Savannah, in Nashville, in Orleans, in Natobeż, that the producer pays the duty, as to shut out the light ip Huntsville, who pays for it, either in an account for mer of heaven from the earth. chandise furnished the planter, or in money, or in both, and But the inequality of distribution is made an objection carries it to New York or Philadelphia, to pay for articles to the collection of duties. If it be an evil, it does not les he has obtained there; or he exports it to Liverpool bim- sen the propriety or value of the system that raises them self. Either way the contract is at an end as soon as the This ground of complaint is easily removed. I will as cotton is disposed of, and the duty enters not into the con- cheerfully join to appropriate money to proper objects tract. The merchant in Liverpool buys it without reference south as north of Norfolk; but, 1 tbink, with great respect to our internal regulations, for the Liverpool market is not I say it, that this exception comes with rather a bad grace expanded or restricted by American impositions, but by from the quarter that furnishes it. Do not all the objee the trade of England with the world. She gets cotton tions to internal improvements, and to appropriations ges from Egypt, Brazil
, the East and West Iodies, and ex- nerally, proceed from the gentlemen with whom I am not ports her cotton fabrics to various countries--in very contending Where is the mass of negative votes on such diminished quantities to us, for we not only supply our questions to be found t Every one who hears me, knows selves with many articles we want, but enter into com. As to this complaint, I would say, gentlemen, the remedy petition with her in several markets. A different merchant is with yourselves. makes the purchases for importation; or if he be, as he Fault is found with a statement made by the then Secresometimes is, the same individual, the contract is made on tary of the Treasury, two years ago, in which he was made an entirely new footing; the goods are brought into the to say that domestic production and commerce had in United States, the duties paid or bonded; they are added creased more in the four preceding years, than they had to the price of the goods, and a per centum put on the done in the same number preceding 1824. Was it not so! whole, which he who eats, or drinks, or wears, must pay. It is, I believe, admitted, but the bonurable gentleman from This, sir, when Americans do their own business, as they South Carolina (Mr. MoDUFFIE) states that the whole in: ought always to, but very seldom do; but when foreigners crease was in cotton ; I think this is a mistake. Every import for us, as we bave seen they generally do, the thing that the industry and labor of man can produce, bas course is totally different. The cotton is shipped, and sold increased immensely. Cotton is pow, I believe, double at Liverpool, the money for it unpaid supercargo soon in quantity what it was at any time within the last eighit after arrives at New York with a ship-load of goods, which years, and it was for the last two years less than in 1827. are sold at auction; and how are they paid for Not in Besides, the field for its cultivation is prodigiously en money, but in bills of exchange drawn upon London or larged: Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, and Liverpool, and a per centum is put upon the auction pur- North Carolina now produce it. I speak in reference to the chase, without reference to the duties, which, of course, quantity from the exports, having no means of ascertain the consumer pays ; unless, indeed, where the foreign ing our domestie consumption, which, for my present agents are the package or piece merchants, when all they purpose, I suppose to remain about the same; if it has in eannot manage the Government out of, forms a part of the creased, then an additional argument is furnished for en price.
couraging home industry. What has the producer to do with all this t Nothing, if For every million of British goods excluded, you de we except his factor, in the first instance. But, sir, what stroy, it is said, a market for two or three millions of do I regard as conclusive on this subject, is the fact that cot- mestic fabrics. How is this operation brought about! ton is as high, nay, higher, thau it was in 1827, and that it That it is a correct position, I cannot admit; and it can be was higher in 1826 than in 1824.
only partially so on the assumption that domestic articles The following document I bave obtained at the treasury: will not be bought and consumed by those who dislike A STATEMENT ethibiting the quantity and value of cotton erported the system. They have a right to abstain from the use of from the 1st day of October, 1820, to the 30th day of september, 1829. then ; and, if it be their pleasure to do do so, let 10 man
complain. Sos Islands Other. Total.
Value. Bot the same strong hand bas placed before us the con
stitutional difficulty, that we have po authority to impose Years.
the existing duties. The power to lay taxes and imposta Pounds. I
is conceded; but it is alleged that this is an effort at destros
ing commerce, under the pretenee of exercising the con 11,344,066 113.549,389 124,893,405 10.1 20,157,484 11,250,635 133,424,460 144,675,095 10.6 21,035,058
stitutional power of regulating it. Sir, it is not destroyed. 12,130,698 161,586,582 173,723,270 11.7 21,445,520
By the annihilation of commerce, I understand a sweeping 9,525, 722 132,843,941 142,369,663 15.4 21,947,401 of it from the ocean, an inhibition of your merchants to 1825 9,665,278 166,784,639 176,449,907 20.8 36,846,649 5,972,852 198,562,563 204,535,415 12.2 25,025,214
trade, or your ships to make their traceless way. The em15,140,798 279,169,317 294,310,115 9.9 29,359.545
bargo, it is rightly said, was constitutional and legal, be11,288,419 199,302,044 210.590,463 10.7 22,487,229 cause its object was the ultimate preservation of that com1829 12.833,307 252,003,879 264,837,186 20.0 26,575,311 merce, which, for å season, is-restrained--but does the 99,157,705.,637.226.754l 1.730.384,519 226,879,411
operation of existing laws restrain it i By how many fewer
1821 1822 1823
1826 1827 1828
MAY 5, 1830.)
[H. ov R.
are your ships, how much less is your tonnage than it was have been given. I will instance, in my own State, the before 1824? The American vessels employed in foreign case of agricultural societies in counties, in whose hands trade were more pumerous in 1826, than they had been funds were placed, to be distributed in premiums to those since 1806-1807, and more numerous than they ever who should produce the greatest quantity of wheat or corn were, except in those two years; those engaged in the ou au acre of ground-raise the best horse--the most valucoasting trade bave been gradually increasing, and are able ox, &c greater than they have ever been, and the two combined I must be permitted to say, that the gentleman is furnish more tonnage than bas been owned at any previous mistaken when he supposes ten men are injured for one period, For the last three years. (including 1829) our that is benefited; all feel and know they are benefited. A tonpage has been on the increase. How that can be sup- furnace or a forge is the market for six or eight miles posed to be destroyed which is growing, I do not know. around it; a few establishments in a towo or village give But southern commerce, we are informed, is diminished. life and animation to all in its vicinity. This system of If it be so, it must be in a confined sense, that is, it must manufactures bas raised us from the dust : as yet our conbe meant that the business of Charleston, and other mati- dition is low, but we hope to recover from it. The gentime places, is lessened. Taking it for granted, sir, it is tleman's country is not more reduced in meads, or more no more than has befallen Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and embarrassed, than mine bns been. Ita distress is owing to Boston; New York has become the centre of capital and the same causes, Universal peace succeeded to widecommercial activity, and swallowed up, from her superior spread war; the multitudes that had been abstracted from batural advantages, all the business of her neighboring and ordinary occupations to military life, were restored to civil rival towns But, sir, if, as has been alleged in a report of pursuits ; and the change of condition, positive and relaa standing committee of this House, of which the bonorable tive, that took place all ovor the world, enabled each nagentleman from New York (Mr. CAMBRELENG) is chairman, tion to put into action all its force for meeting the demand the British shipping in our trade has increased latterly, it upon it for supplies ; the price of labor, of provisions, of is to be accounted for, in a great measure, by the abolition every thing, was cheapened in proportion as they were inof the discriminating duty that formerly existed between creased; and this depreciation, resulting from these cirour vessels and those of Britain. But I do not admit the cumstances, is the true cause of the sufferiog that bas perfact, the examination I have been able to give this subject vaded the whole country, Here, in South Carolina, as in having led me to a different result. I have endeavored to Pepnsylvania, must be sought the reason of embarrassment sbow, from documents, that our commerce on the ocean and difficulty; and if the gentleman will substitute southhas not diminished but inereased. I am, however, udwill- ern products, while I trace the history of my State, that of ing to take this limited view of our interests. Commeroe, his own may be read. Sir, before and during the war, in its more extended sense, embracing interpal as well as and up to 1818 and 1819, we were prosperous beyond external trade, is, of all others, the topic I would have se. the wildest anticipations of the imagination, in her deepest lected to prove that our present prosperity is unequalled. and most luxurious twilight revels
. The most sensible On the Obio and the Mississippi
, business has, since 1822 among us were inconsiderate. Teo, twelve, fourteen dol-1828, increased two hundred per centum. A statement lars per barrel for flour, and one hundred dollars per acre from Mr. Henry, the engineer at Louisville, Kentucky, for land, induced expenses not disproportioned, certainly, dated January, 1830, and sent here in respect of the to existing incomes ; and if the money only had been exLouisville canal, shows, that seventy thousand tons of pro- pended, it would have been of comparatively little conseperty descended the rivers named, eight years ago, from quence; but we dissipated, economical habits, we acquired the country above the falls: now the property which they new modes of thought and action, made large debts, and, float to New Orleans, from the same districts, counts two worse than all, children had grown up with educations unbundred and twelve thousand tons, more than two hundred fitting them to bear becomingly the sad reverse that awaitper centom of an increase in seven years. Was any thing ed them and theirs, and overtook them between 1813 and equal to this ever before beard of The tonnage on these 1825. Şir, after the former year, our products would not rivers amouata to fifty or sixty thousand tops. Look at yield a third ; our four was as low as three dollars and fifty the North river trade, greater perbaps, than that of the cents, and never higher than six to seven dollars, averag. West--the Erie canal--the Chesapeake and Delaware ing, during all the time that has followed, about four canal, and the property they carry, and believe' not your dollars and twenty five cents to four dollars and fifty cents ; country is languishing, or that your policy is uppropitious and land that would have brought one hundred dollars, not to its best interests. Besides all this, every man knows selling for more than twenty to thirty dollars. It is within that the land carriage, in the middle States particularly, my own personal knowledge, that real estate has been frehas more than doubled within a few years. That local quently so sacrifieed. Can any distress exceed this ? Prodepression does exist occasionally everywhere, is certain ; perty has changed hands, and without the satisfactiop of there may be temporary disease in a member of the body paying a man's debts. Sir, I knew a case of this kind politie, as in the natural body, but the general action of larmer of great respectability and worth inherited from the system is healthful and sigorous.
his ancestor, or received by his will, a large plantation : in But the honorable gentleman (Mr. McDUFFIE) asks, tri- the rage for speculation, about 1815, 1816, be purchased a umphantly, if any State would bestow a bounty on manu- farm near bím; the depreciation of property and produce factures within its limits; and iuforms us that he bas put compelled him to borrow a great part of the money to this question before, and that a most discreet silence was meet his contract ; interest increased bis debt, until, finally, uniformly observed. It was not answered, I am sure; but his purchase and lais joheritance were both sold, and were I am equally certain that discretion could not have forbid- insufficient to discharge the debt incurred. Can any case uden a reply. Does not the engaçious gentleman perceive be more deplorable than that one. It is hard, sir, griev. that such a measure would be worse than useless that the ously hard, to suffer the deprivations of poverty. It is bounty given would be a bounty for the benefit of the citi- a bister draught to accommodate yourself and fnmily to the zens in the neighboring States, whose manufactures would altered condition of things: it makes the heart bleed, to de- be undersold by those receiving the bounty, and that the prive a wife and children of their accuslomed enjoyments, advantage could not be confined to the citizens of one and many å pang beares, unseen, the bosom of a feeling, State ? Such a course would bring you back to the old unfortunate man; but misery belongs to our rage, and his confederacy. Where such bounties could be useful, they manliness is not the less comendable for bearing without
å murmur, and unknown, tortures which he communicates *Watterston and Van Zandt's tables, and Treasury records. to those around him only so far as may be necessary to pro
H. or R.)
[MAY 5, 1830
duce conformity to the new state of his affairs. All this myself, I know I have no desire but, according to the has been seen and felt in my own district. We are only humble measure of my judgment, to advance my country's emerging from its horrors. Many of my constituents cul- interest. I believe nó honorable gentleman on either side tivate with their own bands, and those of their families, bas any otber purpose. Let us, then, like brethren, bear farms of from one to two hundred acres of lands; incurring po and forbear much-enduring the evils that arise out of expense that can be avoided, they are obliged to practise our nature and the condition of things--hoping for other
iged economy to sustain themselves. By this course, days and better times, and not add at this, almost the bour they will surmount all difficulties, and by a similar one, of parting, the distress of wounded feelings, and the deep South Carolina will reach the same goal. By patience, seated pain of poignant regrets to the sorrow that every industry, and economy, any adverse current of pecuniary patriotic bosom already acknowledges, at our difference affairs can be stayed; and by an adaptation of habits to of sentiment on the great national question before the circumstances, bappiness and enjoyment may be found as committee. readily and frequently in moderate competence, as in Mr. BARNWELL said, he should offer po apology for abounding and overflowing wealth.
the remarks which he should address to the committee. I The argument most pressed by the bonorable mover of am aware (said Mr. B.) that, upon this subjeet, the ruling the amendment (Mr. McDUEFIE) is, that the measures Dow majority desire to hear neither argument por con plaint in force are tyrannical and adopted without right. Sir They have indicated their pleasure by acts-too palpable no man, or set of men, cap lawfully play a tyrandous part, to allow me even to affect ignorance. or, without warrant, coerce the observance of particular If this new burden could have been imposed upon us in rules. Tyranny is odious, and not to be patiently endured silence; if this bill of pains and penalties could have been in aby shape ; nor is it very material whether the oppres. passed into a law, and every expression of indignation and sion be inflicted by one or many. Nay, further, I will remonstrance from those whose rúin it must have consummaagree that the definition of despotism given is an apt one. ted, could bave been suppressed, it would have been done. " It is a Government in which the will of those on whom Power bas become 80 absolute, that the language of the laws operate is not consulted.” Who ever before free remonstrance grates barshly upon its ear: the tone in heard of a despotism of the destroying oppression of a which those who bave not quite relinquished the hope of minority by a majority, in a Government of which the very freedom, -assert their wrongs, and demand their rights, is essence is that the majority shall rule? Was it ever be called menace, and denounced as rebellious. We must be fore asserted that the very life-giving principle itself-the pardoped, sir; we come of a race which fought for liberty, ingredient which gives all its value to our connexion, and which, by deeds, proved its devotion to the cause. The without which it would be a mass of inert matter, that forms in which they transmitted it to us, have not yet lost could be put in motion only by some corrupting and cor. their charms; the rough smack of the language of freeman roding principle, that would degrade and debase us into a still lingers upon our tongue. For myself
, sir. representfit condition for such rule, is, in its operation, in its fair and ing the people which I do, feeling that their all is at stake, legitimate exercise, made productive of tyranny! Shall it I were recreant, did I not speak boldly before I gave it up. be admitted for an instant that a minority are to rule ! Never. The gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. DAFIS] bas The majority must govern; and is any conviction wrought, asked why it is that my colleague [M. MODUFFIE) de that, in so doiog, they are the tyrants they bave been de- serting the old ground of argument, has endeavored to picted! I think not. Sir, keeping within the pale of the make manifest the unequal and oppressive operation of the constitution, they bave the exclusive right to prescribe tariff system upon distinct sections of the country. As the wbat shall, or shall not be done; if you pass that bounda- course of my own argument will be similar to the one purry, you are without all rules. One would, indeed, think sued by my colleague, I feel myself called upon to answer that the honorable gentleman's constituents bad no share this inquiry. Upon this floor, I bear the character of a in the legislation of the country; so far from it, they are as legislator for the Union, as well as a representative of South ably, perhaps more ably, represented than any portion of Carolina; I aeknowledge the obligation which this double these United States. He takes a useful, an instructive relation to the American people imposed upon me. I am part in many of the measures determined here; but shall not permitted to exert the influence which my station may not the majority, differing from him, exercise and act confer, to excite discontent, or to stir up dangerous dissenupon their own judgments? He will at once, with bis high tions. Why, then, shall I confide my observations chiefly and liberal mind, answer in the affirmative. I say, further, to the oppression of the South ? This is my answer. From they are the judges of what is lawful or not. I speak not 1820, when first the dangerous tendency of the restrictive now of judicial tribunals, but refer only to the powers of system became apparent, the southern statesmen, assisted a majority in connexion with the rights of a minority. It is by many of distinguished ability from other sections of the conceded the majority may do as they will with what is country, have not ceased to contend against it. We betheir own, but not so with what belongs to the minority. lieve that they have demonstrated the illegality and oppresSir, there is no separate and distinct meum et tuum here ; siveness of this scheme of policy, which, while it bestowed we enter this room as representatives of the whole; what partial and delusive favors on a few monopolists, imposes ever we do, reaches over all; laws stop not at rivers or a grievous tax upon the laboring portion of the communimountains ; but, for the purposes of legislation, the terri- ty. But, sir, the monopolists have triumpbed, A majotory and property of the country are common stock. In rity of the representatives in Congress bave declared their the prescription of rules and regulations which affect them, determioation to adhere to this system of taxation, as bedeeach member must be heard, may persuade and convince ficial to those whom they represent. Our appeal to the if he can, but, failing, is bound by the decision. Nor does interest of the nation has been made in vain; taxation is the gentleman's defioition of despotism, although intrinsic declared to be a benefit, and new modes of expenditure are ally correct, help bis argument; for it is only applicable devised to perpetuate it. We now assume a bolder tone; where the subject of the laws has no lot or part in enact- we strike a higher chord: we place before you one broad ing them. Has be none Are not his constituents, through and fertile section of your coultry, withering beneath the him, consulted! He and they are portions of the body blighting effects of your policy. We show you a people politic
, as well entitled, but not better entitled, than others, struggling against the ruin which your legislation brings to his and their share io legislation.
upon them, and struggling in vain-a people, united by I adjure gentlemen, in a spirit of kindness and good common suffering and common interest, here, at home in feeling, to look around: to ask themselves what earthly their legislative assemblies, at their public meetings, uttermotive the majority can have for doing them wrong. For ing one common voice of deep-settled indignation at the
MAY 5, 1830.]
(H. OF R.
injustice of your taxation. And who are the people upon But when man bas usurped undue authority over bis equals, whose forbearance you press thus heavily ? upon whose and, finding in bumao reason do justification for the sacrisubmissiveness ypu calculate thus securely? Sir, the very fice of the will and property of others for his owo profit or memory of the past must be destroyed, ere this people pleasure, seeks, by a mysterious derivation of his power, Bball permanently and quietly endure illegal taxation. io conceal the weakness of his title, calling that divine They appually commemorate the wisdom and the fortitude right which the well being of humau society will not sapo. of those who struggled successfully against the overwhelm- tion, he must maintain his pretensions to this high origin of ing power of the mother country; can they forget the bis power, by exalting the superior wisdom with which he cause! They have been bred in a school which teaches boasts that he has been gifted for its exercise Divine inthem that there are but three gradations which bring a free-spiration must sanctify divide right. Then commences a map to the station of a slave-to feel that he is oppressed, system of exorbitant taxation, unequal distribution, and "to believe that oppression to be illegal, and to submit to forced direction of industry, which inevitably result in it. They bave the reality of injury, and they cannot doubt. robbing lahor of its hard earnings, and bringing to begThey are deeply convinced that you have no authority to gary and starvation a majority of those for whose protecinflict the injury, they now behold the dawn of that day of tion Governments bave been instituted. And this Governsubmission, that day which takes from manhood bali its ment, also, in pame a republic, baving set at naught the virtue. It may be that an eye wbich has intensely gazed compact by wbich its power was restrained no longer upon the heroic lineaments of the ancestors, has transfer- deriving its authority from the instructions of the instru. · red a delusive resemblance to the features of their descen- ment to execute wbich it was organized, but arrogating dants; yet I will not permit myself to believe, nor will I despotic authority, under the divine right of a majority, suffer you so far to deceive yourselves, as to imagine, that a right as false in theory and far more oppressive in this people will submit. All the offices of patriotism they practice than the divine right of kings, has not failed have, and will perform. If evil result froin the assertion to claim, also, the inspiration which appertains to the mysof their rights, and the protection of their property, let terious source of its power. The representative, with his those answer for it who would break them down to uncon- official garb, assumes official wisdom; the scales fall from
ditional subjection. The true issue now is, will you re- his eyes, and he, who but yesterday was unable to direct i lieve the southern people from this unequal oppression, or his own industry, is now gifted with unerriug sagacity and i will you compel them to relieve themselves.
profound wisdom, in guiding and controlling the interest I have said, sir, that this system is unequal, and that it and industry of the nation. The evil which such legislafixed upon the southern and southwestern States an intole- tion brings upon mapkind, cannot be attributed to nature. rable burden of taxation.
It is to the disturbing operations of Government that the I will now adduce the arguments by which I hope to distress resulting from production pressing upon consump maintain my position. The revenue of this country, about tiod, is justly attributable. I will endeavor to illustrate this twenty-four millions of dollars, is derived from a tax upon position. Let us suppose a community of one hundred the exchanges of foreign commerce. of the products men, whose annual income amounts to a hundred dollars which constitute the American portion of this exchange, each; if no taxes or regulations disturbed the exchanges about three millions of people, inhabiting the south and of this community, no sufficient cause can be assigned southwestern sections of the country, are the producers why great inequality should arise in their condition, or of nearly thirty-seven millions of dollars. The remaining why the supply should exceed the demand. But let a seventeen millions of dollars is the produce of the labor Government be established, which levies a tax of fifty per of three-fourths of the people of this Union, inhabiting the cent. upon the incomes of each member of the community, Dorthern and eastern sections of this country. What- and distributes the amount tous levied among ten memever portion of the tax is thrown upon the producer, must bers, what then is the result! Ninety members have necessarily press most unequally upon the different sec- their means of consumption diminished one-balf; and altions of the Union. I am aware that political economists though ten members have had their income increased to have laid it down as an axiom that the consumer pays the five times their former amount, yet the increased consumptax; and although I do not entirely assent to this proposi- tion of the five will never supply the diminished consumption, yet I shall not, at present, attempt to disprove its gene-tion of the ninety. But whilst the consumption is thus ral applicability. It will suffice that I demonstrate that the diminished, the power of production is not only the same, financial system of this country reverses the order of pa- but is stimulated to still greater efforts. When we add to ture, and throws the burden upon the producer. First, by this almost necessary cause of inequality, the unjust interheavy taxation and unequal distribution, production is ference of a Government, sbackling industry in one purmade to press upon consumption, and the producer is vo- suit to sustain it in another, we have perhaps assigned the able to throw the tax upon the consumer. It cannot be true reason why labor is depressed and capital exalted, and expected that I should, by extended argument prove that why a large portion of the community are starving in the whenever the production of any article exceeds the de- midst of plenty. mand, all burdens laid upon the sale of this article must If we refer to England, that country which the restricfall upon the producer ; the very statement of the propo- tionists visit with such unmeasured abuse, while they worsition carries with it the proof of its correctness; the pro- ship with a slavish adoration the very errors from which her ducer pays the tax, or reduces the quantity produced in increasing intelligence is daily liberating ber, we shall either event, he sustains the loss. "The gentleman from there behold a powerful illustration of the correctness of Massachusetts, whilst he denies that the producer pays any my position. It is true that she has amassed great wealth, portion of the duty, attributes our suffering to the fact and her resources and her luxury are the astonishment of that our productiou exceeds the demand; and this he attri- the world. But wbat is her internal condition! The small butes to a general glut in the market of the world, occa- landowner, the owner of a little but and a petty craft, bas sioned by excess of production. I rest my argument partly no longer a home; bis land has passed from hím, to swell upon the gentleman's conclusion, but I cannot accede to the domain of his aristocratic neighbor; he has become a the justice of his premises. I cannot believe that the un- day laborer; the day laborer is a pauper. The gentleman impeded exertions of mad's industry, the upperverted sug. from Massachusetts has said truly that the British opegestions of man's sagacity drive bim onward to a state of rative worked for bread; yes, sir, no hope of future redismal staguation, in which the accomplishment of bis toil laxation ever cheers his toil; budger, ever present, ever and foresight is to perish from want in the midst of over- pressing, stimulates his overwrought frame to new exerwhelming abundance. This is not the order of nature. tions. He hopes to eat, he fears to starve. What has re