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MAY 14, 1830.]

Navigation and Imposts.

[H. OF R.

If, under the proposed

ously to relieve every branch of industry from taxation, crimination, equal privileges. and to moderate every burden which we have unneces- measure, the produce and manufactures of one nation sarily heaped upon the country pending the Presidential should be admitted into this country at a less rate of duty contests, and absolutely for no other than electioneering than those of another, it will be the fault of that nation, purposes. In accomplishing this desirable change in our not ours-it will be because, by denying to us correimpost system, I shall use my humble efforts to secure a sponding privileges, she declines securing for her own prowise and just medium between the acknowledged right of duce and manufactures the important advantages resulting a vast community of consumers on the one hand, and the from a reciprocal abolition of prohibitory duties. It will moderate, and, trust, well founded expectations of the grow out of her own voluntary negligence, and she will manufacturers on the other. Immoderate imposts can be have no right to complain of any breach of treaties or of no permanent utility to them or to the country. I am violation of national law. If her navigation, commerce, much mistaken, sir, if the time is not rapidly approaching and manufactures be injured, she has the remedy in her when the gentleman from Massachusetts will be glad to own hands. It would be extraordinary, indeed, if we had accept even my humble aid in resisting that reaction which bound ourselves by existing treaties to admit the produce must inevitably follow, when, under temporary excite- and manufactures of nations continuing to enforce prohiment, and for no wise purpose, we carry our measure of bitions against us, at that reduced rate of duty which we impost beyond the point of justice or endurance. With had conceded to another power, in consideration of a the reduction of our public debt, and our federal expenses, mutual stipulation that all duties higher than thirty per we must anticipate a repeal or diminution of some of our cent, should be abolished. If the measure proposed should taxes. It may yet require our united and strenuous efforts conflict with our treaty with Great Britain, or with any to prevent our rates of impost from being so suddenly and other power, it cannot be for our interest to perpetuate an so greatly reduced as to produce calamitous consequences. obligation which controls our right to reciprocate comAnd let me tell gentlemen that this evil will not be either mercial privileges with all other nations. postponed or moderated by any fruitless and unjustifiable attempt to perpetuate our present immoderate and prohibitory duties.

If the doctrine of my colleague be correct, our treaties have been repeatedly violated, and Great Britain, France, Spain, Holland, &c. might claim from us the more extensive commercial privileges which we have granted by our navigation laws and treaties to Prussia, Austria, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, the Hanseatic League, Central America, Brazil, &c. The measure under consideration proposes to all nations the reciprocal removal of prohibitions, and is in strict accordance with every sound rule of national law and

I must be pardoned, sir, for not attempting to follow my colleague [Mr. STRONG] through his long argument on the tariff. I certainly intend no disrespect; but he seemed to me to devote very little of his attention to the bill under consideration. He appeared to be employed from day to day in answering the arguments which had been advanced in opposition to the bill reported by the Committee on Manu-justice. factures. So far as he condescended to notice this measure, he seemed not only to misapprehend its provisions, but to mistake the principles on which it was founded, and to misconstrue our commercial treaties and revenue laws.

British, Portuguese, and American ships, and how they may be employed, should this measure be adopted.

My colleague is apprehensive that if we pass this bill British ships may bring cargoes from Portugal. I am utterly at a loss how we could arrive at this extraordinary conclusion; I know of no law, no treaty, by which it would be My colleague imagines, and I find it to be the common authorized, and there is no such provision in the measure opinion here, that we calculate our duties on the value of proposed. [Here Mr. STRONG explained.] Sir, I shall imported merchandise in foreign countries; and he, there- relieve my colleague from his apprehensions. I shall prefore, concludes that a reciprocal duty would operate un-sently have occasion to show what can now be done by favorably for us. Our rule of observation corresponds substantially with that adopted in Great Britain, and in every other country of whose laws I have any knowledge, We take, it is true, the value abroad as the basis of our estimate; but we superadd to that value ten per cent. on merchandise imported from countries this side of the Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn, and twenty per cent. when coming from places beyond them, and the aggregate on which duty is calculated is on an average fully if not more than equivalent to the actual value in this country. Our mode of valuation differs from that adopted in Great Britain, but the valuation is substantially the same. If the British mode should, however, be preferred, I do not now perceive any material objection to its introduction, as it would dispense with many vexatious provisions in our laws. This has been our rule of valuation ever since 1789, and the only exception to it grows out of a construction given to one of the provisions of the act of 1828.

The only substantial objection stated by my colleagueat least as far as I could comprehend his argument was, that this measure would conflict with a provision in the Florida treaty of. 1819, which guarantied to Spain and her dependencies exclusive and national privileges in the ports of Pensacola and St. Augustine. Nothing, sir, but the peculiar circumstance of negotiating a treaty for the nequisition of a territory could pardon the introduction of such provisions as are contained in the Louisiana and Florida treaties. They were admitted, doubtless, through the urgent and controlling considerations attending a negotiation for a valuable territory. This exclusive privilege in the Florida treaty has unfortunately conflicted with every commerccial treaty entered into since 1819, without, however, substantially operating to an extent worth attention. It was impracticable, in framing those treaties, not to consider Florida as a part of our Union. But, sir, my colleague may dismiss all bis apprehensions that the measure now proposed will violate our treaty with Spain. The exclusive privilege was granted only for twelve years, and will expire in 1881, before we can secure commercial reciprocity with any nation under this or any other law or treaty.

I shall now pass, sir, to the gentleman from Massachu

My colleague has argued at length to prove that this measure would violate some of our commercial treaties. I shall not, at this time, detain the House by examining rules of public law. Our national faith is pledged, with or without treaty, to place the vessels and productions of all nations on an equal footing, that is, to charge the same and no higher duties on either when entering our ports under similar circumstances, But this obligation, whe-setts, [Mr. GORHAM.] It is with me a source of regret ther by treaty or otherwise, does not deprive us of our unquestionable natural right to enter into reciprocal commercial arrangements with any foreign power; nor does it such my confidence in his extensive information and in any manner restrict or control our right to regulate sound judgment-that I am generally disposed to doubt our commerce, navigation, or revenue at our own dis- the policy of any measure I may propose when it encouncretion, so long as we offer to all nations, without dis-ters his opposition. But he must pardon me for withhold

whenever I am compelled to differ with that gentleman on any question. Indeed, such is my respect for his opinions

H. of R.]

Navigation and Imposts.

[MAY 14, 1830.

repeatedly declared that he was no advocate of high doties, his opposition to a measure so well designed to carry his avowed principles into practical operation, is, to say the least, somewhat unaccountable.

ing my confidence in his judgment on the present occasion., Considering that the gentleman from Massachusetts has so I cannot surrender my opinions to any gentleman who will venture to condemn a new and important measure without condescending to examine its provisions, or to reflect on its operation. I was surprised, sir, to hear a gentleman so distinguished for moderation, denounce the bill reported by the committee as a monstrous measure, which would "derange our whole revenue system, change all our com mercial relations at home and abroad, and introduce an endless series of frauds and perjuries." But my surprise entirely subsided when the same gentleman declared, in debate, a few days after this unmeasured denunciation, that he had never even read the report of the committee, the main object of which was to explain the policy of this identical measure, and to point out its commercial and national advantages! Such a condemnation was at least premature, and not altogether just towards a majority of the committee of which that gentleman was a member.

While, sir, I had not anticipated so sudden and harsh a judgment on the part of the gentleman from Massachusetts, I by no means expected his support of any measure calculated to introduce an equitable reciprocity in our commerce with foreign nations. He is not only opposed to this bill, but to every law or treaty enacted or negotiated since the war, proposing or stipulating a mutual abolition of all discriminating duties of tonnage and impost. He avows his hostility to a policy which I have never known questioned by a committee in either House, and which no party or administration has ever opposed. It is no wonder that those who attribute the relative decline in our navigation to such salutary and just measures, should be startled at any proposition threatening to remove unnecessary and unprofitable restrictions on our intercourse with foreign countries.

The gentleman from Massachusetts was much alarmed, too, for the fate of our sugar planters; "the prosperity of Louisiana would be destroyed at a blow." And how was this calamity to be effected? He told us that Spain could not accept our terms of reciprocity; that the sugar trade with Cuba must be continued under the old duty, which was equivalent to about fifty per cent., while Brazil would engage with us in a reciprocal commerce, by which her sugar would be admitted at thirty per cent. ad valorem. Thus, he says, our whole sugar trade with Cuba, “one of the most flourishing and important branches of our commerce," would be destroyed. The gentleman must pardon me for saying that he has pushed his argument beyond his conclusion. He may see it very clearly, sir, but it is not so easy for others to perceive how the destruction of our sugar trade with Cuba, the most powerful competitor and nearest neighbor of Louisiana, can possibly destroy the prosperity of our sugar planters. Nor is it at all probable that distant Brazil will ever become, under any circum stances, a rival half so dangerous to Louisians, as an immeusely productive and fertile island bordering on the frontier of our sugar-planting region. But the gentleman from Massachusetts may dismiss bis apprehensions; the case he has supposed will never happen. Whether Spain can or cannot accept our proposals, the bill will never interfere with our valuable commerce with Cuba. We have, during the present session, reduced the duty on coffee to one cent, a rate far below the maximum of thirty per cent.; and before any arrangements could be made with But, sir, the honorable gentleman tells us that the bill Brazil or any other country, that gentleman may be assured contains an alarming provision, "which transfers to the the duty on brown sugar will not exceed a rate equivalent President the whole control over the commerce and re- to thirty per cent. ad valorem. This is a matter which venue of the country." And what is this tremendous trans- the consumers of this country will regulate for themselves. fer of power to the Executive? Nothing more, sir, than We may, in this House, have what understanding we what is assigned him by every act of Congress-the mere please; but the authority of those whom we represent, will duty of executing the law according to its express provi- inevitably overthrow all our political plans, whether for sions. The bill proposes that, upon the compliance of any the preservation of party, or the protection of capital. The foreign nation with certain conditions, which are minutely tax on brown sugar is one of those heavy burdens from and expressly provided for, and over which he has no con- which the country must be partially relieved, and it will trol whatever, the President of the United States shall require no inconsiderable effort to prevent the duty from issue his proclamation," merely declaring that the condi being too much reduced. The time is near at hand when tion of the act has been complied with; and the law which Congress will be called upon to adjust a permanent rate of we make, and not the President's proclamation, establishes duty, in which the interests of the planters and consumers a reciprocal maximum duty in the following words: "Aud must and will be mutually consulted. A higher tax than from and after twelve months from the date of such pro- one equivalent to thirty per cent. ad valorem, ought not to clamation, it shall be, and it is hereby declared to be law-be calculated upon by the planters of Louisiana. ful to import into the United States the produce and ma- The gentleman from Massachusetts apprehends that nufacture of such country," &c. The power is not in the " British and French goods would come through the Hanse President or his proclamation, but in the act of Congress. Towns, Holland," &c. It might be so; but no harm could This novel and alarming provision may be found in almost result from that. They would be liable to the same duty every act regulating our intercourse with foreign nations as if directly imported, and to forfeiture if an attempt were since 1789. Without referring to the important measures made to introduce them under the provisions of the bill which preceded our late war, I will merely direct the gen- proposed. Whenever British manufacturers are disposed tleman's attention to the acts of March, 1815, and May, to run the risk of forfeiture, they have a much easier chan1828, repealing conditionally our discriminating duties of nel through Canada; where, if successful, they may save tonnage and impost; and, moreover, to all our acts re- the thirty per cent, levied on importations under the augulating our intercourse with the British West India colo-thority of this measure. But foreign countries would be nies and involving not merely questions of discriminations or interested to prevent such an evasion of our act; they would rates of impost, but the absolute interdiction of the com- not willingly permit British or French manufactures to pass merce itself. This alarming provision, sir, is nothing more through their ports, to the exclusion of their own, and than an authority given to the President to announce to under the reciprocal privileges secured by such a commer the Union that some foreign country has reciprocated the cial arrangement with the United States. commercial provisions of an act of Congress. In other words, that, by the laws of the two countries, all high and prohibitory duties are mutually abolished, preserving on each side a duty amply sufficient to guard against any sudden or injurious consequences to our internal interests, and establishing a maximum for their permanent security.

The last objection urged by the gentleman from Massachusetts is, in his view, undoubtedly the most formidable. He thinks that France and England would desire nothing better than to see us make these commercial arrangements with foreign powers, while, as he tells us, "holding firmly to their restrictive systems towards us, they would en

MAY 14, 1830.]

Navigation and Imposts.

[H. or R.

joy, through other nations, all the advantages of a total which render it impossible for Great Britain to reciprocate relaxation of our system towards them." It would be for- a measure so comprehensive as that now proposed, till she tunate for the United States if the ministers of France and is compelled to decide on the commercial dissolution of Great Britain were to adopt the opinions of the gentleman her colonial empire. To take from Ireland a privilege from Massachusetts-if, governed by such counsels, these guarantied by an undisturbed possession of half a century, countries should "hold firmly to their restrictions," and would rouse a spirit of discontent, almost equal to that so leave us in an undivided reciprocity with other nations. recently allayed; to touch the commercial monopolies of Though France and Great Britain might, through neces- her proud and distant northern colonies, would hazard her sity, to compelled to "hold firmly to these restrictions," colonial dominion on this side of the Atlantic. Thus has. they would never rejoice to see our navigation actively Great Britain, by her ancient plans of monopoly in colonial employed in a mutually free commerce with almost all the commerce and navigation, voluntarily deprived herself of nations of Europe and America. They would hardly be all opportunity to reciprocate general commercial priviIgratified to witness the rise of our commerce upon the leges with foreign nations. Embarrassed as she is with rnins of their own-to see Portugal, Holland, Germany, this colonial system, she can never engage in any but special Prussia, the Hanseatic League, Denmark, Sweden, Nor- commercial arrangements; should she, however, ever find way, and Russia, with most of the southern nations of herself compelled to open the commerce of her whole America, gradually becoming, for all the substantial uses empire to the United States, in accordance with the broad of commerce and navigation, infinitely more important to and reciprocal provisions of the measure proposed-let us than all the colonial empire of Great Britain and France me tell the gentlemen from Massachusetts, notwithstandever can be to those great naval powers. It would never ing their violent hostility to the bill, that New England will be a source of congratulation to Great Britain to see the com- be as deeply interested as any portion of the Union in semerce between Europe and America monopolized by our curing an unlimited commerce with all the dominions of navigation through European ports, where our flag would Great Britain. It will be for her to determine whether enjoy all the uational privileges which she enjoys, on a si- she will sacrifice so large a market for the produce of her milar scale, on this side of the Atlantic, in Nova Scotia, fisheries, her forests, and her agriculture, merely to perNew Brunswick, and Canada. Her ministers know too petuate a rate of duty higher than thirty per cent. for the well the basis of British power, to adopt the opinions of the protection of her manufactures! Should it ever be in the gentleman from Massachusetts. They would never sacri- power of Great Britain to disembarrass herself of her colofice any portion of her navigation, to bolster up any inte- nial regulations, and to accept the provisions of some mearest incapable of sustaining itself, though encouraged by a sure like that under consideration, however it might alarm premium of thirty per cent. ad valorem. They might be the apprehensive capitalist, New England would be the obliged to yield to political considerations, but they would last section of the Union to deny herself the markets of the never from choice "hold firmly to their restrictions," British empire. But no such event is near at hand; and while we were securing to ourselves, by a more liberal gentlemen may therefore treat the measure proposed by policy, the commerce of almost all Europe and America. the committee with more candor, moderation, and justice. When the proposed measure is thoroughly examined, In recommending this measure, the committee consultgentlemen will be surprised that it should have encounter-ed our national interests alone. They believed that they ed so much opposition from Massachusetts. That oppo- were pursuing a course of policy which had been acted sition has, no doubt, originated more from the apprehen- upon by the Government since 1815, in our intercourse sion of some general reciprocal arragement with Great with foreign nations. This is the third of a series of meaBritain, than from any very profound knowledge of the sures designed to remove impolitic restrictions on our probable operation of the measure proposed, or the nation- commerce with other countries. The first, of March, 1815, al policy on which it is founded. Gentlemen may dismiss proposed to all nations the removal of discriminating du their fears-whatever partial engagements may be made ties of tonnage and imposts, but limited its operation to with Great Britain at some future period for the mutual the direct trade; the second, of May, 1828, embraced the benefit of the people of both countries-she can never principle of the first, and offered the privilege of importaccept the provisions of this bill, until one of its great ob- ing the productions of every country into the United States, jects is accomplished-until she is compelled to abandon to any nation who would grant us corresponding advanall the restrictions she has imposed on foreign nations in tages in their ports: in other words, a proposal was made their commerce with her whole empire, and to surrender by us to all nations mutually to nationalize navigation. her ancient colonial trade system. Her corn laws are not The measure now proposed removes the last and only obthe chief impediment-even the powerful landed interest struction to our commercial intercourse with foreign naof England must ultimately yield to the cries and suffer- tions. The principle is the same; the only novelty in the ings of an overgrown population. Nor does the difficulty proposal consists in carrying the rule of reciprocity one arise from any stubborn adherence to a system of high step beyond the act of 1828. duties for the protection of industry; these are fast disap- The privileges of the act of March, 1815, were extendpearing from the statute book. No, sir, ministers are re-ed by law and treaty to Great Britain, Russia, Norway, strained from engaging in a general reciprocal commerce the Netherlands, Sardinia, Oldenberg, and the Papal Dowith us, by the more imperative considerations of political minions. National privileges have been reciprocated with necessity. They dare not disturb their colonial system, us in accordance with the principle of the act of May, lest they should excite serious discontents in various por- 1828, by Central America, Denmark, Sweden, the Hantions of the British empire. After the emancipation of seatic League, Prussia, Brazil, and Austria. To all these her colonies from the mother country, she transferred to measures, removing our discriminating duties and restricher northern provinces, and to Ireland, the privilege of tions on foreign invigation, the gentleman from Massachu furnishing certain staple supplies which had been, before setts decidedly objects. He even ventures to ascribe the revolution, furnished from this country, and principally the relative decline in our navigation to this policy. I am from New England. Ireland has now for fifty years sup- compelled to say that those who entertain such opinions plied her West India colonies with salted provisions; her take but a limited view of the question. What, sir, was fisheries of the North monopolize the markets of the Bri- the state of our commercial relations with foreign countish empire; her northern colonies enjoy the advantage of tries when we proposed to abolish our discriminating dudiscriminative duties, which almost exclude the lumber of ties? We had then, as we have now, the largest proporforeign countries. These, sir, are some of the great diffi- tion of navigation in every branch of our foreign trade, on culties growing out of a long established colonial system which were levied abroad discriminating duties of ton

H. OF R.]

Navigation and Imposts.

[MAY 14, 1830.

nage and impost, equal to, and in some instances greater row views and petty calculations of local interest. It is a than those imposed on our side. Almost all the valuable measure of great national concern-one on which the pros importations from abroad came in our own ships, giving us perity and power of this country essentially depend-and little or no advantage in the discrimination on impost duties it is urged upon us by paramount considerations of polition importations in foreign vessels, while we were charged cal necessity. It is for us to determine whether we will with tonnage duties abroad to seven times the amount of look on with indifference, while our great competitors for those levied on foreign navigation in our own ports. The national power are stretching the arm of commercial emproportion of foreign to American tonnage is now as fif- pire into every quarter of the globe. It depends on our teen to one hundred. What, then, sir, was the arrangement decision whether we will take advantage of our commerwhich is so much deprecated by the gentleman from Mas- cial position, and of the colonial embarrassments of our sachusetts? A proposition on our part to relinquish our rivals, and steadily pursue that liberal line of policy which discriminating duties on foreign tonnage, provided other can alone countervail and neutralize all the advantages nations would relinquish a similar charge on seven times monopolized by nations holding extensive possessions the amount of American navigation. I am at a loss, sir, to abroad. It is in our power, by adopting a bold, liberal, and comprehend how such an arrangement can be considered wise policy in our foreign commercial relations, to estab disadvantageous to the United States. The policy contend-lish on a permanent foundation a friendly commercial ed for by the gentleman from Massachusetts might be union with nations whose political interests harmonize very sound, provided he could regulate the tonnage duties with our own, and who possess no colonial dominions—s not only of this but of every other country. That gen-union infinitely more durable and powerful than any poli tleman's system would no doubt operate much to our ad- tical alliance whatever. This country cannot avoid ultivantage, if we could impose discriminating duties on our side, while other nations would indulge us with the privilege of entering their ports without any such discriminating charge. But so long as foreign Governments will take the liberty of regulating their discriminating duties for themselves, and will impose charges on our commerce and navigation precisely equal to the rates we may levy on theirs, it is manifestly for our interest that they should be mutually abolished. A policy which in effect merely stipulates with foreign countries for the removal of their taxes on the trade and tonnage of this country, can never, under any circumstances, be one of the causes of the late paralyzed condition of our navigation. There is no difficulty in accounting for the present state of our shipping, when compared with its former prosperity, or with the actual condition of British navigation. We have levied enormous taxes on the materials for shipbuilding, and have imposed prohibitory duties to destroy our commerce with foreign nations.

mately adopting the poliey now proposed, however it may encounter this premature hostility. Republics never have and never will permanently pursue a narrow, unambitious, and selfish policy. We may, for a time, sacrifice our national interests, to turn the fluctuating tide of an election, or postpone them in a contemptible struggle for the tran sient honors of official station; but this proud and aspiring confederacy will never consent to withdraw from that great contest for naval empire in which the commercial world is engaged. Our foreign relations are of a pacifie and friendly character-we have no colonies to defend, to keep in subjection, or involve us in distant wars. Our march is on the ocean-that must ever be the theatre of our contests, and on that theatre we must lay the foundstion of our national power. We have peculiar advantages in engaging in the contest for maritime ascendancy. Our great rivals, France and Great Britain, are shackled with ancient interests at home, and colonial dependencies abroad. They are compelled from political necessity to decline that mutual commerce which may be reciprocat ed by other nations. We are comparatively unshackled; and the time is near at hand, when we shall be still more free to adopt the reciprocity measure now proposed, in our commerce with most of the nations of Europe and America.

The second proposal of this Government took a wider range, and essentially departed from those ancient notions concerning navigation, which have so long governed the foreign policy of Great Britain. We boldly proposed to grant to the ships of all countries all the privileges of our national flag in our own ports, in exchange for corresponding privileges in theirs. They might import not only The redemption of our public debt must inevitably be their own produce directly, but the productions of all attended with au adjustment of our impost system of taxcountries, and from any country. This policy had been ation, better adapted to harmonize the various interests introduced into some of our treaties at an earlier period, of a great confederacy.As we approach that condition and was made the basis of our navigation laws in May, of our finances and commerce, we shall be better able to 1828, without a division either here or in the Senate. mature the measure now under consideration, and to apSuch arrangements are unquestionably advantageous to a preciate the important advantages it promises to every country, situated, as we are, in a position midway between Europe on the one hand, and the southern nations of America on the other-to a people naturally commercial and enterprising-and to a republic already entering the lists for naval empire. Great Britain and France dare not venture to accept the terms of the act of 1828-our position is too advantageous, and the commerce between a temperate and tropical region so natural, that we should, under such a treaty, in a very few years, supply the markets of these countries with the productions of Mexico, Central America, Colombia, Brazil, &c. &c. Such proposals can, moreover, never be accepted by nations tenaciously adhering to their ancient navigation laws, and jealous as France and Great Britain are of their maritime ascendancy. There are, however, other powers in Europe and America, whose commercial and naval interests do not conflict with ours, and with whom we have already entered into treaties on this mutually national basis. The measure now proposed is absolutely necessary to give full operation and effect to this important branch of our national policy.

Sir, this is no small affair, nor to be measured by nar

portion of this Union. Gentlemen will pardon me, sir; but, hurried away by their own suspicions, they have not paused to appreciate the comprehensive advantages which would probably result to this country, should we adopt and persevere in the policy proposed. Our southern neighbors are still young, and comparatively uushackled. We have a deep and powerful interest in securing upon some permanent and equitable basis a mutual commerce with Mexico, Central America, Colombia, Brazil, Buenos Ayres, Chili, and Peru. We have with these young nstions a commerce of great and growing importance an intercourse particularly interesting to our western, middle, northern, and eastern States. If gentlemen will trouble themselves to examine our exports to these countries, they will find them composed almost exclusively of the produce of our fisheries, manufactures, and agricul ture-particularly of the two latter. Of these exports, a very inconsiderable portion is the produce of the States south of the Potomac. It is of no importance, sir, to our manufactures to secure their permanent admission into these young countries, under commercial arrangements

MAY 14, 1830.]

Removal of the Indians.

[H. OF R.

Such, sir, are some of the considerations which have induced a majority of the Committee on Commerce to report this bill for the mature deliberation, not only of this House, but of the nation. They ask, at this time, neither its discussion nor adoption. The time is approaching when this policy must be adopted as the basis of our commercial relations with foreign countries. Gentlemen have forced the friends of the measure into a premature debate upon its merits. I trust, sir, that I have explained its operation sufficiently to satisfy the House, that whatever may be its fate at some future session, the measure proposed is at least worthy its candid and mature consideration.

Mr. STORRS, of New York, moved that the bill be laid on the table, with the view [he said] that it should not be taken up again.

mutually stipulating that prohibitory duties shall be abolished. An arrangement of that character, for ten years, would prove so decidedly advantageous to all parties, that it would soon become the permanent basis of our commerce. Is it of no consequence, sir, to countries in temperate latitudes to secure the markets of nations in tropical climates Should no step be taken to secure the opportunity of supplying the absolute wants of southern Europe and America, and the overgrown population of older nations! Our furnishing a home market for our agricultural supplies, is an illusion rapidly disappearing; it is following the shades of other illusions which have temporarily sustained our modern and incongruous system of taxation. Sir, either of our larger central States could supply the whole Union with grain; our great Western Valley could furnish enough to supply the deficiencies of Mr. CAMBRELENG intimated that, as he would have all Europe and America. It is all-important to our agri- the power to move its consideration any time hereafter, culture that our commerce should be enlarged, and our should it be laid on the table,he would not oppose the motion. markets for its productions should be extended in every The question was then put on laying the bill on the table, part of the globe. But, sir, the boundaries of this ques- and carried by the following vote: tion are not limited by mere commercial considerations of YEAS.-Messrs. Allen, Anderson, Armstrong, Arnold, securing markets at home or abroad. It is with us a ques-Bailey, Noyes Barber, John S. Barbour, P. P. Barbour, sion of national honor, safety, and power. Commerce Barringer, Bates, Beekman, John Blair, Bockee, Boon, and navigation are the foundation on which these rest. In Borst, Brodhead, Brown, Buchanan, Burges, Butman, Caproportion as they flourish, shall we be enabled to keep hoon, Cambreleng, Campbell, Carson, Childs, Chilton, the too aspiring ambition of other nations in check, and Claiborne, Clay, Clark, Coke, Coleman, Conner, Cooper, o protect our national interests, rights, and honor. It is Cowles, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crawford, Crockett, a question, sir, whether we shall wisely use the advantages Creighton, Crocheron, Crowninshield, Daniel, Davenport, which Providence has placed within our reach. Our po- Deberry, Denny, Desha, DeWitt, Dickinson, Doddridge, ition is admirable for all the substantial purposes of fo- Earll, George Evans, Joshua Evans, Findlay, Forward, reign commerce. Is it not for our interest to look abroad Fry, Gilmore, Green, Hall, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hughes, 8 it not our policy to make an experiment at least, to in- Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie. Ingersoll, William W. Irvin, serpose our country as a medium of commerce between Johns, R. M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Kennon, Kincaid, Europe and the two Americas? It is impossible to com- Perkins, King, Adam King, Lecompte, Letcher, Lumpkin, prehend, in one view, the commercial and political rela- Lyon, Mallary, Martindale, Thomas Maxwell, Lewis Maxgions of all countries-to contemplate the geographical well, McCreery, McCoy, McIntire, Miller, Mitchell, Moposition of this confederacy, and to appreciate the bold nell, Muhlenberg, Nuckolls, Overton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierand enterprising character of our countrymen, without son, Polk, Potter, Powers, Ramsey, Roane, Rose, Scott, seing sensible of the imperative necessity of exercising a Wm. B. Shepard, Aug. H. Shepperd, Shields, Semmes, beral and enlarged policy in our commercial intercourse Samuel A. Smith, Ambrose Spencer, Richard Spencer, with foreign nations. With mutual and intimate commer- Sandifer, Sterigere, Stephens, Henry R. Storrs, William ial relations with Mexico, Central America, Colombia, L. Storrs, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Taliaferro, Taylor, Brazil, Buenos Ayres, Chili, and Peru to the South-and Test, Tracy, Tucker, Vance, Varnum, Verplanck, Washthe east with Portugal, the Italian States, Switzerland, ington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Williams, termany, Holland, the Hanseatic League, Prussia, Den- Yancey, Young.-130. nark, Sweden, and Russia-with the privilege of nationlity to our flag in almost all these countries, and with a muual and general abolition of prohibitory duties-the naviation of this country would soon acquire a decided ascenency through its enlarged employments between Europe nd both Americas. The flags of Great Britain and France would, in a few years, almost disappear in every hannel of trade that might be secured to us under such eciprocal arrangements. They never could successfully ontend against a power enjoying national privileges in so nany foreign countries on both sides of the Atlantic, and ubstantially monopolizing a commerce with a hundred nillions of people. These great rival powers would ither be driven to the necessity of abandoning their coonial systems and ancient navigation laws, or compelled o submit to a decline in their commerce, which would be atal to their naval ascendency. If they persisted in adhering to their existing policy, their navigation would be imited to those direct channels which are marked out in beir ancient statutes-and the poor monopoly of their ommerce with their colonial dependencies; while, on he other hand, by steadily persevering in the policy now ecommended, we should soon surpass all nations in the xtent of our commercial marine-and while thus emloyed in friendly commerce with all countries, we should be gradually acquiring a naval ascendency, which would be too much respected by all nations, to be voluntarily encountered by any one power. VOL. VI.-125.

NAYS.-Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Barnwell, James Blair, Chandler, Condict, Crane, John Davis, Drayton Dwight, Edward Everett, Foster, Gaither, Gordon, Hammons, Harvey, Haynes, Hinds, Hodges, Hoffman, Lamar, Lea, Loyall, Lewis, Martin, Randolph, Reed, Richardson, Russel, Speight, Strong, Wiley Thompson, John Thomson, Trezvant, Vinton, Wayne, C. P. White, Wilde.—38.

The House took up the amendments of the Senate to the bill reducing the duties on tea, coffee, and cocoa, and, after some explanation thereof by Mr. VERPLANCK, concurred therein.

[The principal amendment is to extend the provisions of the bill to teas now imported, which shall remain in warehouse when the act goes into operation.]

REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, Mr. WICKLIFFE in the chair, and resumed the consideration of the bill " "providing for an exchange of lands with the Indian tribes, and for their removal west of the river Mississippi."

Mr. LUMPKIN was entitled to the floor; but, [he said] considering the circumstances under which he obtained it yesterday, he felt it his duty to resign it to Mr. BELL, who had not finished his remarks.

Mr. BELL then rose, and, after acknowledging, the courtesy of the gentleman from Georgia, proceeded with the argument which he commenced yesterday, and addressed the

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