crowd our now vacant territories, and our hundred high schools shall become a thousand—it is a question not so much of the present as of coming time, and to be settled not in the light of the prejudices of the past, but in view of the mighty prospective needs of our people.

The assumption of those who have looked with distrust, if not with positive dislike, upon these colleges, is that the State system of public instruction was designed to cover the whole ground, and do the entire work of education-that beginning with the primary schools, the broad base of the system, it should rise through the narrowing circles of public high schools and branches till the whole was fitly crowned with one, great, free university. All grades of education being thus provided for, from the common school to the college or university, there remained no room and no need for any other schools. In their estimation, the erection of other institutions breaks in needlessly and injuriously upon the beautiful symmetry of this pyramidal plan, and endangers its success by their hurtful rivalry.

Men often cheat themselves with their own figures of speech. A pyramid is not, any more than a cube or sphere, a proper pattern for a school system. Schools are living agencies for a great public work; not blocks of marble to be built up in lessening layers and crowned with one immense cap-stone grander than all the rest.

The simple truth is this. If Congress had not granted an endowment in lands, the (State would, probably, never have built a college at all. Contented with providing a system of common schools for the common education of the people, it would have left the colleges to be provided as they have been in the older States, by the voluntary efforts of philanthropic and Christian friends of liberal learning. We should, in all human probability, have had no State University to this day; for, even up to this time, no legislature has been found willing to grant it a direct donation for its enlargement or support. But a grant of lands having been tendered by Congress, the

State wisely accepted it, and, with a generous and prudent care, reared with the proceeds, one great and powerful University, which will, it is to be hoped, forever remain, a noble monument of the munificence of our federal government and of the wisdom of the State.

But as the State would never have built even this one institution at its own expense, so it cannot be reasonably expected that it will go on to build others. The only question that re. mains, therefore, is, shall the men who, under other circumstances, would have founded all our Colleges, be now encouraged to found any addditional ones? Or, having got this one without their aid, shall we now repress their zeal and discourage their efforts, and so have only one? Having received one from Congress, shall we refuse to accept others from Christianity?

This is not the first time this question has been before the people of this State. In 1838, at the first session after the adoption of our present school system, the question was gravely brought before the Legislature by the Hon. J. D. Pierce, the first Superintendent of Public Instruction, who had taken pains to collect opinions on the subject, from the most eminent educators of the time, some of which were favorable and some unfavorable to a plurality of colleges. It was with no little solemnity that the worthy Superintendent urged his views against the charter of other collegiate institutions. "When this decision is finally made," said he, "it will not require the inspiration of a prophet to determine whether the State shall eventually assume the first rank in the Republic of letters, by founding and rearing up an institution of noble stature and just proportions, worthy alike of the State and of learning, and equally worthy the name of University; or whether the State shall ultimately sink to a low level in the world of knowledge, having institutions under the imposing name of Colleges, scattered through the length and breadth of the land without funds, without cabinets, without apparatus, without libraries, without talents, without character, and without the ability of

ever maintaining them. If one is granted others must be, and there is no limit. If one village obtains a charter for a college, all others must have the same favor. In proportion as they increase in number, just in that proportion will be their decrease of power to be useful."

Happily, although the Superintendent's views did not prevail, the evils he foreboded have not followed. The University has grown to a grandeur that even he did not anticipate so early, and the Colleges have not been unduly multiplied.

The question which the Superintendent had thus presented, was finally precipitated upon the Legislature, by a petition presented by Hon. Jacob M. Howard to the House of Representatives, the 19th day of January, 1838, "to incorporate the Trustees of Michigan College." The petition was referred to a committee of which Mr. Howard was chairman, who made a majority report adverse to the views of Mr. Pierce and favorable to the College for whose incorporation he introduced a bill. The following extracts from Mr. Howard's report embrace substantially the views of the committee:

"The committee cannot appreciate the force of the objection that by granting the franchises asked for, we encourage others to make like requests. We are of opinion that in this, as well as in other matters coming before the Legislature, it is to be governed by a sound discretion, neither granting nor withholding, without sufficient reason, and keeping constantly in view the general good of community.

"They deem it the duty of the Legislature, not only to prevent all impediments, but to afford facilities to the progress of general education; to speak in words of encouragement rather than of restraint, to those who volunteer to aid it, and not from an overweening fondness for one particular institution, or one particular system, place all others under the ban of power."

To the fear that "the establishment of this or other institutions of the kind, would distract public attention and divert patronage from the University," the committee replied:

"An institution, under the immediate supervision and control of the government, with an endowment of one million dol lars, and all the attendant patronage, cannot be prostrated or impeded in its progress by any voluntary association, founded. upon individual munificence. The true secret of the sucess of

every such institution, is found in the enterprise, learning and capacity of those at its head; and where these are wanting, the interests of education, like those of commerce and other branches of business, will assuredly decline.

"It is also urged that by confining the power of granting diplomas to the State University, and withholding its exercise from all other institutions, the State ensures to that University, at all times, a number of students corresponding to its high literary claims, and the wealth of its endowment. We are at a loss to discover the propriety of this restrictive and exclusive principle. * * * It is certainly at war with the well known freedom of American Institutions and American character. * * * We claim that the ancient and time honored system of New England, now extending over almost the whole country, is more in accordance with the genius of the American people than any known system of foreign nations. We are not to suppose that the settled feelings, habits and opinions of a people can be safely disregarded by their rulers, nor that they can be made to bend and quadrate to any and every innovation, which those in authority may dignify with the name of improvements. Still less can freemen be compelled to countenance a monopoly of those benefits which they have been taught to regard as the gift of God. * * * In our own community, there exists every variety of religious and political opinion, and so strong are men's attachments to their own particular creeds, that any legislative attempt to change or modify them by the course of instruction or otherwise; any system which seeks to make all coalesce in one set of opinions, or to inculcate indifference to all, or which erects a barrier to even the caprices of men, must necessarily prove odious and unavailing. Whatever may be the theories of philosophers and speculatists, among the mass of mankind, religion is not supposed to exist without creed, and to use the language of another, 'he is a rash man, indeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is either to be trifled with or despised; it will assuredly cause itself to be respected.'

"One obvious effect of the system recommended will be to drive from the State every young man wishing to obtain a degree, but unwilling from whatever cause to prosecute his studies in the University. The majority of the committee deem it unjust to individuals and the State, to confer on the State University a monopoly of college honors. It is the right of every parent and guardian, and one which we may be assured will be insisted on, to educate his child or ward in his own way; and it is furthermore the right of the student himself, that

the road to literary honors should be opened to him by his own State, in a manner accordant with his own feelings and principles; and it is the correspondent duty of the State, to cherish and encourage all her sons in the way to distinction and usefulness, in order that she may reap her just share of the glory of their achievements. It is made the duty of the Legislature 'to encourage by all suitable means the promotion of intellectual and scientific improvements.' It is conceived that the policy proposed is in conflict with the spirit of this provision, inasmuch as it in a manner disfranchises a large portion of the community. We predict that if it be adopted as the governing rule of the Legislature, it will drive from us a large number of young men, seeking a liberal education, and the usual honors by which it is and ever ought to be distinguished, will engender hatred, rather than create respect for the State instititution, and ultimately leave it deserted by all but its immediate govern meni patrons-a place where the idle and curious may and gratification, but devoid of that active, vital energy, which is ever kept awake by peaceful and salutary competition."

The minority of the committee made a report strongly sustaining the doctrines of the Superintendent; but the opinions of the majority prevailed, and in 1839, the Legislature decided the question by granting the charter. The right to build Colleges was established.

In 1855 this question arose again before the Legislature. The new Constitution of the State having forbidden the granting of special charters for any private corporation whatever, and a project being on foot to establish a College at Hillsdale, a general law for the incorporation of Colleges was asked of the Legislature. On the 12th day of January, Hon. Austin Blair presented, in the Senate, a "Bill for the incorporation of Colleges and other institutions of learning." An earnest discussion of the bill ensued, and an effort was made to restrict the power to confer degrees, to the State University, which would, in effect, have banished all other Colleges from the State. No record was preserved of the debates, but the question was again decided in favor of Colleges, a general law for their incorporation passing the Senate by a unanimous vote, and the House of Representatives, by a vote of 54 for, to 14 against it. Thus far, time, which tries all things, has justified the wis