himself. The people, on this occasion, chose a committee to wait upon the lieutenant governor, to require that the troops be immediately withdrawn from the town. The mission, however, proved unsuccessful, and another resolution was immediately adopted, that a new committee be chosen to wait a second time upon governor Hutchinson, for the purpose of conveying the sense of the meeting in a more peremptory manner. They waited on the lieutenant governor, and communicated this last vote of the town; and, in a speech of some length, Mr. Adams stated the danger of keeping the troops longer in the capital, fully proving the illegality of the act itself; and enumerated the fatal consequences that would ensue, if an immediate compliance with the vote should be refused. Lieutenant governor Hutchinson, with his usual prevarication, replied by roundly asserting, that there was no illegality in the measure; and repeated, that the troops were not subject to his authority, but that he would direct the removal of the twenty-ninth regiment. Mr. Adams again rose. The importance of the subject, and the manner in which it was treated by the lieutenant governor, had now roused his feelings and excited all the ardour of his patriotism. With indignation strongly expressed in his countenance, and in a firm, resolute and commanding manner, he replied, "that it was well known, that, acting as governor of the province, he was, by its charter, the commander in chief of his majesty's military and naval forces, and as such, the troops were subject to his orders; if he had the power to remove one regiment, he had the power to remove both, and nothing short of this would satisfy the people; it was at his peril therefore, if the vote of the town was not immediately complied with, and if it were longer delayed, he, alone, must be answerable for the fatal consequences that would ensue. This produced a momentary silence. It was now dark, and

the people were waiting in anxious suspense for the report of their committee. A conference in whispers followed between lieutenant governor Hutchinson and colonel Dalrymple. The former, finding himself so closely pressed, and the fallacy and absurdity of his arguments thus glaringly exposed, yielded up his positions, and gave his consent to the removal of both regiments; colonel Dalrymple too pledged his word of honour, that he would begin his preparations in the morning, and that there should be no unnecessary delay, until the whole of both regiments were removed to the castle.

The formation of committees of correspondence between the different colonies, has always been looked upon as one of the leading and most important causes of the revolution, at least of that union of feeling and action which gave rise to it, and ensured eventual success. The origin of measures that produce such great results, after their excellence becomes developed, is naturally claimed by those in whose minds they were first conceived; and it is often difficult to settle, with satisfaction and fairness, the claims of contending genius. This has been the case with the measure to which we allude. Virginia asserts the design to have first arisen with her truly great statesman, Richard Henry Lee; while Massachusetts, with equal confidence, sees its origin in the efforts and intelligence of Samuel Adams. Perhaps and indeed private correspondence of both, which has come to light, seems to establish the fact-the idea may have arisen with each of these patriotic statesmen, who had long been reflecting on the aspect of things and probable events, and anxiously considering the course which their country might be called on to pursue. When the crisis of affairs required it, each in his own state proposed the measure, of the utility of which he had been long convinced; and the whole country, catching at the plan, pursued it with zeal and experienced its utility.

It was first adopted in Massachusetts, at a town meeting, held in Boston, at the close of the year 1772, where it was suggested by Mr. Adams.

The rapid increase of Mr. Adams' popularity and influence rendered it every day more desirable to the royal party, that he should be detached from the popular cause. We have already mentioned the attempt that was made to induce him to accept an office under the colonial government; and at subsequent times such offers had been frequently renewed, though without success. Prior to the year 1773, the royalists do not appear to have ventured on any other plan than this; and there is no certain proof that, up to this period, any direct attack, by means of menaces and bribes, had been made on his integrity and public virtue, although a report was publicly and freely circulated, that it had been unsuccessfully tried by governor Bernard. Hutchinson knew him too well to make the attempt; but governor Gage was empowered to try the experiment. He sent to him a confidential and verbal message by colonel Fenton, who waited upon Mr. Adams, and after the customary salutations, stated the object of his visit. He said, that an adjustment of the disputes which existed between England and the colonies, and a reconciliation, were very desirable, as well as important to the interests of both. That he was authorized from governor Gage to assure him, that he had been empowered to confer upon him such benefits as would be satisfactory, upon the condition, that he would engage to cease in his opposition to the measures of government. He also observed, that it was the advice of governor Gage to him, not to incur the further displeasure of his majesty; that his conduct had been such as made him liable to the penalties of an act of Henry VIII. by which persons could be sent to England for trial of treason, or misprision of treason, at the discretion of a governor VOL. I.-F

of a province; but by changing his political course, he would not only receive great personal advantages, but would thereby make his peace with the king. Mr. Adams listened with apparent interest to this recital. He asked colonel Fenton if he would truly deliver his reply as it should be given. After some hesitation he assented. Mr. Adams required his

Then rising from his

word of honour, which he pledged. chair, and assuming a determined manner, he replied, "I trust I have long since made MY PEACE WITH THe King of KINGS. No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell governor Gage, IT IS THE ADVICE OF SAMUEL ADAMS TO HIM, no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated people." With a full . sense of his own perilous situation, marked out as an object of ministerial vengeance, labouring under severe pecuniary embarrassment, but fearless of personal consequences, he steadily pursued the great object of his soul, the liberty of the people.

Irritated at this failure of his plans, and exasperated at an individual who continued to pursue his own ideas of right, unawed by threats and unallured by promises, governor Gage, in a moment of indignation, issued the celebrated proclamation which, had nothing else done it, would have immortalized those against whom it was directed, while it only bound them. more firmly to the cause they had adopted, and rallied all around them as devoted champions. "I do hereby," he said, "in his majesty's name, offer and promise his most gracious pardon to all persons, who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects, excepting only from the benefit of such pardon, SAMUEL ADAMS, and JOHN HANCOCK, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature, to admit of any other consideration, but that of condign punishment." A war of words is always useless, but

in this instance, it seems to have been marked with that peculiar folly, which so strangely characterized the acts of the British party, in the early periods of our revolution. Such an act conferred honour on those, who were thus pointed out as the objects of peculiar vengeance, and they who had resisted every temptation, and been followed by their countrymen, through every peril, were little likely to be daunted or deserted on account of an empty threat.

Indeed, the persecutions of the royalists only strengthened the efforts of the patriots. They encouraged the ardour of the resolute, and they gave spirit and determination to the timid. Whenever Mr. Adams perceived a disposition to yield, or to adopt measures unsuited to the emergency, he exerted all his influence and talents, and usually succeeded in his views. When he on one occasion found the house of assembly less resolute than usual, he thus addressed his friend, Mr. Warren, of Plymouth, "do you keep the committee in play, and I will go and make a caucus by the time the evening arrives, and do you meet me." Mr. Adams secured a meeting of about five principal members of the house at the time specified, and repeated his endeavours for the second and third nights, when the number amounted to more than thirty. The friends of the administration knew nothing of the matter. The popular leaders took the sense of the members in a private way, and found that they would be able to carry their scheme by a sufficient majority. They had their whole plan completed, prepared their resolutions, and then determined to bring the business forward; but before they commenced, the door-keeper was ordered to let no person in, or suffer any one to depart. The subjects for discussion were then introduced by Mr. Adams, with his usual eloquence on such great occasions. He was chairman of the committee, and reported resolutions, for the appointment of delegates to a general