MARCH, 1826. On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) THE PARAGRAPH. [SENATE. A third object to be accomplished by this Congress, ister of Mr. Salazar, the Colombian Minister. I will read it: one indistinctly seen in the message*-the establishment for in matters of this kind, we cannot be too exact. of a league of Republics to counterpoise the Holy Alliance of Europe. The honor of being at its head, seems to be tendered to us. This, Mr. President, is a most seductive object. It addresses itself to the generous and heroic feelings of our entire population. The brilliant honor of presiding in a such a league would cast a new splendor" over our administration; but it is the business of those who are appointed by the Constitution to counsel the President about it, to take counsel themselves rather from their judgments, than from illusions of glory, and the ardent" feelings of young men. 66 It "On what basis the relations of Hayti, and of other parts "of our hemisphere that shall hereafter be in like cir"cumstances, are to be placed, is a question simple at "first view, but attended with serious difficulties when closely examined. These arise from the different man"ner of regarding Africans, and from their different rights in Hayti, the United States, and in other American States. This question will be determined at the Isthmus, and, if possible, an uniform rule of conduct adopted in regard to it, or those modifications that may be demanded The despots of Europe have confederated for the pur-by circumstances." pose of putting down liberty. They have embodied one Our policy towards Hayti, the old San Domingo, has million five hundred thousand bayonets to march against been fixed, Mr. President, for three and thirty years. the banner of freedom wherever it can be seen. One of We trade with her, but no diplomatic relations have been the protegés of this alliance is engaged in war with the established between us. We purchase coffee from her, Spanish American States, formerly his colonies; and these and pay her for it; but we interchange no Consuls or MinStates have confederated against him, as we confederated isters. We receive no mulatto Consuls, or black Ambasagainst our ancient master, in the war of the Revolution. sadors from her. And why? Because the peace of eleven For the success of all their objects in this Confederation, States in this Union will not permit the fruits of a successthey have the prayers and the best wishes of all the friends ful negro insurrection to be exhibited among them. of liberty throughout the globe. But I cannot advise the will not permit black Consuls and Ambassadors to estaPresident to enter into this Confederation as a partner, blish themselves in our cities, and to parade through our neither upon the open sign, nor in the secret articles.fcountry, and give their fellow blacks in the United States, cannot approve even of a dormant partnership in this busi-proof in hand of the honors which await them, for a like ness. Not that I am determined, in no event, to make successful effort on their part. It will not permit the fact common cause with these new Republics, or any one of to be seen, and told, that for the murder of their masters them, in a contest with the combined Powers of Europe; and mistresses, they are to find friends among the white but because I would be the judge of the occasion which People of these United States. No, Mr. President, this is required me to do so, and free to act as I thought proper, a question which has been determined HERE for three and when the occasion occurred. The occasion may occur, thirty years; one which has never been open for discusMr. President. We have the Holy Allies in front and sion, at home or abroad, either under the Presidency of in rear, in Europe and in Asia. They may conceive it to General Washington, of the first Mr. Adams, of Mr. Jefbe the shortest way of accomplishing their final object, ferson, Mr. Madison, or Mr. Monroe. It is one which canto extinguish, at once, the light of liberty in the new not be discussed in this chamber on this day; and shall world; and the subjugation of the new Republics might we go to Panama to discuss it-I take it in the mildest be the first step in that great work. In such an event, I supposed character of this Congress-shall we go there to would not wait for the dastardly privilege of being the adrise and consult in council about it? Who are to advise last to be devoured. I would go into the contest from the and sit in judgment upon it? Five nations who have albeginning; I would grapple the universal enemy while he ready put the black man upon an equality with the white, was engaged with my neighbor; I would go into the con-not only in their constitutions but in real life; five nations flict not as ally, but as principal; not with regulated quotas and starveling contingents, but with all our power by land and sea. I would go into it to conquer or to perish. I would stake life and property, and Household Gods, upon the issue. I would fight the battle of desperation and of death. It would be the last struggle for human liberty, and should be worthy of the cause; great in the triumph, and greater still in the fall! who have at this moment (at least some of them) black Generals in their armies and mulatto Senators in their Congresses! And who is the counsel retained on our part, to plead our cause before that tribunal?-Mr. President, have we forgot the Missouri question, its agitators, and their doctrines? I say the agitators! for I separate the credulous crowd that followed, from the designing few that went ahead. Have we forgot the doctrines and the leadThe relations of Hayti with the American States, (these United States inclusive) and the rights of Africans in this ed to our faces, that slavery did not exist! could not exist! ers of that day-On this floor we had one, who proclaimhemisphere, are two other questions to be "determined" was condemned by God and man! by our own Declaraat the Isthmus. We learn this from a paragraph in the let-tion of Independence! by the nature of our Government! I say, I do not like this jumbling of politics and religion. My dislike to it dates from the reading of Cromwell's expulsion of the Rump Parliament, when he said to one member, “thou art an adulterer;" to another, "thou art a hy pocrite," to a third, "the Lord hath no further occasion for thee," and to the whole,-"I have besought the Lord night and day, not to put me upon this work; but he hath sent me here to drive ye all away--get ye gone."-Note, by Mr. B. The President, in his second message, the one to the House of Representatives, has come out more explicitly on this subject. He even seems to stimulate Congress by piquing their pride on the delicate article of their animal courage. He says, (in answer to the supposition that the Holy Allies may take offence at this meeting at Panama,) that The Holy League of Europe itself was formed, without inquiring of the United States, whether it would, or would "not, give umbrage to them. The fear of giving umbrage to the Holy League of Europe, was urged as a motive "for denying to the American nations the acknowledgment of their Independence. That it would be viewed by "Spain as hostility to her, was not only urged, but directly declared by herself. The Congress and administration of that day consulted their rights and duties, and not their FEARS."-Note, by Mr. B. The Colombian Minister proposes that a defensive alliance against European Powers shall be formed between the United States and the Confederates at Panama, to be kept "secret" until the casus fœderis should occur. (Leiler to Mr. Clay, Nov. 2d, 1825.)-Note, by Mr. B. GA SENATE.] On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) [MARCH, 1826. [Mr. B. also referred to an address delivered by Judge Story, to a grand jury in Boston, during the agitation of the Missouri question, which he considered to be uncalled for by the case before the Court, and going the whole length of justifying the insurrection of our slaves. He quoted from memory, and begged to be corrected if he was wrong. He paused for the correction-none was given.] But there is one other point of view, Mr. President, in which I wish to look at this black and mulatto question. It is that point of view which exhibits the real parties to it, their conduct upon it, and their weight in its decision. Who are the real parties? They are the States South of the Potomac, South of the Ohio, and the State upon the right bank of the Mississippi. What is their conduct? They are in the opposition, united, sir, against this mission, solid as a wall of granite, some fissures about the edges excepted. And what their weight in the decision? A feather; dust in the balance! Yet, sir, the real parties to this question are disregarded, and strangers to their interests decide it for them. and that the Supreme Court would so declare it! Well, sir, mischief? Very different, Mr. President, by the different this gentleman has been sent to London, to plead the cause members of the society. The hearts of the good were rent of slave-holders before the King of Great Britain; to claim with anguish; but the wicked rejoiced with an exceeding payment for slaves taken from us during the war, twelve joy. Their dens, smeared with human blood, resounded years ago, and payment withheld ever since, in violation with acclamations!" Perish the Colonies-save the PRINof the treaty of Ghent. This gentleman was one of those CIPLE!" was the cry of these infernal monsters; and have we agitators, and we thought him for a long time the most not got societies here, treading in the steps of that at violent and determined; but not so the fact: for when this Paris? Is not our advocate at Panama a President of one gentleman had lost the "restriction," he scorned to go of these societies, whose principles, "carried out to their against the "constitution" on account of some few ne- legitimate conclusions," will justify the slaves of this contigroes and mulattoes. He told me so himself, and his con-nent in re-enacting the tragedy of San Domingo? Are not duct was conformable to his declaration: for he spoke no the slave-holding States filled with emissaries, preaching more on the subject. doctrines which lead to the same result! Has not a second But now came forth, upon another floor, another agita- Anacharsis Klootz appeared in France, sent his petition tor, of far different temper, who, having taken the hold here, and found a person in the Speaker's chair to present which knows no relaxation, resisted the admission of Mis-it to the House of Representatives, in which the total desouri during the entire session of 1820-21, upon the sinstruction of all the slave-holding States is recommended gle isolated point of free negroes' and mulattoes' rights! as a "sublime" measure? And now, this very individual, who kept Missouri out of the Union for one whole year, because she would not take free negroes and mulattoes into her bosom-this identical individual is to go to Panama to prevent the black Ambassadors and Consuls from Saint Domingo, from coming into the bosom of the United States! But gentlemen say it is only for advice and consultation. I answer, that the question is not debatable, neither at home nor abroad; not even in this chamber, where we have sincere advocates and unprejudiced judges. In reply to our objections to Mr. Sergeant, they say that Mr. Anderson goes along to plead the cause of the slave holders. I say, if he must go upon such an errand, give him an assistant, not an opponent. Give him another Southern man, not a Missouri agitator, not a President of an Abolition Society, not the veteran advocate of free negroes' and mulattoes' rights!* They say they only go to consult! I say, there are questions not debateable. I would not debate whether my withholding the advice which the President requires upon this occasion, is the effect of a " factious and unprincipled opposition," I would not debate whether my slave is my property; and I would not go to Panama to "determine the The last, and the main argument, relied upon by the rights of Hayti and of Africans" in these United States. President, for sending this mission, is the fact of invitation Mr. President, I do repeat, that this is a question which to do so. This he calls the "decisive inducement." The ought not to be agitated by us, neither at home nor abroad. President is particular in the use of words; we are perThe intentions of the agitators are wholly immaterial. The mitted, therefore, to say, that all other reasons for sending consequences to us will be the same, whether their designs the mission, were persuasive only, until the weight of this be charitable or wicked. Knaves can do nothing without invitation decided his mind. I felt the full force of this dupes. The wicked would be harmless, were it not for decisive reason myself. Invitations to mere individuals the good men who become their associates and instru- are often embarrassing, and cannot be accepted without ments. Who made the massacre of San Domingo? Was it inconveniences or impropriety, nor refused without giving not the society of "Les Amis des Noirs"† in Paris? And offence. With nations, the acceptance or decline of rewho composed that society? I answer, every thing human, spectful invitations, often become an affair of State, full of in the shape of virtue and of vice, from Lafayette and the responsibilities. When then I saw it stated in the newsAbbe Gregoire, down to Marat and Anacharsis Klootz. The papers, that we had been "invited,” I felt the delicacy of speeches, the writings, and the doctrines of this society, the position in which our Government was placed. When carried to San Domingo by emissaries, with "religion in the annual Message was read, and I heard from authority, "their mouths, hell in their hearts, and torches in their that the invitation had been given and accepted, and that "hands," produced that revolt, the horrors of whieh yet Ministers would be commissioned, I was ready to give my harrow up the soul, and freeze the blood-that revolt, advice in favor of sending them, with a protest against in which the sleeping babe was massacred in its cradle the President's right to send them without such advice. in which the husband and the father, tied to his own gate, When the Message of the 26th December was read, and beheld, by the light of his burning house, the violation of the fact of the invitation placed in high relief, as the deci his wife-saw his daughters led off and received, as a re-sive cause, I responded to the sentiment, and said to the lief from his horrors, the blow of the axe which scattered Senator next to me, "THAT is the strongest of all the reahis brains upon the ground. And how was the news of sons." But what was my astonishment on coming to these scenes received in Paris, by the authors of so much look among the appended documents, to find out the real * The vote on Mr. Anderson's nomination was one more, in his favor, than there was in favor of Mr. Sergeant. Mine made the difference.-Note, by Mr. B. "The friends of the blacks."-Note, by Mr. B. In the President's Message to the House of Representatives, he dwells with warmth and animation upon the force of this invitation. He makes it an affair of insult to refuse it. "To insult them by a refusal of their overture." "To meet the temper with which this proposal was made, with a cold repulse." "Nothing can be gained by SULLEN repulses and ASPIRING pretensions." Such is the language of the Message to the other branch of the Legislature, [Note continued on next page. circumstances of this invitation! I found them to be entirely different from what I had supposed them to be, and from what the newspapers and the President's Messages had induced me to believe them to be. But as this ground is delicate, sir, I must trust nothing to memory, nor even to my notes. Let the President's organ speak, the report of the Secretary of State, which accompanied the Message of December 26th. THE REPORT. [SENATE. This report, Mr. President, put a new face upon the character of the invitation. I found it had not been peremptory, not of a kind to impose an obligation of acceptance, nor so understood by either of the parties. I found that our Government had been sounded with the utmost delicacy, in an unofficial conversation, to know whether it would be agreeable to itself to receive the invitation, and that the President had met the overture with the utmost propriety, with friendly professions, and with a stip"SIR: Agreeably to your direction, that a statement ulation for preliminaries which gave him the 'vantage "should be presented to you of what passed in the De-ground, and enabled him to accept the invitation, eventu"partment of State, with the Ministers of the Republics ally, with safety and honor, or to decline it without of "of Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, in respect fence. Thus far the conduct of both parties must receive "to the invitation to the United States, to be represented an unqualified approbation. But what next? Why, sir, "in the Congress at Panama, have the honor now to on the second, third, and fourteenth of November ensuing, report: the preliminaries not being complied with, the invitation "That, during the last Spring, I held separate confer- is delivered in form; and, on the thirtieth of the same ences, on the same day, with the respective Ministers month, it is accepted "at once."-Six months roll away, "of Mexico and Colombia, at their request, in the course and at the end of that time, the Ministers send in their " of which, each of them verbally stated that his Govern- answers, the conditions not complied with, and our Gov"ment was desirous that the United States should be re- ernment accepts " at once." Call this an invitation! Sir, "presented at the proposed Congress, and that he was in- it is but little short of the reverse-We are invited provi"structed to communicate an invitation to their Govern- sionally-we make conditions;-the conditions are not "ment to send Reprsentatives to it. But that, as his Go- complied with; but the invitation is extended in form. "vernment did not know whether it would or would not, What is this but a dispensation to stay away? The non"be agreeable to the United States to receive such an invi- compliance with the conditions is the substantive answer, "tation, and as he did not wish to occasion any embarrass- and the formal invitation to attend, nevertheless, &c. is the "ment, he was charged informally to inquire, previous to the compliment to grace the repulse.-Let any gentleman "delivery of the invitation, whether it would be accepted, make the case his own. He is invited to a party, either "if given by both of the Republics of Mexico and Co- for business or pleasure-he makes conditions he must "lombia. It was also stated, by each of those Ministers, know four things, or not come. The four things are told "that his Government did not expect that the United him, but the inviters say, "we shall be glad to see you sir!” "States would change their present neutral policy, nor-What is this but leave of absence? Sir, I am not jok"was it desired that they should take part in such of the "deliberations of the proposed Congress, as might relate "to the prosecution of the present war. "Having laid before you what transpired at these con"ferences, I received, about a week after they had been "held, your direction to inform the Ministers of Mexico "and Colombia, and I accordingly did inform them, that "their communication was received with due sensibility "to the friendly consideration of the United States, by "which it had been dictated; that, of course, they could "not make themselves a party to the existing war with "Spain, nor to councils for deliberating on the means of "its further prosecution; that the President believed such "a Congress as was proposed, might be highly useful in "settling several important disputed questions of public law, and in arranging other matters of deep interest to "the American Continent, and strengthening the friend"ship and amicable intercourse between the American "Powers; that, before such a Congress, however assem"bled, it appeared to him to be expedient to adjust be"tween the different Powers to be represented, several pre“liminary points, such as the subjects to which the at"tention of the Congress was to be directed, the nature "and the form of the powers to be given to the Diplomatic "Agents who were to compose it, and the mode of its or“ganization and action. Ir these preliminary points could "be arranged in a manner satisfactory to the United States, "the Ministers from Colombia and Mexico were inform"ed, that the President thought the United States ought "to be represented at Panama. Each of those Ministers "undertook to transmit to his Government, the answer "which was thus given." ing about this matter. I do believe that our attendance, at the forepart of this session, will be embarrassing and dis obliging to the Confederates, and that, if they wish us to come at all, it is not immediately. I will give another reason for this inference, in the proper place. At present it is sufficient to know the fact, that these confederates are determined upon the invasion of Cuba and Porto Rico, and that we are going to Panama to advise against it. From this view of the invitation, it is clear that it was not of a character to lay us under an obligation to accept it-that we might have declined it without offence, and that our final acceptance was more our invitation than theirs. But there are two other aspects under which this invitation is still to be looked at. In the first place, it comes from a part only of the confederates-three out of five-Colombia, Mexico, and Guatemala; Peru and Chili not having joined in giving it. In the next place, our invitation is by word of mouth, or, at least, by a note. We go, if we go at all, upon a parole request, whereas all the other Powers go upon treaties. They create the office by treaties, before they fill it, and in this they do right. Their Constitutions are copied from ours, and from their example our Government should learn, if not from our arguments, that this office should be created before it is filled. But, on these points, as on many others, I limit myself to stating the proposition, and refer the Senate to the unanswered and irrefutable arguments of gentlemen who have preceded me-the Senators, Macon, Randolph, Hayne, Woodbury, Dickerson, Van Buren, White, Holmes, Berrien, and him whose arguments we have, but unhappily not his presence-Tazewell: These have broke the way before me, overturned all obstacles, silenced all But I deny that the alternatives lay between a blind acceptance, and a cold, sullen, and insulting refusal! I say, that the President and his cabinet would have proved themselves to be unfit for their stations, if they could have discovered no middle ground between these two extremes. They did see the middle ground. They resorted to it. They took a position upon it like statesmen; occupied it for six months; and then abandoned it without any reason that has been shown to us, the Senate. Then why this talk about insult in the second Message? Is it an afterthought, a piece of material, to be worked up with other material, to compose an impassioned appeal to the People through the medium of the House of Representatives?—Note by Mr. B. SENATE.] On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) voices, and left to me the easy task of following in the rear-a file closer in the column which traverses the field without resistance. Some further arguments, Mr. President, and of a kind which I was not prepared to hear, have been pressed into the service of this mission. It is said that our refusal to give this advice will embarrass the President; that he has already accepted the invitation, and informed the world that Ministers would be sent; and that he will be disgraced if they do not go. We have just seen, sir, what manner of invitation this is; and as for that precipitate acceptance, six days before the meeting of the Senate, to urge this acceptance in favor of our acting, at this time, would be to make one act of imprudence a plea for another; and, as for the declaration, that Ministers would be commissioned, I look at it in this wise: Either the President still believes that he has the right to do that thing, or he does not. Take which you please. In the first case, let him send out his Ministers, and meet his responsibility to this Senate and to the People; in the other, let him acknowledge his error, make atonement to the offended majesty of the Constitution, and relieve himself and us from the effects of the strife which must otherwise subsist between us, and spread itself throughout the States of this Confederacy. [MARCH, 1826. no right to embarrass us, yet he has twice done so in one session. Once we have yielded-shall we yield again, and so on from time to time, until the American Senate shall degenerate into a Parliament of Paris-a Bed of Justice, for the registration of Presidential edicts? Yet this is the real argument which is getting this Panama mission along. This consideration is dragging it through the Senate, and, this left out, and ourselves fairly consulted, according to the spirit of the Constitution, and left free to act, without giving offence, and, my word for it, the voice would be general, if not unanimous, against appointing Ministers, and in favor of sending Agents or Commissioners. Another argument near akin to the one last mentioned, is also urged upon us-one which addresses itself to the kind feelings of the Senate, and asks if they have not confidence in the President? I answer that this is not a case for confidence, but for advice. The two things are distinct in their nature, and ought not to be confounded in practice. There are cases when the President has a claim to confidence, and then it would be a breach of the spirit of the Constitution to withhold it; but in this case he asks for advice, that is, for us to tell him what he ought to do, and, instead of giving him real counsel to do a thing or let it alone, this miserable argument of confidence steps forward to say, " Do as you please, Sir." In a case of real difficulty, Mr. President, such good natured counselling would give the Executive no help: and, in a case in which he was determined to have his own way, such tame acquiesence in his views would sink the Senate inte a mere approbatory council, and place them as a sort of political break-water, between the President and the People, to shelter him from the tempest of their just indignation. There is one other consideration, Mr. President, which I wish to bring to bear upon this question-a con. sideration which would have commanded considerable attention about a quarter of a century ago, but for which I cannot claim much respect in these "sky-light," or rather, sky-rocket times, when administration is circumnavigatout objects of expenditure-it is the consideration of ExPENSE! We already have Ministers, Chargé d'Affaires, and Secretaries, under full salaries, with all the Spanish American States, and we are about to institute a duplicate mission at a great additional cost. Here is a book which tells us something about it. It is a little blue volume of 297 pages, filled with the names of about 10,000 persons who are drawing money out of the public treasury. us read a page in it. The argument of embarrassment is one to which I am not insensible, and one to which I have already once yielded under this administration. I allude to the nomination of Mr. King. In that case I yielded to the embarrassment; but the present does not come forward under similar circumstances of excuse and mitigation. In that case the nomination was one of six months standing; the Minister was gone, with his children and grand-children-he was at his post, engaged in his negotiations-his outfit and salary in his pocket. Here, on the contrary, is an acceptance of six days; the nominees yet at home; their salaries yet in the Treasury. Mr. King's nomination was to fill a vacancy-a pro tem. appointment, to endure to the end of this session of Congress-and was clearly within the Constitutional competency of the President: but the in-ing the globe, and vaulting against the heavens, to find stitution of this Panama Mission, was a new measure-the promise to send Ministers was a promise to make an origininal appointment, and clearly without the President's power. My reasons for yielding to embarrassment, in the case of Mr. King, do not apply here. The Senate have their rights as well as the President, and it is their duty to transmit them, unimpaired, to their successors. One, and the most important of these rights, is that of free deliberation. They are made counsellors to the Presidentthey were intended to be an efficient body, a check and control upon the President-in some respects superior to him, particularly in the article of impeachment: for the Senate may sit in judgment, upon the President, and pro. nounce the forfeiture of his office; but even then they could not judge of his "motives"-that would belong to God. They could only judge him by his acts. We have a right to give him advice, in the plain meaning of the word-advice before-hand, to regulate his conduct, and not advice after the fact, to confirm and applaud what he may have done. To give this advice like Senators-like freemen, and in the spirit of the Constitution, we must be untrammelled and unembarrassed. The President has Let THE BLUE BOOK-Page 11. John M. Forbes, do. to Buenos Ayres, 2,000 9,000 2,000 4,500 4,500 4,500 9,000 This refers to the President's confidential message to the Senate, of February 17th, in which the imputation of bad motives in the Senate, and the President's claim to judge them, seems to be inferrible. The following is the sentence: Let the reader judge: "Believing that the established usages of free confidential communications between the Executive and the Senate, ought, for the public interest, to he preserved unimpared, I deem it my indispensable duty to leave to the Senate itself the decision of a question, involving a departure, hitherto, so far as I am informed, without example, from that usage, and upon the motives for which, not being informed of them, I do not feel myself competent to decide. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS." This topic was pretermitted in the spoken speech, but it is deemed necessary to a fair view of the mission, to insert it here.-Note, by Mr. B. MARCH, 1826.] Samuel Larned, Secretary of Legation, Chargé to Peru, On the Panama Mission—(in conclave.) per annum $9,000 Twenty thousand more. Then double it for outfits and contingencies, and make forty thousand. Then add the expense of equipping and keeping at sea, I know not how long, the ship of war which is carry out our Ministers, I know not at what cost, but say $50,000, and add all the items together. We shall then find that we have Ministers with all the Confederates, under full pay, treating with these same Confederates at home, or doing nothing, while we are sending a splendid embassy to treat with these same States at Panama. If there is economy in this, I know not the meaning of the word; it is a word indeed of which the sound, as well as the meaning, seems to be lost, and the mention of which at this time has more the air of intrusion and of interrupting the company, than the aspect of presenting a serious topic for consideration.* [SENATE. $2,000 solution? Will it defeat the mission? Not at all, sir. It 4,500 will only postpone it for information which we have a right Sixty thousand dollars per annum for salaries, and as to expect by every arrival from the seat of the Congress, much more for outfits and contingencies, say $120,000. or from the cities of the neighboring Powers. The Congress was in session on the first day of November last. So Add the expenses of this proposed mission to that sum: says Mr. Obregon, in his letter of the third of that month. Richard C. Anderson, &c. This is four months ago. Since that time, we have had John Seargeant, &c. news from the confines of Asia, not only upon the straight William B. Rochester, line, but round by the head of the Borysthenes, the Gulf of Finland, and the Baltic Sea. The Emperor Alexander died at Taganrok, on the borders of the Sea of Azoph, twenty days posterior to the meeting of this Congress, and we have had intelligence of his death, even by the way of Moscow and St. Petersburg, forty days ago. Must we not, then, soon hear from our neighbors at Panama? But some gentlemen seem to consider this Congress as a feast, which may be over before the distant guests arrive, unless they hie away with all possible speed. Not so the fact. It is not to be over so soon. Whether it is to be a "Love-feast," or a feast of the Lapithe and Centaurs, is not for me to foreknow and foretell-but one thing is certain-it is not intended to be over in a day. It is intended to last forever! And surely a thing which is intended to be eternal, will last long enough to give us a little time for reflection, before we rush into it. But it is I now return, Mr. President, to the resolution which I further said that something may be done to our detriment have submitted. I admit that my argument goes beyond before we arrive. Not so the fact. Look to Ir. Obregon's letit; but I only ask the Senate to vote the extent of the reso-ter of Nov. 3d, the one last quoted. He says the Congress lution itself. What is it? Why, that we CANNOT advise is in session, and that they will be engaged upon the prelithe President to send this mission to Panama before we minary rules of the Assembly." Why, sir, these prelimina shall have had satisfactory information upon the character ries, and these rules, are the very things we want to know of the Congress, the subjects it is to act upon, the powers of the Plenipotentiaries, the mode of organizing the body, and its mode of deciding questions. It seems to me that the only answer which could be admissible against this resolution, would be an allegation unfounded, and therefore, not urged, that we have the information already; for it is contradictory to ask us for advice, and to withhold the statement of facts upon which alone we could give advice. Instead of this, we are urged to give the advice instanter, and by way of consolation, we are asked, "Have you not confidence in the President?" Then, I say, let him act on his own responsibility, not mine. Let him commission his Ministers, as he said he would, and be the consequences his, not ours. He says that he has the power; then exercise it! Why persist in dragging the Senate at his heels? But what will be the effect of adopting my re 66 the same for a knowledge of which the President stipu lated, before he would accept the invitation; the same for which my resolution proposes to wait; and shall we not wait a few days, weeks, or even months, to receive such important and long desired intelligence? These preliminary rules being agreed upon, what next? Why Mr. Obregon goes on to inform us that the Congress will then be occupied upon “questions exclusively belonging to the belligerents." "Questions exclusively bel nging to the BELLIGERENTS!" Now, Mr. President, amidst all the contrarieties of fact and opinion which prevail on the subject of this Congress, there is one point, at least, upon which the whole of us agree, President, Secretary, Ministers, friends and ene< mies to the mission, in the House and out of the Houseall, all agree in this one point. And what is that? Why, * Mr. Van Buren submitted a resolution in the Senate, importing, that it would be better to order up some of these unoccupied officers to Panama, than to institute a new mission. But his resolution was rejected, 24 to 19, being the same vote as on the main question.-Note by Mr. B. † It will be recollected that these are the President's own words, as communicated by him in Mr. Clay's Report accompanying the Message of December 26th. In his Message to the House of Representatives, he seems to have changed ground entirely upon this point. Far from wanting "satisfactory information" any longer, the idea of it is turned into ridicule. The "indefinite" nature of the measure becomes a "cogent reason for its adoption." But let the two Messages speak for themselves. Here they are: Message to the Senate. Message to the House of Representatives. "I stated to you, by direction of the President, that it "It has, therefore, seemed to me unnecessary to insist, appeared to him to be necessary, BEFORE the assembling that every object to be discussed at the meeting should be of such a Congress, to settle between the different Powers specified with the precision of a judicial sentence, or enuto be represented, several preliminary points, such as the merated with the exactness of a mathematical demonstrasubjects to which the attention of the Congress should be tion. The purpose of the meeting itself is to deliberate directed; the substance and the form of the powers to be upon the great and common interests of several new and given to the respective Representatives; and the mode of neigboring Nations. If the measure is new and without organizing the Congress; and that, if these points should precedent, so is the situation of the parties to it. That the be satisfactorily arranged, the President would be dispos- purposes of the meeting are somewhat indefinite, far from ed to accept, in behalf of the United States, the invitation being an objection to it, is among the cogent reasons for its with which you were provisionally charged.” adoption." "Precision of a judicial sentence-exactness of a mathematical demonstration." This ridicule cannot fall upon the "Nineteen." They only asked for "satisfactory information," such as the President himself asked for from April or May up to the 30th day of November.-Note by Mr. B. VOL. II-23 |