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TWO.PENNY POSTMASTERS.

[From the Evening Post, August 15, 1835.]

We give below the correspondence of one of the "twopenny postmasters" who think with Mr. Kendall, that they owe a higher obligation to the community in which they live than to the laws; or, in other words, that it is of more consequence to play amiable to the south and truckle to its arrogant pretensions, than to obey their oath of office and perform the solemn duties of their station. We e may expect to see many patriots now, in quarters which have not been suspected of abounding with patriotism; since, according to the doctrines of the Postmaster General, all that is required to constitute one a Sydney or a Hampden is to nullify the laws.

We were aware that nullification never had any terrors for Mr. Gouverneur, and he has made this obvious enough now by the extraordinary eagerness he has manifested to play the nullifier and foist himself before the community in that character. We cannot, of course,

suspect so pure a man of any intention in this matter of creating a southern interest in his favour, and of obtaining southern influence to strengthen the feeble tenure by which he is said to hold his office. He is quite disinterested in the course, no doubt! He pursues it solely because it is pointed out by duty; because it is incumbent on patriotism to disobey the laws. We must pause here, lest Mr. Gouverneur's patriotism should next object to our own journal, and cause him to take the responsibility of refusing to forward it by mail. Should he do so, however, we promise to bring his patriotism to the touchstone of the laws, and give him an opportunity of ascertaining whether a New-York jury approve this new species of nullification, which erects every hot-headed and intem

perate postmaster into a Censor of the Press, and authorises him to decide what newspapers may be circulated and what not.

With these remarks we submit the correspondence referred to.

POST OFFICE

CORRESPONDENCE.

Copy of a letter addressed to the President and Directors of the American Anti-Slavery Society, by S. L. Gouverneur.

"Gentlemen-I have received a letter from the Postmaster at Charleston, of which the enclosed is a copy. I have transmitted another to the Postmaster General.

"Entertaining full confidence that you will duly appreciate my sincere desire to reconcile a just discharge of my official duties with all the delicate considerations which are in the case presented to me, I have respectfully to propose to that the transmission of the papers re. ferred to be suspended, until the views of the Postmaster General shall have been received.

(Signed,)

you

"With great respect, &c.

"SAM'L. L. GOUVERNEUR."

"Sam'l. L. Gouverneur, Esq.

"Sir-Your communication addressed to 'the President and Directors of the American Anti-Slavery Society,' has been handed me by Mr. Bates, and shall be laid be fore the Executive Committee.

"I am, respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,

"ARTHUR TAPPAN, "President A. A. S. Society."

"New-York, Aug. 7, 1835.".

"Anti-Slavery Office, New-York, 8th Aug. 1835.

"Sam'l. L. Gouverneur, Esq. P. M. New-York.

"Dear Sir-Your favour of yesterday, covering a letter from the Postmaster of Charleston, in regard to the recent violation of the United States mail in that place, and proposing to us to suspend the transmission of our publi. cations until the views of the Post Master General shall be received, has been laid before the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and I am instructed, very respectfully, to transmit to you the follow. ing reply, viz:

"Resolved, That while we are desirous to relieve public officers from any unnecessary difficulties and responsibilities, we cannot consent to surrender any of the rights or privileges, which we possess in common with our fellow-citizens, in regard to the use of the United States mail.'

"With much respect, your obedient servant,
E. WRIGHT, Jr.
"Sec. Dom. Cor. Am. A. S. Society."

"To the President and Directors of the American AntiSlavery Society.

"Gentlemen-I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday, covering a copy of a resolution of certain persons described as the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.'

6

"Early on the morning of the 7th inst., I addressed a communication to you, enclosing a copy of one which I received from the Postmaster at Charleston. Referring you to the peculiarly delicate considerations which were involved in the case he presented, I respectfully propos ed to you to suspend the transmission of your papers

until the views of the Postmaster General, before whom the whole subject has been laid, could be received. This communication having been delivered to you by Mr. Bates, Assistant Postmaster, I received a verbal assurance that you would cheerfully comply with the proposition I had made. In full assurance that this proposition would not be changed, I gave the necessary instructions to separate the papers referred to, in making up the mail for that portion of the country, and retain them at this office. The resolution to which I have referred, gave me the first intimation of the change of your views; and was received at this office about the time of closing the mail. It was, therefore, too late in fact, to cause a different disposition to be made of these papers. They were accordingly retained here in pursuance of the original understanding with you, nor will they be transmitted by mail until the instructions of the Postmaster General shall have been received.

"Having thus placed you in possession of the facts, I beg leave to refer more distinctly to the resolution of your committee. My views have been much mistaken, if it is intended to imply that I required relief at your hands from any difficulty or responsibility,' whatever, as 'a public officer.' Had you declined, in the first instance, the proposition I had offered, my determination would have been promptly announced to you. Placed as I was, in a peculiarly delicate position; appealed to by an officer of the same department at a distance, to lend my aid in preserving the public peace-securing the safe transmission of the important contents of that valuable branch of the mail department—and arresting a course of excitement which could not fail to lead to the most disastrous results, I should not have hesitated to adopt that course which, in my judgment the highest obligations imposed, had it even demanded in some degree a temporary 'sur

render of the rights and privileges' you claim to possess. While manifesting so openly your benevolence to the colored people, I thought I had a right to claim some portion of your sympathies for the white population of that section of country-the peculiar situation of which Mr. Huger so fully described. I would respectfully ask, gentlemen, what injury could result from a momentary suspension of your efforts, compared with that which might have occurred, had they been pushed at all hazards?

"I entertain for you, and all your rights, every sentiment of respect which is due, and I deeply regret that a departure from the original understanding, which promised to prevent all excitement and collision, has compelled me to express myself so fully. I have reflected deeply on the subject. The laws which secure to you the rights you claim, also impose the penalties on those who infringe them. I shall assume the responsibility in the case you have made with me, and to the law and my superiors will hold myself accountable.

"With great respect, &c. &c.

“SAM’L. L. GOUVERNEUR.” "New-York, Aug. 9, 1835."

We trust no one will do this journal the gross injustice to construe the censure we have taken leave to express of the extraordinary and disorganising sentiments of the Postmaster General, or of the unlawful conduct of Mr. Gouverneur, as an approval, in the slightest degree, of the course pursued by the Abolition Association. We consider the fanatical obstinacy of that Association, in persevering to circulate their publications in the southern states, contrary to the unanimous sentiment of the white population, and at the obvious risk of stirring up insurrections, which, once commenced, no one can tell where

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