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-general and equal regard for the people. He was accesiblt to men of all-degrées, and “familiar, but by no means vulgar" in his bearing, he was distinguished as much in the retired walks of life by his unaffected simplicity and kindness, as in public by the exercise of his great talents and acquirements.

The death of such a man, of great wisdom and worth, whose whole life has been passed in the public service, and whose history is interwoven with that of our country in some of its brightest and most interesting passages, furnishes a proper occasion for the expression of general respect and regret. In these sentiments we most fully join; but at the same time we cannot so far lose sight of those great principles of government which we consider essential to the permanent prosperity of man, as to neglect the occasion offered by the death of Judge Marshall to express our satisfaction that the enormous powers of the Supreme tribunal of the country will no longer be exercised by one whose cardinal maxim in politics inculcated distrust of popular intelligence and virtue, and whose constant object, in the decision of all constitutional questions, was to strengthen government at the expense of the people's rights.

The hackneyed phrase, de mortuis nil nisi bonum, must be of comprehensive meaning indeed, if it is intended that the grave shall effectually shelter the theoretic opinions and official conduct of men from animadversion, as well as the foibles and offences of their private lives. In this sense at least we do not understand the precept, and if such were its obvious purport we should refuse to make it our law. Paramount considerations seemed to us to demand that, in recording the death of Judge Marshall, and joining our voice to that of general eulogy on his clear and venerable name, we should at the same time record our rooted hostility to the political principles he

maintained, and for the advancement of which he was able to do so much in his great office.

Few things have ever given us more disgust than the fawning, hypocritical and unqualified lamentations, which are poured out by the public press on the demise of any conspicuous political opponent. Of the man whom the day before it denounced in terms of the most unmeasured bitterness, let him but shuffle off his mortal coil, and the next day it is loud in undiscriminating, unlimited praise. We would not have journalists wage their political dissentions over the grave, and pour the ebullitions of party hostility on the dull cold ear of death. Neither would we have them stand aloof in dogged silence, refusing to join in the tribute to the memory of a great man who had made his exit from this theatre of perpetual strife, because, while he lived, they were found in the ranks of his opponents. But if there is any sincerity in the political doctrines they profess; if they are not mere jugglers in a game of cheatery and fraud; if they are really contending, with their whole heart and soul, in behalf of certain great principles, the success of which they consider of vital importance to the best interests of man: then not even the death of an opponent—and more especially of one whose mind was so vigorous and enlightened, whose heart was so benignant, and whose whole life had been so pure and exemplary as that of Judge Marshall-not even the death of such an opponent, we say, should restrain them from accompanying their tri. bute of respect with an expression of dissent from his political opinions.

There is no journalist who entertained a truer respect for the virtues of Judge Marshall than ourselves; there is none who believed more fully in the ardour of his patriotism, or the sincerity of his political faith. But according to our firm opinion, the articles of his creed,

if carried into practise, would prove destructive of the great principle of human liberty, and compel the many to yield obedience to the few. The principles of government entertained by Marshall were the same as those professed by Hamilton, and not widely different from those of the elder Adams. That both these illustrious men, as well as Marshall, were sincere lovers of their country, and sought to effect, through the means of gov. ernment, the greatest practicable amount of human happiness and prosperity, we do not entertain, we never have entertained a doubt. Nor do we doubt that among those who uphold the divine right of kings, and wish to see a titled aristocracy and hierarchy established, there are also very many solely animated by a desire to have a government established adequate to self-preservation and the protection of the people. Yet if one holding a political creed of this kind, and who, in the exercise of high official functions, had done all in his power to change the character of the government from popular to monarchical, should be suddenly cut off by death, would it be unjustifiable in those who deprecated his opinions to allude to them and their tendency, while paying a just tribute to his intellectual and moral worth?

Should General Jackson descend into the grave tomorrow, with what propriety could they who denounce him as a tyrant and usurper join their voices to swell the loud note of unmingled eulogium? They might with perfect propriety speak of his honesty of purpose, his bravery and firmness; but they could extend their praise to other topics only by giving the lie to their previous accusations. If they have been honest in representing him as violating the Constitution and trampling on the laws; if they really believe that he has siezed the sword and purse, and has done all in his power to change the Government into an autocracy; the paramount duties of patriot

ism, rising superior to the mere suggestions of sympathy, would seize the death of such a man as an occasion of adverting to the true character of his principles of action, and of rousing the people from the delusion into which they had fallen.

Of Judge Marshall's spotless purity of life, of his many estimable qualities of heart, and of the powers of his mind, we record our hearty tribute of admiration. But sin cerely believing that the principles of democracy are identical with the principles of human liberty, we cannot but experience joy that the chief place in the supreme tribunal of the Union will no longer be filled by a man whose political doctrines led him always to pronounce such decision of Constitutional questions as was calcula. ten to strengthen government at the expense of the people. We lament the death of a good and exemplary man, but we cannot grieve that the cause of aristocracy has lost one of its chief supports.

THE ABOLITIONISTS.

[From the Evening Post of August 8, 1835.]

In looking over the English papers received this morning, we were struck with the following remarks in the London Courier of the 7th ultimo :

"Our readers will undoubtedly recollect that within these few years societies have existed in London and lectures have been given for the purpose of attacking Christianity. A gentleman known by the name of Robert Taylor, who, we must charitably suppose, was out of his senses, took to himself the name, we believe, of the Devil's Chaplain, and in that character was accustomed to address his audience. Some of his followers or friends, or persons who embraced opinions similar to his, under

took to lecture in the provinces on the same subject, and the Clergy of the English Church were, in several places, and on several occasions, both by him and them, challenged to meet and justify or defend the doctrines they taught. Among all reasonable people there was but one opinion as to the indecency of the proceedings of Messrs. Taylor and Co., and there was, we believe, but one opinion as to the propriety of the conduct of the Clergy, who took no notice of the challengers and their assertions. The proper contempt thus exhibited by the Clergy and the good sense of society, have completely put an end to these proceedings. The public now never hear of Mr. Robert Taylor and his friends, and seem not to care what has become of them."

In the above paragraph we have the course pointed out which ought to have been pursued in this country in relation to the fanatical doctrines and proceedings of the immediate abolitionists. It is our firm persuasion, as we have often had occasion to state, that the rapid growth and greatly augmented ardour of the association known by that name are in a very large degree ascribable to the unwise and unjust measures taken to suppress it. If they had been suffered to pour out their zeal unopposed; if their wild doctrines had not been noticed, or, if noticed at all, only with calm and temperate arguments, we feel satisfied that at this day that sect of political fanatics would have embraced much fewer persons that it now numbers, and would have exhibited far less zeal than now characterises its efforts. All history, all experience sup. ports the opinion we express.

We defy any man to point to a single instance in which fanaticism has been turned from its object by persecution, or in which its ardour has not been inflamed and its strength increased when opposed by arguments of brute force. On the contrary, history contains many

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