the two governments had been suspended during the Presidency of Mr. Adams. The conduct of the negociation, for removing the differences that gave rise to this suspension, devolved on Mr. Jef ferson. Had the new administration desired to extend the differences between the United States and Great Britain, they had again the fairest opportunity. The pretensions of England were arrogant; the claims of America were founded in justice; while then the latter were demanded, the former might have been rejected. But a far different course was pursued. The spirit of Mr. Jay's treaty was consulted, and it was manifest, with whatever justice, that it contemplated a liberal satisfaction of British pretensions, as well as a full compensation of American claims. This spirit was adhered to the existing train of negociation was not disturbed; measures were even taken to accelerate it in consequence of which the Ameri. can merchant has received a satisfaction for such claims as have been allowed by the appointed tribunal; and a gross sum has been paid to the Bri. tish government which has assumed the claims of its own subjects against the United States.

It has been said that the present administration is hostile to the mercantile interest, and delights in their depression. Were this true, would they not, in this instance, have taken a different course? By rendering the negociation abortive, they would have sacrificed the claims of the merchants, to the amount of near six millions of dollars, and would have avoided the payment out of the national treasury of near three millions, for which the whole nation is taxed. This would have been a severe blow against that interest, inasmuch as while it vir tually inflicted on our merchants a loss of six mil lions, it would have relieved the nation from three millions, which they have agreed to pay.

The effects of the scrupulous good faith with which this treaty has been observed are conspicuous. There subsists an honorable confidence between the two nations, between whom, there previously existed hostile distrust. This confidence has not only indicated itself in acts of a negative character, arising from the abstinence of England to injure the commerce of the United States, but it has also manifested itself in several acts of posi tive benefit.

There are strong reasons to believe that these amicable sentiments have been efficaciously im. proved to produce an impression on the British government of the interest of that nation, by a deportment of justice, to cultivate the good will of a nation at present next in mercantile importance to herself, and destined at no remote period to attain a superior rank. Hence those important relaxations of her navigation act which we have recently experienced, and the unprecedented exemption of our seamen from impressment. We say unprecedented. For notwithstanding the criminal outrages recently committed before New-York, the aggregate number of impressments is greatly reduced; and if the public prints are to be relied on, an honorable disposition has already been manifested on the part of the British government to make amends for these unauthorised aggressions.

Mr. Jay's treaty has, it is true, been permitted to expire. But the very circumstances attendant on this event prove the friendly sentiments entertained by England; since without a commercial treaty, we remain in the enjoyment of all the privileges we possessed with one; so much so that the expiration of the treaty has not produced the least sensible effect on the trade between the two countries.

What part, or whether any of that treaty will be renewed, we pretend not to say. The conjecture, however, that several of its provisions, containing limitations on the commercial rights of our citizens, will be rejected, may be rationally indulged. However ready we may be to facilitate the honest intercourse of our citizens in the promotion of their lawful concerns, we trust, and confidently believe, that a wise administration considering itself charged not only with the immediate but also the eventual welfare of America, will abstain from doing any thing which shall sacrifice the one to the other.

The people have not forgotten the zeal and wisdom with which those who compose the administration, and particularly the chief magistrate, defended the neutral rights of the United States, and more especially the great principle that free ships make free goods. They have perceived, through the whole of his political career, a resolute purpose to maintain those rights and this principle inviolate. While they have condemned the wanton departure, made from it by preceding administrations, they have rejoiced to see a consistency between the professions and conduct of those now at the head of their affairs.

Nothing, on this point, can be more true than the language of the American Envoys, appointed to adjust the differences with the French republic. "The desire," say they, "of establishing universally the principle that neutral bottoms shall make neutral goods is perhaps felt by no nation on earth, more strongly than by the United States. Perhaps no nation is more deeply interested in its establishment. It is an object they keep in view, and which, if not forced by violence to abandon, they will pursue in such manner as their own judgment may dictate as being best calculated to at

tain it."

We have dwelt the longer on the aspect of our foreign relations with regard to France and Great Britain, from the conviction that they are the two pivots on which the European world turns. Their power pervades the continent. It hurries it into war or hushes it to peace. Their mighty and turbulent vortices embrace almost every nation of the world, to whom the alternative is only left of sharing the fate of the one or the other. But alas! how little have the latter profited of their participation. With a very few exceptions they have shared a common fate. The blood of their citi zens has flowed in torrents, and the resources of their industry, their arts and their trade have been consumed; for what? To raise the false glory of one man, and to consolidate in one nation the des. potism of the ocean. Happy had it been for these unfortunate powers, if they had suffered the Leviathans of the world to fight their own battles; and had embraced the golden opportunity of invigorat ing their resources, while these overgrown nations were exhausting theirs.

This has been the wise determination of Ame. rica; and it has been her rare felicity to carry this determination into effect. The infatuated councils of one man carried her to the precipice from which so many nations have fallen; but thanks to the Supreme Being, the wisdom of another has snatched

her from ruin.

We

The means of this preservation do not, in all their details, appear. The usage of nations keep them in most cases from the public eye. cannot, therefore, step by step, pursue the measures of our government in its intercourse with foreign powers. We cannot see the wisdom with which it timed its demands, the spirit with which, at a fit season, it urged, or the prudence with which it appeared for a time to wave them; wè

cannot see displayed the happy union of dignity and moderation so important to the harmony of sovereign powers; we cannot see the vigilance which seized all fit occasions, and the talent which made the most of them, to advance, by just means, the interests of our country. These may, perhaps, receive the meed of justice by some future historian, who shall have access to the public records, when secrecy may no longer be useful. But what is most important, we contemplate, so far as time has allowed, their great and happy effects. We contemplate our country prosperous within, and commanding among the nations of the earth a higher estimation than she has ever before enjoyed.

Let it be recollected too that this rare distinction of a young nation has been secured without the surrender of a single right, or the slightest violation of the most punctilious honour. Like other nations, we may not have conquered peace at the cannon's mouth; but we have secured it by far nobler means, by means which God and justice

sanction.

With one other nation of Europe we have had some difference. Spain, owing probabably to the feebleness of her power more than to hostile sentiments, suffered considerable spoliation to be committed by private vessels on cur trade about the time that similar depredations were committed by France. The remonstrances of our government during the presidency of Mr. Adams having proved unavailing, the new administration were charged with enforcing them. Measures to this effect were immediately taken; with what prospect of success does not appear, when an object of vast importance to the whole of America claimed the attention of the government. This object, the se cure navigation of the Mississippi, from its magnitude, justified a superior attention to all others;