planters, and when negotiations fail, they will use it effectually; and there is no manufacturing country of Europe whose manufactures can stand the effect of such just retaliatory measures. In our memorial to Messrs. the deputies of the zoll-verein, dated at Dresden, 22d July, 1838, we explained how this could be done; and I will now add two other examples to those therein mentioned: 1. The manufacture of looking glass plates is very extensive in Bavaria; the United States is the principal market for that article. In Bavaria those glasses are manufactured by blowing; in other countries they are cast. It would seriously affect the industry of Bavaria if the United States should diminish the duty on cast, and augment it on blown glass. 2. Silk-stuffs manufactured in, and coming from, Europe, are admitted free of duty in the United States, while those manufactured in, and coming from, the East Indies, pay a duty of ten per cent. By admitting silk stuffs free of duty from the East Indies, it would encourage our India trade-the best nursery for our seamen; and by putting on a duty of 20 per cent. on silk-stuffs coming from Europe, it would seriously injure the manufacture of that article in Europe. The Rhinish provinces, in which a large amount is manufactured for the markets of the United States, say three millions of thalers, annually, would greatly suffer. Is it supposed in Germany that the mercantile interest of the United States would be opposed to a retaliatory tariff in that country, when it becomes the only sure means of obtaining low duties in Europe on the produce of our soil? Such a supposition is erroneous, for it is the interest of our merchants that there should be a great and increasing consumption of our produce in Europe; as one among the many other inevitable consequences and advantages resulting from it, would be the bringing the exchanges down in our favor. Is it supposed that the ship owners would be opposed to it? It is an error, for it would be their interest; for the greater the consumption is in Europe, the greater would be the quantity they would have wherewith to load their vessels. Is it supposed that the manufacturing section of our country would be against it? No reasonable man can suppose it for an instant. There is no hesitation in saying that the mercantile, the ship owning, and the manufacturing interests, would vote for such measures to a man; and, as I have already said, the American tobacco-planters must and will protect themselves. This, then, is no party question in the United States, but one on which all parties will unite. The obtaining a low rate of duties in Europe on the produce of our soil, is a question in which the whole interests of the American Union are involved; and can it be supposed, by any reasonable man, that the southern section of our country will any longer submit to the excessive high duties on the produce of their soil, as now levied in Europe, when they have in their own hands the means of compelling foreign nations to a more liberal course of policy. That it is so understood in Congress, the able report made last session by a select committee of that body through their chairman, Mr. Jenifer, will clearly show. In that report, after reviewing the negotiations with Prussia and the German commercial association, and the other European negotiations respecting our tobacco, it is stated, as the opinion of the committee, that measures of retaliation ought to be adopted against such European powers as should persist in loading the raw tobacco and the other principal staple productions of the United States with heavy duties; and that there was nothing in the compromise bill of March, 1832," to prevent Congress from anticipating the epoch of 1842, when the existing tariff is to be reduced to the minimum provided by the law of 1832, by revising it for the distinct purpose of retaliation, as above mentioned, whenever Congress might think fit. The American planters are also fully aware that the periods fixed for the termination of several of our commercial treaties with foreign powers are also approaching; and, unquestionably, in the renewing those treaties, or in the making of new ones, the greatest regard will be had to their favorable operation on the great products of our soil. The motion of Mr. Senator Benton, the last session of Congress, calling for papers and documents relative to our commercial relations with foreign countries, to be produced at the approaching session, shows that it is intended to examine strictly into the operations of the tariffs of foreign nations, in regard to their being more or less favorable to the produce of our country. The question then at issue is, will the zoll-verein refuse our demand, from the apprehension of a slight difference in its finances, and of some supposed injury it might do the native cultivation of tobacco (and which apprehension I have shown, in both instances-see pages 103 to 109-to be unfounded)? will the zoll-verein run the risk of ruining thousands of industrious manufacturers, throwing on the world a large mass of men, women, and children, now usefully and industriously employed, crippling for years the rising and now prosperous industry of Germany; or, by granting to us that diminution which we ask, secure to themselves a continuation of the most friendly relations with the United States, and preserve to their manufacturers the all-important markets of our country? I have the honor to remain, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, your excellency's most obedient servant, His Excellency HENRY WHEATON, JOSHUA DODGE. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, Berlin. [Despatch No. 6.] Mr. Throop to Mr. Forsyth. [EXTRACT.] NAPLES, March 6, 1839. Tobacco here is a government monopoly, from which it derives great profit, and which it would relinquish with the greatest reluctance. However small may be the prospect of success, its importance to us makes it worthy of a struggle. [Despatch No. 8.] Mr. Throop to Mr. Forsyth. [EXTRACT.] NAPLES, May 9, 1839. I then reminded him, that a treaty should one be made with us, would be so much in their favor; that they had so much to send to us, and we so little of domestic products to return, that I should like to know what equivalent they could give us. That almost our only production of any value, adapted to their market, was tobacco, and that it was now excluded by a monopoly. That it was a subject of deep interest with us, and one which I was especially charged by my Government to press upon their consideration; and I wished to know whether the Government would relinquish the monopoly, or was prepared to make some arrangement by which we should be able to bring them that article. He answered that we would be able to bring them West India and other foreign productions, and that they would place our commerce with them on the same footing with their own. That tobacco was a source of great revenue to the government, and that it would be utterly hopeless to attempt to induce them to relinquish the monopoly. That we might make some arrangement concerning it as respects Sicily, and a depot, and that we might contract to sell to the Government. That for himself individually he was for a free trade, and was opposed to all monopolies, but that it was impossible to induce the Government to concur in these views. I told him that I should make this a question of importance, and had made these suggestions now, in order that the subject might be under consideration. I added that measures had been taken by Congress to have the state of our commercial relations with foreign Governments before them at their next session, in order to adapt our laws to the state of things they might find existing with the several Governments; and that this made me more anxious upon the subject of their tobacco regulations, which operated so severely upon one of our most important staples. I learn that the exclusive privilege of cultivating and selling tobacco has been sold to Torloni, the banker at Rome, who pays for it an annual sum of one million four hundred thousand ducats. No person plants, or imports, or sells, without his permission. Mr. Throop to Mr. Forsyth. [Despatch No. 12.] NAPLES, September 23, 1839. As I did not see the Prince of Cassaro yesterday, he called upon me at my house to-day. I explained to him that I had been anxious for some time past, to have a free conversation with him upon the topics in the projet of a treaty which I had submitted to him; and particularly upon that part of it, which relates to a modification of their duties and laws, regulating the introduction into this kingdom, of merchandise, the production of our country. That the few articles we were permitted to bring here, were loaded with duties, ranging from seventy to two hundred per cent., while we imposed moderate duties upon the importation of three or four articles only produced in this kingdom, and admitted every thing else free of duty. That this inequality was unjust and ought to be remedied; but that our importations into this kingdom were so small, that the grievance was nothing compared to the injury which we sustain by their refusal to permit us to traffic in tobacco, one of the most important staples of our country. That this matter was in nowise dependant upon the existing or contemplated treaty with England; and that this Government was entirely free to negotiate with us upon it. He observed that among the difficulties that surrounded this subject there was this that the monopoly of tobacco had been given on contract for a period which had not yet expired, probably by some years. I remarked that this need not prevent our discussing the subject on its intrinsic merits, and, if there was nothing improper in the request, I would be obliged to him if he would furnish me with a memorandum of the unexpired term of the contract, the amount of revenue which the King receives from it, and the amount of tobacco consumed in the kingdom. That, upon this data, I should like to present to his Majesty my views of the policy of a change in his system, with the hope that I should be able to convince him that, opening to us the trade in tobacco would both increase his revenues and promote the industry of his kingdom. I, therefore, proposed that, as a preliminary, we should discuss this question. I told him that the trade was now all on one side, and of very little importance to us, unless we could have some further encouragement to come here with our productions. I added, also, that the question was assuming a serious aspect in our country, and that it was agitated in both Houses of Congress, whether it was not our duty to adopt a countervailing tariff against those countries who refuse to admit our tobacco, and give us no other equivalent advantage in trade. He replied that they would be very willing to look over the tariff which affected the importation of our produce, and make reasonable reductions; and that he would very cheerfully furnish me the information I desired, and consent to enter into the preliminary discussion as I proposed; but, he said, the tobacco was a difficult question; that it was an old established source of revenue; and, although he would be very willing to see the monopoly abolished, the proposal would be fiercely opposed by the minister of finance; and he feared that I would find insuperable difficulties with the King. Sull, he was willing to give me every facility for making an impression upon his Majesty; he would furnish me with the information as soon as he could collect it, and after a few weeks he would enter upon the subject. I told him that I should not despair of being able to convince his Majesty, as he had shown himself, by his assent to the principles engrafted into the treaty with England, capable of rising above the prejudices in favor of long-established systems, which require reform. Mr. Throop to Mr. Forsyth. [Despatch No. 14.] [EXTRACT.] NAPLES, January 21, 1840. I asked the Prince of Cassaro if I might take the liberty to call his attention to my note, requesting information of the state of the tobacco con tract; and he replied, that he had the information collected ready for me, and would send it in the course of two days; but I have not yet received it. Mr. Heap to Mr. Forsyth. CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Tunis, January 8, 1840. SIR: I have the honor, herewith, to transmit a translated copy of a circular issued by his highness, the Bey of Tunis, prohibiting the importation of tobacco into this country; having disposed of the exclusive privilege of trading in this article to one of his subjects, contrary to an article in the treaty made with France in 1830. The Bey having, within the last two years, greatly increased his military and naval forces, finds that the ordinary revenues of his country are inadequate to meet the consequent increase of his disbursements-has created a number of monopolies; and this has caused great discontent with those interested in the commerce of the country. With sentiments of the highest consideration, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your most obedient servant, Hon. JOHN FORSYTH, Secretary of State of the United States, Washington. S. D. HEAP. Praise to God, to whom all things return. From the servant of God, to whom be praise. Achmet Bacha, Bey of the Tunisean Government, to our ally Heap, consul of the American Government in Tunis. We have made a regulation in our country respecting tobacco, which it is necessary that we do not receive from other places; and we desire that you may make this known to all your subjects, that they bring no tobacco to our country. To add no more, but peace and happiness. Written on the 28th of Shawwal, 1255—6th January, 1840. Mr. Niles to Mr. Forsyth. [EXTRACTS.] VIENNA, October 13, 1837. SIR: The interest felt by the Government in the extension of the trade in tobacco, and the intrinsic importance of the subject to a large body of planters, induced me, on my arrival in France on my way hither, to examine, more fully than I had ever before done, into the existing monopoly in that country, the force of opinions and interests for and against its continuance, and the probability of its being done away with, and the trade in this staple commodity of American growth becoming once more free. The interests of the Treasury, and the conflicting representations of various parties for and against the present state of things, induced the Chamber of Deputies, in the year |