shirts, and inciting them to tear each other. Seeing that the force I had with me would be insufficient to cope with such a number of determined characters, I sent out one of the constables to procure more assistance, when the prisoner Field advanced towards me in a threatening manner with a poker in his hand, and whirling it about over my head, exclaimed, 'If you don't instantly get out of it I'll smash your head for you.' I told him I was a police sergeant, and that if he did so it would be the worse for him; but I retreated to the door, and after he had again twirled the poker about over me in a very menacing manner, got into the street, where I found a reinforcement of officers coming up. I then returned to the house and tried to get in, but found the door securely fastened, and therefore forced my way in through the window into the parlour, where I was confronted by the female prisoner Smith, who exclaimed, 'Oh! you have come here again, have you?" and immediately called out to a ferocious bull-dog, which was fastened by a chain to a bedstead, to seize me. The dog did instantly as it was ordered, and grasped me by the leg, below the knee, with such ferocity, that it not only bit out a mouthful of my trousers and stocking, but also tore away a piece of the flesh. I struck at the dog several times with my staff, but it got under the bed unharmed, and while I was trying to get a blow at it, Field rushed into the room, and dealt me such a severe blow over the hand with some heavy weapon, that my knuckles were broken. There were a great many dogs in the house and yard, the latter all chained, and, upon our getting the prisoners out into the street, the police were assailed by a shower of stones and brickbats, hurled at them by the mob, who had collected in great numbers. "One of the officers here pulled the dead body of a bull-dog from a sack, and lifted up two other live dogs for the magistrate's inspection, both of which were frightfully torn about the eyes, nose, and upper part of the head, the skin being torn completely off the fore-leg of one of them, and both of which had apparently the greatest difficulty in dragging their hind-quarters after them.' Such are some of the brutalizing scenes in which many find their chief pleasure. A few days after the "Grand Show" at the Public-house, one of the principal actors, described in the above extract, was seized, not again by the police, but by an awful pestilence, and in a few hours appeared at the tribunal of that Judge who rendereth to every man according to his works! THE RAGGED CHURL AND THE ROYAL TEACHER. An eminent salesman and butcher in the royal town of Windsor, who, in the palmy days of good King George III., was a great favourite with his Majesty, took delight in relating a number of traits characteristic of the goodness and familiarity displayed by that amiable monarch. His Majesty loved greatly to talk with him on the subject of breeding and feeding cattle; the King himself being an excellent judge of the qualities and value of animals, and was allowed to be the best practical farmer in the county of Berks. Although his Majesty was not particularly easy of access to persons in high life, and seldom admitted any person, however distinguished for birth or talents, in a familiar manner to his table, he was extremely fond of entering into conversation with the lower and middle ranks of society, and few individuals of this description resided long in the neighbourhood of Windsor, without having at some time or other held discourse with King George III. Among other anecdotes related by the late Mr. B-, was the following "Some years ago," said Mr. B—, "there was a boy in my employment in the capacity of a shepherd; he was a thick-set, sunburnt, sturdy fellow, about ten years old, with coarse features, and a bristly red head of hair, and each particular hair did stand on end, like quills upon the fretful porcupine.' One sultry summer's day, while he was seated on a bank near the road-side, watching his flock with a book in his hand, the King happened to be walking that day unattended, which was frequently the case at that period. His Majesty marched up to the boy, and thus accosted him. 'What, what-what book is that?' The little red-headed urchin gruffly replied, A spelling-book.' 'Aye, Dyche, Dyche, Dyche, a good author. Can you spell ?' A little. 'Let's hear you try,' said the King, as he took the book from the boy. (It must have been curious to see the monarch of a great empire assuming the character of a Ragged School teacher, with a spelling-book in his hand, and hearing the ragged churl his lesson.) Can you spell two syllables?' 'Yes, Come, then, let us see, let us see,-ABBOT!-A-b ab, bot, bot, ABBOT.' Good boy, good boy!-CRIMSON!' C-r-i-m, crim, s-o-n, son, CRIMSON.' Aye, that will do, that will do. Can you read as well as you can spell? Do you go to school? Can you read the Bible?' I can.' 66 6 6 My mother is too poor to send me to school, and she has got only a piece of a Bible, which is so torn, and the leaves so dirty and dog's-eared, that we can't make it out at all.' "That's pity, pity, pity! What's her name? Where does she live?' "Her name is Hannah Potts, and she lives in Dirty Foot Lane.' "The King took out a pencil, and wrote down the name and address, and departed, to the great disappointment of the rude and surly young shepherd, who, with the cunning peculiar to some in low life, pretended to be ignorant of the King's person, when at the same time he knew very well to whom he was talking. "On his Majesty's return to the Castle, he called for the gentleman who then acted as his private and confidential secretary, and said," There is great want of education amongst the poor people in our neighbourhood: this ought not to be. This packet must be delivered according to the direc tion, and the woman must be expressly told that the book is a gift from ourselves, as a reward for her perseverance in teaching her son to read. Her circumstances must also be inquired into, and her children sent to school. The monarch put a five-pound note into a common printed Bible, and wrote with his own hand upon the title-page, THE GIFT OF GEORGE R. TO HANNAH POTTS,' adding the day of the month and the date of the year. The King then delivered it to the gentleman with these words, 'Let this be sent immediately, for it is our wish that every subject in these realms should be able to read the Bible.' 6 "This poor woman," continued the narrator, "has been offered, at various times, since his Majesty's decease, considerable sums of money for this precious volume, but which she as constantly refuses to sell, declaring, She will never part from it while she lives, and that, if it please God, she will die with it under her pillow.' Since the formation of the British and Foreign Bible Society, the words of the King have been reiterated from platform to platform throughout the length and breadth of the land; but few persons, perhaps, of the present day, are acquainted with the interesting facts, which elicited from that revered and beloved Sovereign those memorable words, "IT IS OUR WISH, THAT EVERY SUBJECT IN THESE REALMS SHOULD BE ABLE TO READ THE BIBLE." Time was, in the history of our country, when acquaintance with the prin ciples of the national faith was indispensable to the most moderate reputation for intelligence and enlightenment-when the Catechism and the Bible were the first books put into the hands of our youth-when the elements of religious truth and science were always taught together when all the higher branches of human learning, like the daily food we partake of, had to be "sanctified by the word of God and by prayer." This, our good old national habit, is undergoing a change, and education now, as proposed, is not to c prehend necessarily any degree of religious attainment. We fear "perilous times have come, having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof." 2 Tim.iii. An educational institution has recently been established, from which the Bible is positively excluded. It is distinctly understood, that religion shall not be taught there; and if religion be banished from schools, it will banished from homes also; and that the pretending that children may soon be be CONFERENCE AT BIRMINGHAM ON JUVENILE DELINQUENTS. 15 taught religion by their parents at home, is something like an equivalent to hope that they may not be taught religion at all; for such we are bold to say must be the inevitable effect of any extended system of national education, of which the Bible is not made the chief and fundamental feature of instruction.* CONFERENCE AT BIRMINGHAM ON THE REFORMATION OF JUVENILE DELINQUENTS. In our volume for 1852, page 15, we gave a brief notice of a Conference held at Birmingham upon the subject of PREVENTIVE AND REFORMATORY SCHOOLS. One of the results of that Conference was the appointment of a Select Committee of the House of Commons fully to consider the question and to report. Two Bills were brought under the notice of Parliament, one by the Earl of Shaftesbury in the House of Lords, the other by Mr. Adderley in the House of Commons; particulars of which we have already laid before our readers. In consequence of the last Session being far advanced when these Bills were introduced, it was found impracticable to give them that careful deliberation the subject demanded. They, therefore, stand over for the consideration of the Legislature next Session. With a view to collect the opinions of the friends interested in the movement, and to adopt measures for securing the co-operation and sanction of the Legislature in establishing reformatory institutions throughout the kingdom, a second Conference was held at Dee's Hotel, Birmingham, on the 20th of December, which was very numerously attended by noblemen, ministers, and gentlemen from nearly every part of the United Kingdom; among whom was a deputation from the Ragged School Union. The Right Hon. Sir John Pakington, M.P., presided. The proceedings having been opened by prayer by the Rev. Mr. Miller, communications were read from the Bishop of Worcester, Mr. Joseph Hume, M.P., Right Hon. Mr. Baines, M.P., Lord Stanley, Mr. Fitzroy, M.P., the Lord Mayor of London, Lord Radnor, the Bishop of Oxford, Lord Barrington, M.P., Lord Norreys, Mr. Walter, M.P., Lord Henry Cholmondeley, Lord Brougham; also from the Speaker of the House of Commons, in which the right hon. gentleman, addressing Mr. Adderley, said: "I wish you all possible success at your meeting on the 20th. If we can arrive at the establishment of well-conducted reformatories for juvenile delinquents, we shall do more towards the suppression of crime than by the best system of prison discipline for adults that has ever been yet devised." The Chairman said, that after having heard the impressions of their absent friends, they would now proceed with the discussion, which was connected not only with one of the greatest, but one of the most pressing social questions of the present day. He need scarcely remind the meeting that they were assembled, not to consider whether the mode of treatment of juvenile crime and temptation hitherto pursued had been manifestly unsatis factory and discreditable to this great country-for that was decided at the Conference held in 1851-but they were met to decide whether the time had not arrived when the Legislature and the Government of the country were bound, at least, to do something to rescue this land from the discredit which attached to it for having so long neglected the great social duty of reforming juvenile offenders. As the Conference had done him the honour of electing him to preside on the present occasion, (an honour which he assured them he greatly valued and appreciated,) he thought he would be consulting for the best if he were now to enter into some explanation of the present position of the question. He would, however, confine himself to the statement of that explanation, and he would not enter into any arguments to prove that "Evils of Popular Ignorance."-The Pulpit, June 30th, 1853. which he hoped they were already convinced of, namely, that the time had come when some national effort ought to be made on this great question. He, therefore, thought he would best discharge his duty if he were to begin by tracing the progress that had been made during the last two years, so as to place the meeting in possession of the circumstances which had occurred since last they had met, and thus to enable them to judge of the particular position, for the future, in which these circumstances had placed them. They would remember that, at the close of the year 1851, a large meeting of those who had long, to their great honour, devoted time and attention to this interesting subject, assembled in that room, and entered into a series of practical resolutions on the subject, laying down the course which ought to be taken. He had long felt that the manner in which this question was dealt with was a stain upon the reputation of this country. He had conferred with those who felt with him on the subject, and they were unanimously of opinion that it was not at that time widely and generally understood, and that, as yet, public feeling was hardly ripe for legislation. They felt at that time that to introduce any measure in Parliament, or to call on the Government to interfere, would be premature; and that the best thing would be to enlarge public information, and to put the country in a better position by means of inquiry, conducted through the agency of a Select Committee of the House of Commons. A very few weeks after the Conference was held, towards the close of 1851, he gave a public notice in the House of Commons, that, upon a certain day to be named, he would move for a Parliamentary inquiry, and state the exact terms of the motion which it was his intention Chairman. That Committee obtained very valuable and instructive evidence; but, in consequence of beginning the inquiry so late in the session, they were not able to close the inquiry; but, at the commencement of the present year, the Committee was again appointed, and during the whole of the last session it prosecuted the investigation, and eventually agreed to its Report. The labours of the Committee concluded with twentyfive Resolutions, which were reported to the House of Commons. Having said thus much, he would advert for a moment to the Conference of 1851. At that conference five important Resolutions were passed. They were to the effect that the present treatment of juvenile crimes was unsatisfactory; that Reformatory Schools should be formed; that the action of the Privy Council for Industrial Schools be extended, and that legislative enactments were required for the reformation of juvenile criminals. The result of the inquiry prosecuted by the Committee of the House of Commons was to the same effect, but they touched upon one or two points to which the Resolutions of the Conference of 1851 did not refer. One of these, and perhaps the most important, was that it was not intended by those who promoted legislation on the subject to relieve parents from their fair parental liability. (Hear, hear.) The great evil which it was sought to remedy arose from the profligacy of the parents of the children, and no policy could be more unwise or more unsound than to hold that, be cause children were rescued by the State from a life of sin and destitution, their parents were necessarily relieved from liability in their regard. Another Resolution of the House of Commons pointed to the immense benefits and importance of the system of Ragged Industrial Schools. He spoke in the presence of a noble and distinguished friend of his, whom he was delighted to see in the room sanctioning the proceedings, and who had done more in the promotion of these useful institutions than any other man in the kingdom. His worthy friend, Mr. Adderley, had, during last session, brought in a billwhich he had, at the request of his hon. to propose. It so happened, however, that, before the day arrived, political changes took place, which imposed other duties upon him, and he was unable to persevere with his motion. In consequence of this circumstance considerable delay took place, and the motion was not taken up by any other Member; but towards the latter part of the session, his hon. and excellent friend, Mr. Adderley-friend, endorsed-embodying all the prin a gentleman whose liberality and benevolent feelings and conduct it was quite unnecessary for him to dilate upon-took up the motion which he had given notice of, and moved for a Committee of Inquiry, of which Mr. Baines, the President of the Poor Law Board, was appointed the cipal objects recommended in the Report of the Committee of the House. It was not hoped that this Bill, brought in at the close of the session, would become the law of the land, but to force the attention of the Government to the subject; and he was happy to say they had elicited from the Government a promise | to devote their attention to it. That Bill, he was happy to say, was not the only means taken to effect this object, for his noble friend, Lord Shaftesbury, (applause,) had brought in a similar measure in the House of Lords. Their great object to-day was, to ask those present to aid them in bringing this great question to a practical result, by impressing on Parliament and the Government that the time for action had arrived. Successive Parliaments and successive Governments had been sluggish on this question, and they were now asked to urge them on. Statesmen and legislators had devoted their wisdom to devising an improved mode of punishing criminals, but it had not struck them that the wiser and the better-and, to take the lowest ground, the cheaper course-would be to train the child to virtue, rather than punish him for infringing those laws of which he had never heard, and of violating those duties which he had never been taught. They wanted the force of public opinion to be brought to bear on this great, this momentous question, and he was convinced that in no way could that be more effectually done than through the agency of a meeting such as he had the pleasure to see assembled a meeting composed of enlightened men from all parts of the kingdom, uniting in impressing on their fellow-countrymen that the time had come to adopt the reformatory system, and to tell the Government that, for the welfare, the credit, and the honour of England, we should no longer delay following the glorious examples held out by the rest of Europe and by America. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded his address amidst loud and long-continued applause, which having subsided, he again rose, and stated that the course he would suggest should be adopted at that Meeting was, that the Town Clerk should read the Resolutions, which he would then put seriatim. As the Resolutions would be moved and seconded in the usual manner at the evening Meeting, he would suggest that they should be simply received or negatived. He would be, however, happy to hear any observations which any gentlemen might desire to offer. Mr. Morgan, the Town Clerk, then read the following Resolutions : "That before proceeding to the consideration of legislative amendment required in the treatment of morally destitute and criminal children, this Conference takes the opportunity to express its cordial B adoption of the opinion of the Select Committee of the House of Commons :-'That it appears to this Committee to be established by the evidence, that a large proportion of the present aggregate of crime might be prevented, and thousands of miserable human beings, who have before them, under our present system, nothing but a hopeless career of wickedness and vice, might be converted into virtuous, honest, and industrious citizens, if due care were taken to rescue destitute, neglected, and criminal children from the dangers and temptations incident to their position."" "That properly to effect the great object contemplated in the preceding Resolution, this Conference is of opinion that the country requires legislation for the encouragement of reformatory schools for children convicted of crime or habitual vagrancy; and that such schools shall be founded and supported in the manner pointed out by the Resolution of the Committee of the House of Commonsnamely, partially by local rates, partially by contributions from the State." "That in the opinion of this Conference every encouragement should be given to Reformatory Schools, supported by voluntary contributions, for the benefit of destitute and criminal children, and that power should be given to Government, and to counties and boroughs, to contract with the managers of such institutions for the education and maintenance of criminal children therein; such institutions to be under Government inspection." "That power should be created for sending children, convicted of crime or habitual vagrancy, to reformatory establishments for sufficient time for their reformation and industrial training, or until satisfactory sureties be found for their future good conduct." That, as a check to any possible encouragement offered to parental negligence, a portion of every child's cost of maintenance at a Reformatory School, should be recoverable from the parents.' "That powers should be conferred, in certain cases, to apprentice boys on their leaving Reformatory Schools, or to adopt other measures, at the public cost, for enabling them to commence a course of honest industry." On the first resolution being put from the chair, The Earl of Shaftesbury said, that having been invited to the Conference, he was unwilling to pass over the Resolution |