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By order, i“. W. LANCE, Secretary.

IMPERIAL LIFE INSURANCE
COMPANY, No. I (will Brand street, London, I'LC.
Institutld 1510.
Diasc'roas.
EDWARD HENRY CHAPMAN, Esq., Chairman.
HARIIN TUCKER SMITH, Esq., M.l’., Deputy Chairman.

Paovirs.-Fourfifi.hs, or 80 per cent., of the profits are assigned to policies every fifth year. The assured are entttled io participate after payment of one premium.

Bonus—The auditions made to policies vary from 78!. to 1!. 5s. per cent. on the sums Insured.

Pvlcnass or Pouoisa.—A liberal allowance is made on the surrender of a I'olley. either by a cash payment or the issue of a Policy free of premium.

Loarva—The Directors wrli lend sums oi 50!. and upwards on the security of policies cii'ccted with this Company [or the whole term of life, when they have acquired an liieqnata value.

lswnaacrs without participation in profits may be silence at reduced rates.

Prospectuses and further information may be had at the Chief when, as above. at the Branch Office, l6 Pallmuli; or of the Agents lli town and country.

SAMUEL INGALL, Attuary.

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Esraatisultn 1837. BRITANNIA LIFE ASSURANCE coarsrvv, . 1 Parsons sraiiirr, BANK, Lennon. Empowered by Special Acts of Parliament, 4 Viet. cap. 9. Every description of Life Assurance business transacted.

ANDREW FRANCIS, Secretary.

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ADVANCE S to OFFICERS and ‘ OTHER PERSONS IN ENGLAND are madeby the Directors of the SOVEREIGN LII‘E OFI-‘ICE at 5 per cent. interest, and a policy of Assurance.

Every information will be given on a lication at the Ofllces, 48 Si. lames'a street, Piccadilly, S. .

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WHITE’S LANDMARKS of the HISTORY of!

Readings: Marginal References to Verbal and Idiomatic l

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“ Dr Monseli makes no effort to rival the lofty fancy and solemn music with which we are so familiar in Mr chhle‘s pages; his object being to express simply a warm feeling of personal feilgifin."~—J0iin Bull.

“ Graceful. orthodox, and spiritual, in no ordinary degree .“ —theiary Chnrehman.

"There‘s a warmth and a. holy feeling about the volume which is rare enough even in these days. when hymnology is being so much impaired. . Sound poetry like this is r-lre enough to deserve to meet with a warm reception." —Stnndard.

" In sentiment they are adapted to be ‘ helpful to others, gluddenlng and warming spiritual life in snnu hearts and Dome! of III: people,‘ and the expressions in which the ideas are clothed are often above the average."—Clerlcai . Journal.

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Alan,
TIIE SECOND SERIES, THIRD EDITION,
Fcap. Bro, 5s.

" Some of the poems here published must and will take rank among the most complete and gentlest poems which we owe to women. . . . The eterncat lover of English poetry wilinot disdain to place these volumes on his shelves."——Attlenaauln.

i “It is. perhaps, one of the chief merits of our untheress, that while lhl'T-J is in each poem a thought worth embodyIng in verse, a first reading will always bring thit thought

j porapicuously before our minds. The ideas themselves are

‘ often very pure, beautiful, and strictly poetic."—Literary Gazette.

, " Miss Procter, Barry Cornwail's daughter, has already won favour with the public. A fine feeling for the art of poetry, carried through the subject into every portion of

I the execution.'-—Sp_sctstor.

‘ “ Provo the possession of exquisite taste and a very con

‘ sldcrabie amount of literary skill. The volumes are toll of

very graceful compositioaa."—Crltlc.

“Touching and pathetic. , aweetueua."—Guardian.

‘ " Rich in beautiful thoughts, beautifully expressed.“— Museum.

London: Bell and Daldy, 186 Fleet street.

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a Tailors, GUINEA WATERPROOF 'l'Wi-liiD OVERCOA'I‘S niay be obtained at their Establishments, at 114, iii}. 118, and l20 ltegent street; 22 \Joinhlll, London; and lo Moseley street, Manchester, or of their Agents throughout iho country.

OUSE FURNISHING.—The immense _ assortment of first Class Cabinet furniture, I pholstery Goods, Bedsteads fixed, Superior Bedding, Carpets, new Fabrics for Curtains, 8m. 8m, conveniently arranged for inspection in the Furniture Galleries and Show Rooms of Messrs DEUCE and (20., is unequalled in extent and variety. Purchasers before deciding elsewhere should visit this Celebrated Establishment, every article being marked in plain figures, that. they may make their own calculations from the goods before them, or Estimates will be giien for furnishing any class of residence in Town or Country, free of chulgc, and the goods can he at once selected from the Show Rooms, rvith winch a written warranty for twelve months will be given. Public attention is particularly it“ lied to several suites of Chamber h'umiture exactly similar to those in the Exhibition of 1562, also to some very beautiful Brussels Carpet in Class 22, universally admired, and now offered by them at a great deduction inptice. N.B.—l"ivo liundreti Fashionable Lasy Chairs, Sctlees, Side and Centre ()ltornans of the newest forms. line ilundrcd Superior Wardrohca, Sixty Sets of very fine Dining Tables, Eighty ciegan Sldthoards in Oak, \Yalnut, and Mahogany. Dining and Iirawmg iioom Chain! in almost endless variety of pattern, and a very large collection of Parisian Tables, Cabinets, and Cabinet lnblcs, lire. he, at prices not to be met with elseIilt’lij. Drawings and Books of Bedsteads and price of Bedding seat post free. A Servant’a bed-room, well and completely furnished, Ior 84s. DEUCE and C0, 68 and 69 liable: street, POftlnan uare. Favourable arrangements can be made for delivery in e country.

VOL. IV. HEBREWS to REVELATION.
Second Edition. 82A
The Fourth Volume may still be had in Two Paris.
The N EW TE STAM E NT for ENGLISH
READERS: containing the anthmlzed Verdnn of the
‘ Sflf'ft'd Text : Marginal Correctionsof Readings and Render-

ings; Marginal References; and a Critical and Explanatory
Commentary. By the same Editor. In Two large Volumes,

live.
Already published.
Vol. I, Part 1., containing the three first Gospels,
with a Map, 123.
Part II., containing St John and the Acts, and
completing the first volume, 10s. 6d.

Rivingtons. London and Oxford; and Delghton, Bell, and
00., Cambridge.

Now ready. demy Svo, 12s.,
OME GLIMPSES into LIFE in the
FAR EAST.—Graphic Sileiches of the Manners and
Customs of the European and Native lnhabitaulsof Malacca
and neighbouring Islands.

London -. Richardson and Co., 23 COTIIIIIII.

In I thick vol., the TWIng ~Edition, price I6s.,
ODERN DOMESTIC MEDICINE.

Forming a Comprehensive Medical Golda for the
Clergy, Families. Emicrants. the. By T. J. Gsauau. M.D.,
Fellow of the itnyal College of Physicians of Edinburgh.

“ Of all the Medical Guides that have come to our hands,
this is by for die best. For fulnesa and completeness they
all yield the palm to Dr Graham "--Banner.

“ Far excelling every publication of its cissa."—Brltlsh
Standard.

Also, by the limo Author, in Svo, price Ils., boards,
Seventh Edition,

2. On the DISEASES of FEMALES: aTreatise
describing their Symptoms. Causes, Varieties, and Treat-
ment. Willi Cases, and Hints for the Lying-in Room, and
for previous Self-management.

“Popular works have been published by several medical practitioners—but none oftliem equal those by Dr Graham. This is a very good work."-Medieui Circular, Jan. lama.

London: Published by Simpkln, Marshall, and Co, Sla-
iloners‘ court Sold by all Booksellers.

APER. PEN S, and INK, and every
other itequisitc for the Writing Table, of thoroughly

Good Quality.

EMILY i-‘AITIIFULL, Bookseller and Stationer, the

Victoria Press. is Princes street, Hanover square.

Crest, Monogram, and Address Dies enpraved in the best

style. Envelopes and Paper carefully stamped, plainor in

colours.

BRIDEHROOH and the Voice of the BIIIDEH Divided into Acts and Sconemvith the Dialogues apportioned to the dlflcrent Interlocutors, chiefly as directed by M. the Prufeasor Ernest lisuan, Membre de l‘Imtitui.

" Slquld decens. Siquld venuaium est, rjus hoc totum est opus.”

Rendered into Verse, from the received English translation and other versions. By J ossrn Hmsnzros.

London: Trubner and Co.. 60 Paternoater row.

IR BERNARD BURKE'S PEERAGE and BARONETAGE for l564. Twenty-sixth Edition . Just published, price 385., in one vol., royal Svo. “ The first authority on all questions respecting the aristocram ."-Globe. "A book of superior merit."—0bservcr. “ A ‘ Peerage and Baronetage' which may be classed among the institutions of the country."—Duily Telegraph. " Wonderful essentials and correctness."—Illustrated London News. “ A complete cyclopaedia of the titled classes."—Post.

SIR. BERNARD BURKE'S LANDED GENTRY of Great Britain and Ireland, now ready Fourth Edition, in one vol., royal Bvo, price £2 16s., or in parts, vla., Part I. (A to I) 25s. Part II. (K to Z, and Supp emcnt), 30a.

London: Harlison. 59 Palimall,Bookselierto Her Majesty and the Prince of Wales.

Just ready, 7a., cloth gilt.

EBRETT'S PEERAGE and BARON IJTAGE for i864, Illustrated with Armorial Bearings and llcraldic Charges. Under the revision and correction of the Nobility. liosworth and Harrison, Booksellers to ILRJI. the Prince of Wales, Regent street : Dean, Ludgato hill.

N ow ready, New Edition for 1864. with the new

Peers, Ac.
APT. DOD’S PEERAGE,
BAIIOSETAG E, KNIGIITAGE, kc" for Iiioi (Twenty-
fnnr'n your) containing all the new Peers, Baronets,
Knights, Bishops. Privy Councillors, Judges, $0., corrected

tlii oughout on the highest authority.
Whittaker and Co" Ave Maria lane, and all Bookcalicm

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1863. By Haws CIIIIITTAN Awnilasaw, _Author of The Improvisatore.‘ In one vol., post Evo.

NOW READY. The HISTORY of the BRITISH

NAVY, from the EARLIBST PEBIODto the PRESENT TIME. lly CliAllLl-S D. Tuner. 2 vols., Sic, 7.30 page! in each, 41a. " Will atir many a heart, young and old. It cannot fail to brill Mr Yonge honour."—Athenmuni. “ cry complete, patriotic, and impartial, and is ably and elegantly written."-Daiiy News.

LADY HORNBY'S CONSTANTINOPLE

during the CRIMEAN WAR. In imperial Bvo, with beautiful Chromo-Lithographs, 21a.

“ A genial, gentle. observant, chatty Engiisbwomali has sketChcd theOsmanli, his habits, his liarenis, be. With feminine ease and grace. It is not only valuable as a picture of Stamboni and the'l‘urlfs, but as a representation of the fcrvid life which filled Peru and Therapia during the Crimean War."Times.

The ILLUSTRATED INGOLDSBY LE

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RICHARD BENTLEY, New Burlington street, Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty.

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Now ready, price One Shilling,

THE SUCCESSION IN DENMARK

With a Genealogical Chart and Map showing the Claims of The Emperor of Russia on The Duchica.

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In I large vol., Svo, price 2“. JOURNAL OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE SOURCE OF THE NILE.

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'rus ‘a-rmzunois.‘

Captain Spoke has not written a noble work so much as he has done a noble deed. The volume which records his vast achievement ls but the minor fact—the history of his discovery, not the discovary itself: yet even as a literary performance it is worthy of very high praise. It is wholly free from the traces of book-manufacture. . It la, however, a great story that is thus plainly told; a story of which nearly all the interest lies in the strange facts related, and, more than all, in the crowning fact that it frees us, in a large degree, from a geographical puzzle which had excited the curiosity of mankind—of the most illustrious emperors and communities—from very early times.

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The List of Books added to .‘IlldiC‘sl Library during the past year Is now reprinted, and may be obtained on application.

This list will be found to contain a greater number and variety of books of every lhlile ofop|n~on, on all subjects of public interest, than have been provided in any previous year since the formation of the Library.

From the announcements already made of works in preparatloii, it may be assumed that the present aemn will also furnish an abundant supply of books ior all classes of readers, and in order that his subscribers may have ready seem to all the New Works as they appear, C. E. MUDli-l has resolved that the additions to the Library during lbs tear siisll again exceed in value the whole amount of the current subscriptions. .

The collection of modern Standard \\ orks, now by many thousand volumes the iaigest in the world. will also be sti.l further augmented by the addition of mole: of the new editions of WOTks of the best authors as they are issued, and the supply of books to the Foreign Department of the Library will aim be materially increased.

New Oxford street, Landon, February, l8“.

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OPINIONS OF THE PRIIs's _

From the 'l‘imcs.—-" These volumes are lure to excite curiosity. A great oml of interesting matter is here collected from sources which are not within everybody's reach.

From tho Post—“The public are indebted to the noble author for manv important documents otherwise inaccesslllo. as well as for the lively picturesque and piquzirit sketches 0f Court and society. which renders his work powerfully attractive to the general reader."

From the Horald.—" In commending these volumes to our readers we can assure them that they will find a great deal of very deli htful and very instructive reading."

I-‘rom tiie Daily News—“Tho merits of the Dulre of Manclicster's worlr are numerous. The substance of the book ll new ; it ranges over by far the most interesting andimport'mt

eriod of our history; it combines in its notice of men and

hings infinite varsity}; and 5b: sulthor' has the command of a ood st le, cei' . rec an grep ie.‘ _ g Fromythe lSrtiir.—“ Two very interesting and highly valuable volumes. It would not be easy to fin a work of our day which contains so much to be read and so little to be passed ver." 0 From the Athenseum.—" The Duke of Mancheste'r'ha! done a welcome service to the lover of gossip and secret history by publishing these family papers."

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NEW WORKS & NEW EDITIONS.

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HISTORY of CIVILISATION in SPAIN and SCOTLAND. By Hanar Tuoiras Boom. Second Edition. Bvo, 16:.

By the same Author :—

HISTORY of CIVILISATION in ENGLAND and FRANCE. Third Edition, Svo, 21s.

2.

ESSAYS on the ADMINISTRATION S of GREAT BRITAIN from 1783 to 1830. By the Right Hon. Sir G. C. anis. Bart. Edited by_thc Right. Hon. Sir E. HIAD, Bart. Bvo, with Portrait. [Nearly ready.

3. EASTERN EUROPE and WESTERN

ASIA: Political and Social Sketches on Russia. Greece, and Syria in 1861'? 3. By Hznnr Anrirvrl. Tran“. Post 8V0, with Illustrations. [Nearly ready.

4.

LEISURE HOURS in TOWN: a Selection of the Contributions of A. K. II. B. to ‘I-‘raser‘s Magazine) New and cheaper Edition, in crown Bro. price 8: 6d. [On Thursday next.

SOUTHEY'S LIFE oi' WESLEY, and

RISE and PROGRESS of METHODISM. New and cheaper Edition, complete in 1 voL crown ore. price 7:. 6d.

6.

LORD MACAULAY'S LAYS of ANCIENT ROME: with Ivar and the Alanna. lomo, with Vignette. As. 6d. cloth ; 10!. 6d. morocco.

1. Middle Class Education.

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8.

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H E A T considered as a M O D E of MOTION, Twelve Lectures delivered at the Royal Institution. 152218;! Tuna-LL. ERR. Crown Bro, with Illustrations,

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PUBLIC SCHOOLS for the MIDDLE 9,

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RELIGIOUS AND MORAL WORKS

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CONYBEARE and HOWSON'S Work on the LIFE and EPIS'I‘LES of ST PAUL. People’s Edition, condensed; with48 Illustrations and Maps. 2 vols. crown Svo, 12s.

The Original Edition, 2 vein, (to, 48s. al'l'hasd Intermediate Edition, 2 vols., square crown Svo, s. .

LYRA GERMANICA. Translated from the German by Miss C. Wrnxwou-i-n. New Editions of the First and Second Series, 2 vols., fcap. Bro, price 5s. each.

LYRA DOMESTICA: German House

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the Prince of Wales, %9_l'ullinall.

PRIVATE FAMILIES. Newly revised and enlarged

Edition (Seventy-first Thousand), with Plates and Woodcuts.
Pn'cc 7|

2.
LAINE'S RURAL SPORTS;
comprising Hunting, Shuntiv‘i’g. Pinning, Racing.
Training, Dog-breaking, km, with 600 noch (20 by Joanv
Lunch). Price 42s. hall-bound.

3. M ’ CU L L O C H' S GEOGRAPHICAL, STATISTICAL. and HISTORICAL DICTIONARY of the WORLD. Revised Edition, with 6 Maps. 2 vols., price Gill.

4. EITH JOHNSTON'S NEW DICTIONARY of GEOGRAPHY. or complete GENERAL GAZE'I'I‘EER. of the WORLD. Second and revised Edition, of 1,860 pages. Price 30s.

I. ENCYCLOPEDIA of ARCHITECTURE, Historical, Theoretical, and Practical. By {,ossru Gwrar. Revised Edition, with above 1,000 Woodcuts. rice 42:.

6. RES DICTIONAR Y of ARTS, MANUFACTURES. and MINES. Rewritien and enlarged under the Editorshi of ROBERT Ilun'r. FRS. with about 2,000 Woodcuts. 8 v0 5., price £4.

7. R BULL’S HINTS to MOTHERS for the Man cment of their Health during PREGNANCY and in the LII G-IN ROOM. Fourteenth Edition, price 5s_

8. R R O G E T ' S THESAUBUS of ENGLISH WORDS and PHRASES classified and arranged so as to facilitate the Expression of Ideas and assist in Ll'é‘ERARY COMPOSITION. Fourteenth Edition, price 6

§

' Lobdon: Longinan, Green, and Co., Paternoster row

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ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
B O 0 K S.
PUBLISHED BY MR MURRAY.
_.,__

MRS MARKHAM'S HISTORY of ENGLAND. from the Invasion by the Romans down to 185}; 146th Thousand. \Voodcuts. I2mo, 6s.

II.

MRS MARKHAM'S HISTORY of FRANCE. from the Conquest by the Cards to the Oath of Louis-Philippe. Mth Thousand. Woodcuts. 12am, 8a.

III.

MRS MARKHAM'S HISTORY of GERMANY. from the Invasion of the Kingdom by the Romans ppdu Marius to the present 'I‘inic. 6th Edition. Woodsuts .

mo, 6s. .

IV. LITTLE ARTHUR’S HISTORY of

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HISTORY of ROME. For the Use of Junior Classes. Woodcutl. 12mo, 3s. 6d.

VII.

DR WM. SMITH’S SMALLER HISTORY of ENGLAND. For the Use of Junior Classes. Woodcuts. nine, 3; 6d.

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POPULAR EDITION of the PRINCIPAL SPEECHES and ADDRESSES of H.R.II. The PRINCE CONSORT: with an Introduction giving some Ourainns or an CHARACTBL [From the Introduction.]

"It must be obvious to the reader that the writer has received the most valuable andiniportant aid from those, who by their constant intercourse with the Prince Consort, could best appreciate the high qualities in him which shone forth in domestic life—from persons in the Royal Household, who saw him daily—from Members of the Royal Family—and especially from the Queen herself.

',,' A LIBRARY EDITION of the above Work. Portrait. 8vo. 10s 6d.

John Murray, Albeniarle street.

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EBSTER’S COMPLETE DICTIONARY of the ENGLISH LANGUAGE. Revised and greatly enlarged. by Cumsch A. Goonuca, Professor In Yale College. In this New Edition. One Hundred and Seventy Pages have been added. without any addition to the price; An Appendix of New Words—Giving more than Nino Thousand Words collected by the Editor, and including all recent Scleotifle Terms.

Longman and Co., Slmpkin and Co., Whittaker and Ca , Hamilton and Co.. Groombridiro and Sons, Bell and Daldy, Kent and Co., and Gl‘lfIIll and Co. Edinburgh: John Menzies Dublin: M‘Glaahan and Gill.

Please to see that no other Edition ls substituted.

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1! I might give a short hint to an impartial “Titer it would be to tell him his fate. If he resolved to venture upon t e dsn erous precipice of telling unbiassed truth let him proclaim war with nunklmf—neithcr to give nor to take quarter. If he tells the crimes of great men they fall upon him with the iron hands of the law; if he tells them of \irtues, when they have any, then the mob attacks him with slander. But if he regards truth, let him expect martyrdom on both guest, and then he my go on fearless; and this is the course I take myself.—

3 0|.

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PRIVATE AND LOCAL BILLS.

The present House of Commons, it is clear, does not intend to attempt the reform of the corrupt and oppressive practices so long complained of in Private Bill Legislation. Last Session 0. Select Committee sat to inquire into the i nature and extent of them; and the evidence given before it, though far from being as explicit or comprehensive as it might have been, would fully have justified the recommendation of vigorous measures of change. A system has grown up during the present century by which the greatest i enterprises and the smallest works of local utility are con verted into excuses for an amount of gambling and extortion , wholesale bribery and individual injustice, without any parallel in Christendom. To sell for the most necessary public purpose half an acre of a settled estate; to lay down a hundred yards of gas-pipe for the benefit of a country town ; to supply a populous and thirsty parish with good water, at the rate of ten shillings a house; to make a tway from a collicry to a quay ; or to open a line of

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rail from one neighbouring town to another,—-it is

necessary to obtain an Act of Parliament: and before such Act can be obtained it is indispensable to go through all the forms, and to incur all the charges, of the most onerous species of litigation, and to incur all the anxiety, risk, and loss which such an ordeal entails. This is what is called Private Legislation. It has become part and parcel of life as it is at Westminster. Hundreds of professional men of various degrees support themselves exclusively by it; and great numbers of persons have lost and won fortunes by dabbling in its exciting and uncertain vicissitudes. But reason for the thing there is no better than for the notorious establishments at Homhurg, which a certain German potentate thinks fit to keep up, regardless of all reproaches and remonstrances; and there is this difference—that in the Hessian places of plunder the victims go voluntarily, and cannot be compelled to stake more than they respectively choose; whereas we are obliged to share individually or collectively, whether we will or no, in the chances of the Parliamentary hazard table, and to an extent which none of us beforehand can pretend to measure. The security of private property and the facility of public improvement ‘ ilike injured, without necessity, without compunction, 4a without redress. Nobody takes the trouble to deny the existence of the evil. It is too notorious, and the candals incidentally connected with it are unhappily as ell known as those incidental to the mode by which seats in Parliament are obtained. Yet a majority of members of the House of Commons stoutly set their faces against any change which would break up the system; and Government, we are sorry to see, shrinks from the invidious duty of calling upon them to do so.

Constituted as the present House of Commons is, it is probable, no doubt, that any proposal of the kind would be unsuccessful. But defeat in the first instance has been the fate of every great reform in our day; and the chances of rejection furnish no sufficient plea for not making the attempt. The days of the existing good-for-nothing Parliament are drawing to a close; and as we certainly cannot have a worse chosen in its stead, we are bound to hope that we shall have a better. How, then, comes it that, even with a view to the future, no proposition is made of a practical and definite kind for mitigating, if not abolishing, the frightful abuses of what is miscalled Legislation for Private and Local Wants? Legislation, in the true and legitimate sense of the term, the thing is not; but a hateful and shameful misuse by Parliament of powers which formerly were never perverted to such purposes, and which nobody effects in theory to defend.

Mr Milner Gibson, in moving a series of resolutions on the subject suggested by the Select Committee of last year, declared that they were not meant as parts of any general scheme of reform, but merely as modifications in detail of the existing system. The great increase in the number of private bills have of late years rendered the attendance of members upon Committees sometimes extremely onerous. Instead of sauntering down to the House at five o’clock, in time to hear a provoking question dextcrously partied by the First Minister, and leaving in time to dress for dinner with a vague animus revertendi at some late hour should a party division be expected, the parliamentary man about town, who has inherited his seat with other family pro

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SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 71864.

party, finds himself compelled to get up in what Charles Lamb used to call ‘the dead of the morning,’ gulp his breakfast like any common individual, and hurry down to a committee-room stuffed with lawyers, witnesses, and all manner of plain-spoken and plainly-dressed people,-—there to sit for four or five dreadful hours listening to their vulgar talk, and making believe. that he takes judicial heed of their vulgar concerns. The whole time for amusement is cut up in this way, and the thing is for him simply a deuce of a bore. Equally fretfal under the growing liability to service on Committees is your railway jobber who has bought his borough seat; and who having paid high for it, thinks it rather too bad that he should be expected to squander so much of his time, which is his money, in adjudicating between parties in whose weal or ill he has no direct pecuniary interest. He would not mind giving up the evenings occasionally to what he calls attending the House,—-that, is, dining with some business friends in the coffee-room there, smoking a cigar or two with a colleague whom, he had not an opportunity of speaking with confidentially at a board in the morning, or getting through an arrear of private letters in the library, within earshot of the division bl'll. But really to be forced day after day for a whole fortnight to neglect his personal affairs in order to serve on Committee of group X, Y, or Z is too bad, and “what nobody “ can stand."

The select body of anti-reformers who sat last year sympathiscd with these sorrows, and desired to alleviate them so far as might be compatible with the sub~ stantial perpetuation of the system. Truth to say, their suggestion on this head does not amount to much. Of every group of bills there are almost invariably two or three less hotly contested than the rest, and regarding which the promoters and opponents would be content to go before a privately appointed arbitrator, if they did not fear being suspected by somebody or other of having entered into a hocus-pocus or a corrupt compromise. Why not let them have the option of referring the points in dispute to an officer of the House believed to be intelligent and impartial? The Chairman of Ways and Means, not having very much to do, has tendered his services as official referee. They have been readily accepted, and on the motion of the President of the Board of Trade the House unanimously voted, on Monday night, that in future wherever parties found that they had nothing really worth arguing about before a Committee, they might have the case sent to Mr Massey, binding themselves to abide by his decision, either sitting alone, or with such other members of the House as he might call to his aid. It is not improbable that this may lead to the gradual appointment every year of a committee like that of standing orders or of elections, the Chairman of Ways and Means being its president. We do not see how it can do any harm, but we must buy a new pair of spectacles before we can see distinctly the great amount of good. It is simply a decanting of the contents of so many bottles into a fivegallon measure; but what about those which are not thus started, and which outnumber these as four to one? It is all very well to tell lucky folks who never had corns that they may as well bathe their feet and wear easy shoes by way of prevention; but what comfort is this to the lame ? Courts of justice do not sit early and rise late to settle differences between uncontentious litigants. The bulk of their business is in curbing the overbearing, disappointing the greedy, over-matching the strong, detecting the fraudulent, hearing the cry for help from the weak, and wrenching from the gripe of avarice and oppression the spoil which, by length of purse and the force of elastic testimony, it had hoped to win. And the bulk of the business done in parliamentary committee-rooms, however little these resemble courts of justice, ought to be the same; for in them too much would have more, the power of combination is insolent, and the tongue of rapacity is loud. What is wanted there, is some authority to restrain vexatious delay and to enforce uniformity of decision; to sift, expose, and punish plausible imposture; and peremptorin and impartially to release from vexatious attendance and ruinous expense all who have not a substantial interest in the issue, or who ought to be dealt with fairly without litigation. In a word, what is wanted is that the ordinary principles of civil jurisprudence should be imposed as rulcs upon parliamentary committees, and that the decencies of public justice should be made obligatory upon them. A competent officer to preside as judge, if members of Parliament must still be jurors in these anomalous tribunals, is what common sense points out as the great thing needful. The proposal of Lord R. Cecil, that the evidence in the case should be taken in a court of inferior jurisdiction, while the decision should be still left to a committee of members, irresponsible and often incapable, of estimating correctly the weight of conflicting testimony, was rejected as tending only to make bad worse. We confess we have always held the opinion that a vast saving of time and cost would be gained if, instead of a double trial of the same case by separate com

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mittees of the Commons and the Lords, the two Houses should agree to joint committees of seven, three from each, with a paid functionary to act as assessor or judge. A beginning has been made this session, by the appointment of a joint committee of preliminary inquiry into the necessity and expediency of metropolitan railways; and we hope it may prove the first of a series of precedents.

The other resolutions submitted to the House of Commons by Mr Milner Gibson, in accordance with the desire of the Select Committee on Private Bills, relate chiefly to the tariff of House foes, framed upon a graduated scale. Some reduction of charges is thus promised; but looking at the average amount of parliamentary costs, it can be regarded as in ordinary cases hardly appreciable.

THE MODIFIED TICKET-OF-LEAVE SYSTEM.

To make things pleasant to the Governors of Convict Prisons Would seem to be the only aim and end of the proposed modification of the ticket-of-leave system. How, ask several supporters of the principle of remission, are 1,000 or 1,500 prisoners to be kept in order without some temptation to good conduct? But why, then, are convicts massed in such numbers? Why are prisons made too large to be manageable without coaxing cxpedionts? One fault is made a reason for another fault.

According to” the theory of the licensing system the prisoner is taught to love labour, or as Mr Walpole expresses it, he acquires some of \those habits of industry by virtue of which he may succeed when set at liberty. \\'c question the fitness of the Word habit applied to what is done for the nouce, for a temporary purpose. An idle disposition will not be conquered by compulsory labour. A man who hates work will not be converted to a love of it. by enforced practice, though he will undoubtedly be thoroughly reconciled to the pay attached to it. An inmate of a convict prison gets about as fond of the labour required in the place as the inmate of a hospital of the regime compelled in sickness.

But suppose the theory all true. Suppose that you have only to put an idle rascal into a convict prison, and that by virtue of acquaintance with labour an industrious man will come out after a certain period of probation. Why, then, is the benefit of this system confined to the worst class of offenders, and denied to those whose delinquencies are of a more venial nature? Truly says the Chief Justice of the Queen’s Beach, the system must be good for all, or for none. That high authority is for certainty and reality in punishments, and would give no place of favour to shame. He has little faith in the reformation of the devil sick. And above all, he looks to the interests of justice, and not to the comfort, ease, and convenience of gaolcrs. Not that the Commissioners from whom he differed had those considerations in mind, but their opinions were biassed, if not formed, by the reports of officers of prisons much studying the smooth working of their authority.

The ignorance with which jurisprudential subjects are discussed in Parliament appears in the langnge held about uncertainty of punishment. There is no uncertainty in the mind of the prisoner, says Mr Cave, and other members spoke to the same effect. But the vice of the uncertainty is its encouragement to those who are not prisoners. We want certainty of punishment to deter from crime, and we have now the highest possible degree of uncertainty to embolden the evilly disposed. The proposed change will not mead the matter. Its author's reliances are indicated in his statement:

If there were one thing proved by the evidence taken before the Royal Commission, it was the necessity of holding out the hope of a remission of his sentence if they wished the convict to be well conducted in gsol, and to be ultimately reformed.

No doubt the cunning convict will be well conducted in gaol, the object to which all the evidence of the prison authorities is addressed; but for the rest, the ultimate reformation, we must hope, not trust.

The most important observation in the debate of Thursday was made by Sir John Pakington with reference to short sentences:

“ I must take leave to say that if hereafter the courts of “ criminal justice, including the courts of assize, should “pronounce their sentences in the spirit of injudicious “ lenity which has distinguished the administration of “ criminal law for the last few years, it will become a “ matter of minor importance what system of punishment “ we may adopt."

It is proposed to make five years the minimum of penal servitude, but, in the indulgent spirit that prevails in most of our Courts, will long or short terms of punishment be preferred? Believers in the virtue of Sir George vGrey’s Bill should, in kindness to a prisoner, rather give him five years of penal servitude than a shorter and _nominslly milder punishment. Austere magistrates wrll sternly sentence offenders they think incorrigible to a year or two of ordinary imprisonment. The mild and benevolent Will

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strain the law to give the poor prisoner penal scrvimde,

and with it the benefit of the system “holding out the “hope of remission conducing to good conduct in goal, “ and ultimate reformation." If this be not a dream of benevolence, the true schools of industry and virtue are the convict prisons, and crime makes the eligibility for the best and cheapest of all possible educations.

THE PRISONERS' INSANITY BILL.

Our opinion that the proposed amendment of the Act relating to insane prisoners will only make the law less unsafe and leave it still in a very unsatisfactory state, is confirmed by further discussion and consideration. An‘ Act of George IV patched up an Act of George III, and the Act of Victoria in 1840 patched up again the preceding Act of George. And as we conjectured, prisoners under sentence of death were for the first time included in the provisions, unsuited to their case, of the statute of 1840, which seems to have passed unnoticed, though all now concur in regarding it as a most objectionable piece of legislation. We are sorry to say that the liberal administration of Lord Melbourne had to answer for this negligence. What were the Home Office and law oficers of that time about, where their vigilance, their care for justice? ‘

The pending Bill has two objects,—to make the certificate surer, and to give the Home Secretary more freedom to deal with it. But in precise proportion that the one object is accomplished the other becomes more difficult, or, in other Words, the greater the credit of the certificate the less free will the Home Secretary feel to disregard it. Public opinion would now support him in treating with small respect a certificate signed by any two magistrates and any two medical men set in motion by the prisoner's attorney; but if the authority of the certificate be raised by confining it to more trustworthy hands, by so much the more difficult it will be for the Minister to slight it, and his discretion will practically be nominal. It comes to this, that as discretion is improved in one direction it is effectively taken away in the other. Inconsistently enough, indeed, the certificate is to be less binding as it is made more worthy of being binding.

We do not believe, however, that the credit of the certificate will bc much raised by limiting the local commission to visiting justices and medical men chosen by them, but in, one of two ways the proposal will fail, for either the cer-‘ tificate will remain of little worth in public opinion or if of improved validity it will leave the Home Office no choice but to give effect to it. Could the Secretary of State let justice take its course, and a convict sufi‘cr death after a certificate of insanity had been furnished by the persons now proposed to be empowered? He might have the surest information that the prisoner was sane, and that motives of compassion or repugnancc to capital punishment had influenced four gentlemen to vouch for an untruth, but he would not dare to act upon this conviction, treat the certificate as null and void, and let a man suffer death.

It was well observed by Mr M. Smith:

If it was desirable to relieve the Secretary of State from the painful position in which he was placed in such cases as that of Townley, it was no less desirable that justice should be relieved from the scandal of having the solemn verdict of a jury reversed by a secret tribunal of no authority, the evidence taken before which was not published. It appeared to him that the Secrelary of State would be left in precisely the same position after the passing of the Bill as that in which he was before, with the exception that the Act would give him a discretion which it was now a matter of doubt whether he did or did not possess. For his own part he was disposed to concur in the opinion that the words of the statute were not mandatory; but be that as it might, what, he would ask, would be the position of the Secretary of State when the Bill under discussion became the law of the land? He must act on a certificate from the visiting justices without any means of ascertaining whether that certificate was correct or not; and whether further inquiry took place, as in the case of Townley, he would have precisely the lame difficulties to contend with as at present. But if the Bill would give the Secretary of State no relief, Would its operation be satisfactory to the public? Would they like to see the verdict of a jury solemnly given, and then three or four days after reversed by means of a certificate given by two justices and two medical men? He thought not, and he was therefore of opinion that there should be some more open mode of proceeding.

There is no doubt that repugnance to capital punishment is at the bottom of the whole difficulty. In 'l‘ownley’s case, for example, what has become of all the interest about him now that his neck is safe? Yet if he were really insane his present punishment would be a grievous cruelty and injustice; but not a voice is raised against it of the many lately clamouring that a madman was about to be executed. The true remedy against all abuses of the dispensing power is a properly constituted Court of Appeal, and heartily do we agree with Sir Fitzroy Kelly’s views on this point:—

The bill before the House provided no remedy for the great and most important error in the Act of 1840. It only proposed to leave it discretionary with, instead of making it compulsory upon, the Secretary of State to act upon the original certificate of two magistrates and two medical men. He believed that capital cases must have crept into the existing Act entirely per inmriam, for that Act for the first time gave jurisdiction to a sicrct tribunal to interfere with the verdict of a jury. If they Were new to exclude capital cases from the operation of the Act and to limit the discretionary power vested in the Secretary of State to cases of felony and minor ofl'ences, no great mischief would ensue should a prisoner happen to be certified to be insane when he was really sane. Either the right hon. gr ntleman and every future Secretary of State would, in capital cases, determine whether or not a prisoner was insane, in which event the whole machinery of this Bill would be superfluous and useless, or he and they would adopt the certificate setting aside the Verdict ot' a jury, thejudgment of a judge, and perhaps the decision, as in the Townley case, of persons competent to decide and actually deciding that the prisoner was not suffrring from any spicics of ins nity which absolved him from responsibility for his acts. The proper course was to exclude capital cases altogether from the Bill, as

was done in all the Acts preceding the statute of 1840. Without
wishing to make the slightest reflection on the right. honourable
gentleman, he must say that as long as the law allowed to
exist in his hands a power of supervision under the pretext of
exercising the Royal prerogative of mercy, so long would
the law be administered unlatisfactorily to the people and in a man-
ner repugnant to the principles of the constitution. In Townley’s
case a very competent and intelligentjury, after a solemn and deli-
berate trial, which was presided over by a judge distinguished alike
for his knowledge of the law and for his humanity, found a verdict
against the plea of insanity. The 'udge was of opinion that the
verdict was well founded. The flunacy Commissioners saw no
reason why the sentence should not. be executed, and the right hon.
gentleman, agreeing with the judge, with the jury, and with the

unacy Commissioners, expressly said that he was not disposed to
interfere. Then came the certificate, and the right hon. gentleman,
without inquiry and without ascertaining whether it was not the
prisoner himself or his attorney who named and fec’d the medical men
who gave the certificate, sent his warrant at once to remove the
prisoner to an asylum, and by force of custom in ihe Home Office,
when once a prisoner was removed to an asylum by a certificate, no
matter how procured, he could not afterwards he sent back to be ex-
ecuted. He urged this upon the House, not for the purpose of im-
puiing a shadow of blame to the Secretary of State, but of showing
the unconstitutional and mischievous character of the Home Office
jurisdiction. He trusted that jurisdiction would soon be put an and
to, and with thriit object he should shortly ask leave to introduce a
measure, by which the great question of life or death should be re-
ferred to the true, constitutional and legal tribuniil—a judge andjury.

A cry will be raised against circumscribing the prerogative of mercy, but there is more mercy in pure justice than the unreflccting are aware of.

Yet the clemency of the Crown may have its place and action as well as the Court of Appeal its jurisdiction.

Wright’s case, for example, seems to us to have been one for mercy; for if there had existed a Court of Appeal, his plea of guilty would have excluded him from it. But why was that ill-advised plea received? This is a question which will be discussed in another column, in which it will appear that poor Wright sufi‘ered, with scant justice and no mercy.

As for the alleged law for the rich and law for the poor, the truth is not that there is any difference in the law, but that the poor cannot pay the price for it. If Wright could have fee’d clever lawyers they would probably have helped him to the law reducing his crime, and saving his life. Townley, indeed, had the means of buying more than law, the defeat of justice.

ANCHORS AND CABLES.

In support of Mr Laird’s Bill for testing anchors and chain cables, Sir J. Elphinstone referred to the wreck account, in which it appears that last year nearly a thousand lives were lost; and in 1862 the enormous amount of 325,940 tons of shipping were lost or seriously damaged, which, taken at the moderate average of 101. a ton, represents a loss of property of three millions and a quarter. Much of this loss is undoubtedly referable to the bad ground tackle, and the Admiral mentioned the striking fact that out of ten ships driven in a gale from Northumberland to the Dutch coast, all were lost with the exception of one, which, provided with good anchors and cables, rode for seventeen days till the weather mended. The difference between absolute danger and absolute safety, as determined by the supply of bad or good ground tackle, Sir J. Elphiastone estimates at no more than 71. 10s. for small ships. And in this calculation allowance is not made, per contra, for the saving of the wear and tear of canvas, tackle, and gear. A captain who knows that he cannot trust to his anchors and cables has no choice in a gale but to keep to sea, and if the wind be foul, he may for days be

it cannot consistently with principle stop there, but must proceed to regulate equipment. And we cannot deny that there is force in this reasoning, still est quoclam prodire tenus, ai non datur ultra, is a sound position.

Good ground tackle too, it must be observed, will provide safety emperilled by defective equipment.

Some weeks ago we had to remark upon the statement that the Barking smacks, lost with more than a hundred. lives in the severest gale of the winter, were unprovided with trysails, in other words, were exposed to storm without the storm sails suitable. We could hardly believe a fact so disgraceful to owners on the one hand, or to the scamanship of the poor fellows on the other, if having their storm sails they neglected to set them. And the smackmen are thoroughly good seamen, but like all seamen, good and bad, they are imprudent, and postpone measures of safety to the last. Our impression is that the Barking men carried their close-rcefed or balanced mainsail till the weather was too bad to allow of their taking it in and setting their trysails. There comes a time, in storm, when a vessel cannot for a moment he left without sail without destruction, and therefore sails should be shifted before this extremity of weather arrives. And while we are touching on this subject, concerning the lives of thousands of hardy and excellent seamen, we cannot do better than reproduce a suggestion of Admiral Bullock, addressed to the Shipping Gazette, with reference to the loss of the smacks :

Finding the disastrous loss of fishing smacks on the north-east coast of England attributable to the want of trysails, I am desirous to add my opinion, based upon a long experience, that a cutter without a trysail is not perfect, i.e., not safely equipped for sea. The closerccfcd mainsail is ever a dangerous sail in a heavy running sea ; nor is the trysail even safe without constant care and fatiguing attention, as an incident in my nautical (professional) career will serve to illustrate. In l8‘20, on my way to Newfoundland, in a cutter, under convoy of s frigate, we encountered a westerly gale, and were obliged to heave to, first under the close-reefcd mainsail, which we found too heavy and dangerous to carry, and afterwards under the trysail, which certainly improved our condition ; but even then, as the little vessel lost her way, she fell off, and exposed her broadside in the trough of the sea, which at every instant threatened to sweep the decks and wash us all overboard. The case was serious enough, but the remedy was still in a seaman’s ready resources, and I lost no time in availing myself of them. It occurred to me that a floating anchor or temporary breakwater would keep the bow to the sea, and saw us from much anxiety. The idea was no sooner thought of than acted upon. I strengthened the square sail yard with all the spare spars I could muster (a trawl-beam and net attached divested of its iron heads would have answered much better), and these carefully lubed together presented I respectable floating mess, around which I rolled half the square uil, leaving the other half floating, to aid in repressing the surface breaker, in which enly is there any progressive motion. \thn completed it was launched, and the little craft, drifting slowly to leeward, left the r'mpromlu anchor in its useful position to windward, checking, as the hawscr tightened, her perilous falling off. The experiment was eminently successful, for the moment the anchor took effect, the bow received the shocks, and relieved us from all further anxiety, as she rode so easily, ay, more easily than in an open roadstead. So evident, indeed, did this appear that we all turned in, leaving one look-out only. So well did we maintain our windward tendency that our convoy was lost sight of to leeward in the night, and we arrived at Newfoundland at least twenty-four hours before her.

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. . . , , ;he was at least permitted to launch forth against the heating to Windward, or if he makes bad weather of it his 1 Roman 01- the Russian Govemment_

This year the Prince

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possession of an Imperial place, notwithstanding that he did

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Supposed to be in distress, a life-boat was sent to her
assistance, and to the surprise of the crew they found her

,and say something agreeable to his Government, by proving

the absurdity of interference of the French in Poland. M.

at hhch" in the Open Chhhheh When the boat came Dupin in this madea mistake. His vile diatribe against

within hail a voice from the brig’s deck asked what they
wanted, and in answer to the reply to render assistance,

,any help being given to Poland proved highly distasteful ,to the Emperor, who exclaimed when he read it, “ Does M.

the brig’s master said, “ You need not be uneasy about me, 1 u Dupin take me for Louis Philippe? "

i “ I have got two good anchors down with a full scope of
r “ strong cable; and I shall ride out the gale where I am,
l“mattcr how long or how hard it may blow,
i“ trust to my tight, lively ship and good ground tackle."

i We lately adverted to Raleigh’s account of the improve-
‘ment of ground tackle and its management in his time, so
that, as he expresses it, “ We resist the malice of the
“greatest winds that can blow, witness our small Mill-
" brccke men of Cornwall that ride it out at anchor, half'
“seas over, between England and Ireland, all the winter
“ quarter."

Things have deteriorated since Raleigh’s day in this
respect, and in too many merchantmen the anchors and
cables are known to be untrustworthy, unable toresist any
considerable strain. Mr Hassard mentions an instance :

In his experience as a magistrate, cases had come before him of men dcserting from a vrsscl loading are upon a rock-bound ceast, where it was necessary to slip anchor and be off when the wind came from the south. The vessel parted her cable several times; in fact, whenever they put out an anchor strong enough to hold a ship the cable invariably gave way, and when they got out a cable of suitable resisting powers the anchor invariably came home. The

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However, both Prince Napoleon and M. Dupin had their
And both, however

German Powers, thought they might fire a few vollies against England. They represented, and with much justice, the opening of the canal to Suez as a highly interesting enterprise, to oppose or to discredit which indicated a total want of sentiment on the part of such opponent. Prince Napoleon arraigned Lords Palmerston and Russell—and, indeed, the whole House of Peers—for want of this desirable quality. Sentiment, according to them, was not only essential to good feeling, but even to civil engineering. If Lord Palmerston frowned upon the Suez opening, it was that he was well nigh an octogenarian, and his heart frigid. What England wanted was a young minister, like Pitt, who would not shrink from rushing into war for ‘ an idea.’

But whilst Prince Napoleon strongly condemned the pacific dispositions of England, he very broadly hinted that it was for France to take advantage of them, and to push her interests and projects with little regard to their justice; presuming that England, however she might bluster, would not seriously resent a wrong. In fact, the Prince told M. Lesseps—persist in going on with your canal, despite of Turks and Egyptians. France will

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support you; and as to England, you need not fear her.
The English, who did not send a regiment to King
Christian, will certainly not declare war apropos of the
Suez Canal.

This was very bad and very dangerous advice. For to insist on making the canal, forcing the people of the country to work for it, and taking possession of the entire region contiguous as belonging to the Company by the right of occupation and improvement,—this would be neither more nor less than making a conquest of Egypt. This was an enterprise which the first Napoleon undertook in the flower of his age and at the height of his genius. And not only did it terminate in utter failure, but it is considered by every sensible Frenchman as one of the most striking and most absurd examples of a purely sentimental policy in contradistinction to a practical one.

We will be bound to say that Napoleon the Third will embark in no such folly. He has never given any direct encouragement to M. Lesseps; and however ready to engage in rivalry with England upon any field, with greater or even equal advantages, he has not the folly of M. Lesseps, who has chosen, from more Quixotism, to fling himself precisely athwart one of the great commercial and military tracks of England, as if his object were political rivalry, not industrial success. It is impossible at the moment to tell what will be the mode of transit across the isthmus that divides by but a narrow interval the seas of Europe from the seas of Asia. The possibility of creating, Working, and keeping open entrances to a ship canal on either sea remain the object of great doubt. But that a great passage, and a great transit of some kind will be there, is certain. Suez is another Sound and another Bosphcrus, but much more important than either, since it joins two worlds and two oceans, instead of leading to merely inland seas. To suppose that a Frenchman, or a man of any one European country, bigoted, too, in his country’s interests, can ever succeed in holding such a position, is absurd—quite as absurd as the equally insane attempts of the French in the last century to hold at once the two great outlets of America—the St Lawrence and the Mississippi. Such schemes, however patriotic and grandiose in the conception, are simply impossible. And France should wield Neptune’s trident, as well as Jove's thunderbolts, before she could accomplish them.

Independent of the trident and the thunder, labour and capital, men and money, are the preliminary requisites to the opening of the canal, and M. Lesseps has evidently not enough of either. The whole of his shares were not taken by the public, but for a large portion the Pasha of Egypt remains indebted. Thewant of men M. Lesseps supplied by authority and impressment. But Egypt has had experience of such works in the pyramids of old, and the barrage of the Nile in our times, in which forced labour did wonders, but, no doubt, at an immense expense of human life. M. Lesseps still insists that Egypt shall supply him with labour to whatever amount, and at whatever price, he may please. To this Ismail, the Pasha of Egypt, demure. Moreover, in addition to the canal,he has taken possession of the adjoining region, whither he hopes to attract French capital and French colonists. This, in part, is an emigration scheme, grafted on a great engineering one. Prince Napoleon, like a generous patron, backs M. Lesseps in carrying out these schemes and insisting on these privileges.

A singular instance of the progress of the age is the manner in which the Egyptian Government has sought to parry and defeat this attack. Instead of the old diplomatic wars, the Egyptian Government has applied to the most eminent French lawyers, laid its case before them, and obtained opinions adverse to M. Lesseps' demands. When the latter gentleman, therefore, thought to interest the press and get it to thunder against the Pasha for

thwarting a great French enterprise, the Egyptian agents sheltered themselves behind the positive and written opinions of such men as Odillou Barrot and Jules Favre. The ground was thus cut under the feet of M. Lesseps. He can no longer work the patriotic dodge. The Due de Moray, empowered by the Emperor to examine into the question, does not, it appears, admit the justice of M. Lesseps’ exigence. And the end, we suppose, will be the abandonment of the lead of the enterprise by that overencrgetic individual, and its being entrusted to some chief or company more conciliatory and cosmopolitan.

JUDICIAL AND EXTRA-JUDICIAL
INCONSISTENCY.

In the course of Monday night’s discussion of the Bill, rendered necessary by the disgraceful defeat of Justice as regards Townley, the antithetical case of Wright was incidentally alluded to,—ss indeed was almost unavoidable, if only from the force of contrast. Mr Alderman Rose observed, “It was generally felt that if the poor man “ Wright had had money or friends, his trial might have “ been postponed till the next Criminal Court, and his life “saved.” And the Alderman then touched on the circumstances of extenuation which appeared in the case. We deeply regret and marvel at the hot haste with which \Vright was sentenced and executed; but we think that the justice of the case, as regards the prisoner as well as the public, might have been attained (probably without even the postponement of the trial) by the interposition of a few words from the Bench. The Home Secretary stated that “if the Judge had thought there would “have been the slightest injustice to the prisoner, “ he would have postponed the trial.” But if Mr Justice Blackburn had only explained to the prisoner

that if the evidence were gone into, circumstances
might possibly appear which would save his life, it is
scarcely to be supposed that he would not have withdrawn
his plea of guilty ;—unless indeed the remorse and peni-
tence, which he never ceased to exhibit, from the moment of
committing his crime, had made him resolve on expiating
it with his own life. This explanation does not appear to
have been made; and therefore, unless this wretched brick-
layer had been a heaven-born lawyer, it was morally im-
possible for him to know whether his act of slaying, which
he never attempted to deny, did or did not amount to mur-
der in its strict legal sense. He was asked whether he
knew the consequences of his persisting to plead guilty,
and he answered that he did: That is, he knew that per-
sons found guilty of murder were sometimes hung; but of
the nice and subtle distinctions between murder and other
kinds of homicide, in all probability he knew about as
much as of the properties of the square of the hypothenuse.

Two centuries ago, when human life was held atamuch
cheaper rate in England than now, Lord C.-J. Hale
observed, that “ The Court is usually very backward in
“ receiving and recording such confession, out of tenderness
“to the life of the subject; and will generally advise the
“ prisoner to retract it, and plead to the indictment.” And
this humane doctrine is repeated by Blackstone, and all
other writers on the practice of criminal courts. Now it
Would be difficult to imagine a case, in which the facts, as
disclosed by the informations, would raise a stronger proba-
bility, that circumstances of mitigation would have ap-
peared if the evidence had been entered into and scrutinized,
either by the judge as counsel for the prisoner, or by one
of the gentlemen of the her, who always show so laudable
azeal in assisting an undefended prisoner. We do not
hesitate to say that,‘in cases of murder, the only crime
which is still practically punishable with death, the plea
of guilty should be taken only as an admission of the act of
killing;--leaving the question of murder or mitigated
homicide to be decided by the Judge and jury, not on a
bare perusal of the ez-parte depositions, but after hearing
and seeing the witnesses examined and cross-examined.

Again, therefore, we must express our surprise and regret that these considerations should not have induced both the Home Secretary and the Judge to institute further inquiries as to the facts, even after sentence pronounced, and before the last fatal act rendered them unavailing. Sir George Grey, on Monday evening, deprecated “ the im“pression created out of doors, that injustice had been “ done." Strictly and logically speaking, the justice or injustice of every decision must rest on the circumstances of each case. But it is idle to suppose that the public will not compare and weigh decisions given, and punishments awarded, in analogous cases. And when they find the blacker criminal escape with his life, and the far less heinous ofl'ender so hastily executed ;-—when they see post-judicial investigation so freely recommended by the Judge and instituted by the Home Secretary in the former case, and so percmptorily denied by the Judge and Secretary in the latter,--it can scarcely be wondered at if an observant public cries out at what appears comparative if not positive injustice.

THE MONETARY CRISIS IN INDIA.

A money crisis exists in India leading to difilculties in trade and finance. This has been ascribed to all manner of causes but the right one. It has been ascribed to the hoarding of silver by the natives; to India's being new, as at all times, a sink of the precious metals; to the incapacity of the mints to coin fast enough, and to the inability of the banks to issue a sufficiency of paper money. We believe the true cause to be over-trading, or speculation beyond means, a mistake which India has made before, but probably never on so great a scale as on the present occasion. The unnatural demand of Europe for cotton, caused by the American civil war, is the main cause of the over-trading. Before the cessation of the American supply, the cost of the Indian supply at the old normal prices was estimated at no more than 9,000,0001. Very nearly the same quantity in 1863, and of somewhat worse quality, is estimated to cost 43,000,0001., a difference which amounts to the frightful sum of 34,000,0001., one sufficient to disarrange the commerce of any country. It has to be made good by imported bullion and merchandise, which have at the same time to pay for the usual supply of other Indian staples, such as sugar, rum, Indigo, raw silk, jute, oil seeds, and rice, hides, horns, &c. No wonder, then, that such a state of things should bring on a commercial crisis.

As to the theory of India being a sink of the precious metals, we can only say that it produces neither gold nor silver, and if it is to have them, it must have them from foreign nations. It is no more a sink of gold and silver than it is of copper, tin, and zinc, of all of which it is alarge consumer, without producing a pound’s weight of any one of them. It is, in fact, no more a sink of gold and silver than is England 0! sugar, wine, cotton, silk, and hemp. As to the boarding of the precious metals by the Indians, we have not the least doubt but that it has been monstrously exaggerated. The burying of treasure in the East is seldom or never practised, except in civil wars and foreign invasions. The only way in which silver is withdrawn from circulation in India is by its conversion to trinkets for the wives and children of the peasants. Now the amount so disposed of cannot possibly be large, for the upper and middle classes are too intelligent to indulge in triuketry, and the number

[graphic]

of the peasantry who can do so must be small, the majority

[graphic]

Haggis... hand to mdnth, deeply indebted to the money.

leaders. The people of India, it should not be forgotten, are not. in money matters aprodigal and thriftless race, but, far beyond their state of civilization, economical, and generally even penurious. That India is not at present labouring under any peculiar scarcity of the precious metals is, we think, to be inferred from the fact that Europe is at present sending to it hardly one-half the bullion it supplied before the commencement of the cotton famine. Previous supplies had, in fact, gone a good way towards saturating it.

But the monetary difficulty of India is accompanied bys financial state, not, indeed, formidable, but disappointing, for it threatens to reduce the yearly 3,000,000l. of surplus which have accrued since the suppression of the rebellion to no surplus at all, or, may-be, to a deficit. Lord Elgin, against his better judgment, was induced by bad advice to engage in a little frontier war with mountaineers, and the little war has cost the long sum of a million. There is also a certainty of a considerable fall in the opium revenue, which, ever since the suppression of the rebellion, had been steadily advancing. Most of our readers are aware that the Indian opium revenue is of two distinct kinds. In Bombay, where it is of comparatively recent establishment, the culture of the poppy and the manufacture and trade in the drug are free. In Bengal the old system of a Government monopoly is obstinately and senselessly persevered in, and it is here only that loss of revenue is likely to occur. Under the Bombay management the duty levied is on the quantity, but in Bengal on the price which the drug fetches at public Government sales. Bombay yields, from a very small territory, and that too a foreign one, a full third of the whole revenue, and Bengal the remainder, from a vast extent of British territory reaching from Bengal to Oudc. Taking the whole opium revenue at the round sum of 6,000,0001., Bombay furnishes 2,000,0001. and Bengal 4,000,0001. On eVery chest of this last, and there are 40,000 of them, it is reckoned that the loss from fall of price will not be less than 251., making the financial failure in this case a clear 1,000,0001. We expect, from the ripe local knowledge and disciplined financial skill of Sir Charles Trevelyan, the abolition of this monstrous and discreditable nuisance, a change which, besides its financial advantage, will restore to a large portion of our territory an important staple product of its agriculture, fos the poppy is valuable not only for its sap, but also for its oil-yielding seed.

THE BRIGHTON ELECTION.

The Carlton Club chuckles, as well it may, at having recovered, after an interval of twelve years, one of the seats for Brighton. In the management of elections in times like these, when no political flag is left flying and party organization or enthusiasm does not exist, the Tories are sure to have the best of it. When the choice of candidates depends on the Secretary of the Treasury or his political attorney, and no better imitation of independent opinion to control personal rivalries can be invoked than that of halfa-dozen fussy members of a great Pallmall eating-house, things practically take their own way, and local meanness and mischief are at a premium. We must do the Derbyite managers the justice to own that they played their game at Brighton with some adroitncss. Their candidate, a gentleman of amiable character and agreeable manners, was known to be for a long time upon the ground. He had carte blanche to be all things to all men, so that if possible he should offend none. liis muddle-headed Whig acquaintances were left under the impression that he was " a rather Conservative Liberal," while his un-particular Tory friends called him “ a somewhat Liberal Conservative." What ditference, if any, there was between these two electioneering handles to his name, Mr Moor did not explain, and nobody asked him ; but by help of them he has been safely and easily lifted into the representation of Brighton over the heads of two-thirds of the constituency. It is true this result could not have been obtained by any more plianey on his part,or mere complaisancc on the part of his supporters. Without the active co-operation of a powerful detachment of so-called Liberals, it would not have been possible under any circumstances to defeat the main body,who having chosen Mr Fawcett as their leader, adhered to him steadily to the end.

Why they were not more numerous is a question that admits of various answers, each of them being partly true and partly the exaggeration habitual to disappointment. There are, no doubt, scores—perhaps we should not err in saying hundreds—of honest electors at Brighton, as there certainly are elsewhere, who have got so thoroughly out of humour with the recent mismanagement and present dereliction of party duties, that they refuse sulkily to fall into rank at bugle call, and prefer to stand by and let the adversary win. While we cannot approve, we certainly cannot wonder at the phase of political feeling in question. It is one which has long been obvious to all except the blind and blundering mismanagers of elections on the Whig side, and it is one which fills the Tories with hopes they are at no pains to conceal of further triumphs after the next dissolution. In every independent constituency in the kingdom the bitter complaint is heard that no disposition is shown to secure the choice of men of tried ability or of earnest purpose; and that when such men come forward nothing beyond a faint and feeble semblance of support is afi’orded them. By those who usurp the privilege of recommending candidates to credulous constituencies, no one is patroniscd who does not belong to certain cliques, and the docility of whose obedience to parliamentary orders cannot be absolutely depended on.

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