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“ A book containing in rcg or order the emotions of this remarkable artist is s=plclo alichroniclo ofthe important affairs that occupied the public mind of England Its one week followed another, and might be turned over by the historical student of fgtui'e years as the caricatures of Gilray are turned over now by those who seek an exponent of the thoughts and sentiments that prevailed in our Island at the time of the Revolutionary Wars. Such a book Is now before us In the ‘ Cartoons from Punch.‘ "—Tlme-.

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mission. Iiiislplaced Men. By A. K. ‘ chond.’ By Fred. II. H. .

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U I might give a abort hint to an im artial writer it would be to tell him his fate. If he resolved to venture upon tic dun crous precipice of telling unbiassed truth let him proclaim war with mankin —ncithcr to give nor to take quarter. If he tells the crimes of great men they fall upon him with the iron hands of the lsvr- if he tells them of virtues, when they have any, then the mob attacks hun wit slander. But if he regards truth, let him expect martyrdom on both Eden}. and than he may go on fearless; and this is the course i take myself.—

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We are charged with some misrepresentation of what has been done in Townley’s case, and told that there has been no reversal of the jury's verdict, no new trial in any shape, but simply an inquiry into the present state of the man’s mind, the result of which has been his respite, and transfer from the condemned cell to a Lunatic asylum.

It is thus admitted that Townlcy was justly convicted according to the law of the land, but that his forfeited life has been spared according to some law unknown, and newly devised, for law of some sort there must be in the case, as it is not one of mercy but of justice. It will probably be found that the law to which Townley owes his escape from the penalty of blood was a law of his own making for the gratification of his own passions. He knew that he was committing murder and incurring the punishment of death, but he set above the law of God and man his dictum that the Woman engaged to him was his property, and that he had a right to her life for any breach of faith, and this has passed for insanity in certain quarters, and taken his neck out of the halter. Virtually he has thus been acquitted in the Home Office upon the ground of insanity upon his own evidence in his own favour, after he had been convicted in the Assize Court upon other and trustworthy evidences. It follows that a man has only to feign a. preposterous reason for a crime, and to obtain impunity as mad and irresponsible.

Two Justices of the Peace for Derby, and two medical men certified to Townley's insanity; but observe, after his conviction and when his life depended on his appearing insane. If he had not been a condemned criminal, would those gentlemen on the evidences before them have thought themselves justified in depriving him of his liberty, and consiguing him to a madhonso ? Would his talk of a conspiracy, and his theory, without the criminal action, that an engaged woman was a man's property, have warranted a judgment that he was incompetent, and required constraint, though be perfectly knew what he was about in all his proceedings?

There has been another inquiry directed by the Home Office, by a Lunacy Commission, but what it has found has not transpired, and perhaps it would be rash to infer what the effect was from the conclusion arrived at by the Home Office. Of course the Commissioners could only judge of the state of Townley's mind as they found it; and the question is, whether that state differed much, or at all, from the state of which the Criminal Court had evidence when the prisoner was before it, and it adjudged him responsible, and pronounced him guilty?

The question is not simply of sound or unsound mind— in other words, of healthy or unhealthy mind. There are many minds which cannot be called sound, which are not of an unsoundness to constitute irresponsibility. There are degrees of mental disorder as well as of physical, and if no distinction were made lunatic asylums and hospitals, multiplied a hundred-fold, would not suffice to contain the patients. An extreme degree of perversity of mind will wear a close resemblance to disease of mind; but if all such were regarded as insane thousands would be placed under restraint, or, if left at large, declared irresponsible for their actions.

The postulate with which we have now to deal is that there shall be no punishment where there is a default of reason, the corollary to which, as we stated in our last notice of this subject, is that crime must then be the creature of reason. Has it come to this, that none but the wise deserve the gallows?

But whatever may be the law, let it at least be known. , Justice may say with Ajax, “let me not perish in darkness, “ give me light if I must fall.” Whatever ma have been the grounds of the respite of Townley, certain it is that they cannot be reconciled with Mr Baron Martin’s definition of the insanity that is not accountable to law. What has governed the decision of the Home Ofi‘ico must be a law and a supreme law, as it has nullified the law propoundod by one of the judges and embodied in the verdict of a jury; and it is surely due to the public that this mysterious thing should be promulgated.

More than forty Derbyshire magistrates have signed an excellent memorial to the Secretary for the Home Depart

ment, setting forth the circumstances of Townley’s case, and praying inquiry into the grounds of the respite.

Here is the view of the crime:

It appears by his own undisputed voluntary statement immediately after the murder that he committed the act deliberately, with full knowledge that he was thereby violating the law, and that he had rendered himself liable to be, and expected to be, capitslly punished; hc declared to Captain Goodwin that the woman who deceived him must die; he alleged that Miss Goodwin did deceive him and he put her to death. It was not the blind and furious impulse ofa madman, but a deliberate act, which manifested the exercise of reason in his endeavour to prevail with Miss Goodwin, but, failing in his object, the spirit of revenge, which was satisted by her death. His family treated him as sane. Neither the surgeon nor the governor of the gaol reported him to be insane, as it was their duty to do if they had so considered him.

And here is as correct and succinct view of the secret inquisition :

In this and other like cases the prisoner has been tried by a judge and jury, acting under the sanction of an oath, aided by counsel employed on both sides, witnesses examined and cross-examined, all in open court. We think that respect for trial by jury, and confidence in the pure administration of justice, will be seriously weakened if a verdict and sentence following such a fair and solemn trial may, in this or any other criminal case, be interfered with by any inquiry less public and complete than the trial itself.

As we have too often had occasion to observe, the Home Office is a Court of Appeal,—tho very worst it is pessible to conceive,—being a Court of Appeal without a Respon' dent, every step ea: parts, moved to inquiry as parts, and the inquiry granted conducted as parts, without any repre_ sentative of the prosecution to rebut and disprove allegations; and, above all, without the publicity which is the light of justice.

Truly upon this observe the Derbyshire magistrates in the memorial:

The result of these private proceedings has been a respite of the prisoner and an order for his removal to a lunatic asylum. The effect has been to cause much dissatisfaction, to create a feeling greatly to be lamented—that there is one law for the rich, and another for the poor; that justice has been turned aside by the power of money ; and that if Townley and his friends had been poor he would have been executed, as a man named Thorley was in this county last year, for a murder under like circumstances.

And Mr Crompton spoke out still more strongly to the same effect. It is not that there has been any corruption in the case, but that Townley, being “ a man of good “ friends,” has had advantages over the law that a poor friendless criminal would have wanted. Thorloy, whose case is adverted to, could not get the Home Office besieged, nor interest mad doctors, nor raise a clamour for miscalled mercy, nor move magistrates oflicionsly to overstep their province of duty. There is no crime of blood more common than murder prompted by jealousy, and none with a stronger resemblance to madness without being skin; but the vulgar offenders have sufi'ered almost, we believe, without exception. And what is Townley's fate? He is committed to a Lunatic Asylum, where for the rest of his days he will be comfortably provided for at the public cost, and let it remembered that these places are not what they used to be, but have their amenities and indulgences. Doubtless the miscreant who, with his hands red and reeking with the warm blood of his victim, said he was never so happy, will continue to enjoy that contentment of satisfied revenge in the calm retirement furnished for him. He will not, indeed, have liberty; but which of us can have everything? He has glutted vengeance with impunity, and a provision for life, and for Iraoc otia, the Home Office and mad doctors to thank. The example concerns the public safety, and much do we apprehend that its consequences will appear in more crimes of a class already too large and horrible.


Not a doubt of it, the French Emperor was piqued by England’s refusing to join his Congress. It was a favourite political Christmas toy, which would have enriched some of the Parisians and amused them all during the dull winter season, the opera being below par there at present, and literature affording absolutely nothing to talk of. The true reply of the Emperor to Earl Russell’s refusal to join the Congress is his letter to the Prince of Augustenburg. Being all for nationalities, he would have been so glad of a Congress, that would take up their cause in Poland, in Italy, and why not in Germany? The Italians and Poles invoked nationality, in order to unite under one Government a sufficient population to ensure independence, defence, financial prosperity, and military strength. Do the Germans need the addition of Holstein for these pur

oses ?

This is a question, however, which Napoleon the Third did not propound. Suffice it that he has got and seized an opportunity for informing the Germans that he is the friend of their nationality, and may be counted upon to serve it. This declaration was little to be expected, France, especially Imperial France, having shown itself always jealous of German unity, and when the Germans themselves talk and strive for nationality, they really


mean nothing but unity. In pursuit of that the minor


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States are entering into a large and combined scheme of resistance to the two greater ones. This, we need not say, is cakes and ale to the French Government, which very naturally applauds and encourages it.

The English Minister here, we know, recommends the meeting of a Conference of all the Powers interested, in order to consider the great question in dispute. France does not, could not, refuse to join in such a Conference, but declares beforehand that the meeting will come to no good. The Frankfort Diet protests against a Conference upon afi'airs so closely concerning Germany unless itself be consulted and it send Federal envoys. We shall find that Napoleon the Third fully supports the Diet in these pretensions, and will add, “You see, a Con“gress would have remedied all this, for the German “ Diet would have been a party to the Congress." It is well known that in its circulars the French Government addressed every State but the Free Cities. And one great objection of Austria to the Frenchproposed Congress was precisely that it called in a kind of democracy of States to discuss this question, which the Great Powers hitherto had reserved for themselves.

We find here disclosed the new policy of the French Emperor. The policy of Bourbon F rance was to assemble merely the great Princes, and take no account but of them. The policy of Revolutionary France was, of course, to appeal merely to peoples and populations. Imperial France assumes a middle position, between both. It appeals to the small States, and seems determined to take them under its aegis, and to form a nucleus of them to oppose to the big ones.

It must he confessed that the Emperor N apoleou did not conceive this policy at first. On the contrary, during the first ten years of his reign he sought the alliance of great countries, and even the personal friendship of their Sovereigns. If he succeeded in one or two instances it was without result. He tried England, he tried Russia, and in both cases failed, we should not say through their fault, to find eternal friendship. He has since tried separately Austria and Prussia. He has been able to make nothing of either of them: so that now Napoleon the Third has turned to the smaller Powers. He is pretty well master of Spain; Italy in its dynasty is his debtor and his relative, and now he has got all the small States of Germany under his act. Most of those Princes were made Kings by the grace of a Napoleon. Why should they not continue so ?

As to England, who was the ringleader in signing the European refusals to a Parisian Congress, she is now to be punished. And the instrument to punish her is the Frankfort Diet. The first to perceive this fully has been Austria. The Court of Vienna has seen in the letter to the Duke of Augustcnburg the clear tendency of the Imperial policy, and it has just given warning to Prussia that it will withdraw altogether from the Slesvig-Holstein business. Austria is anxious, in fact, to retain the English alliance, and it sees clearly that to join France and the Frankfort Diet would lead to direct defiance of, and breach with, England. Austria therefore withdraws. But it is to be feared that Prussia, with or without Bismark, will go on.

We are much mistaken if the politics of Europe do not here enter upon an altogether new phase. We do not say they will lead to war. But they may create for France an immense support beyond the Rhine, independent of the Great Powers, and quite as capable of aiding her in plans of aggrsndizement as any of the Great Powers themselves. To accomplice this, in so quiet and admit a way, would certainly cam for the French monarch the merited, but ambiguous, title of the Napoleon of Peace.


In a recent article on the furtherance of a breach of the peace in the late prize-fight, we expressed a wish to know the extent to which railway companies would lend themselves to illegal objects. We hazarded an opinion that for a grand burglary they would scruple to provide a special midnight train ; and that certainly they would be horrified at the request for one for a murder. But still we wanted to know where the line was drawn, as they did not scruple to promote breaches of the peace which might end in murder.

At the Lewes Quarter Sessions Mr Courthope raised the same question, and the reply of Mr Beattio, on behalf of the South-Eastern Company, was far from satisfactory:

With regard to the power given to railway com anies togrant special trains, that was intended as a benefit to the pa lie; and even in the matter of prize-fights it was better that such parties should have a train to themselves than be crowded into an ordinary passenger train. Railway companies had received complaints of such parties getting into the regular trains, and the simplest and best plan was for them to have a train to themselves. He would repeat what he had said in his letter to Mr Courthope when that gentleman had ccurtcously informed him that he intended to bring the matter before that Court, which was to the effect that the railway company bsvin advertised their ordinary trains at specified rates, and that

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trains could also be had at specialratea h 1 I grant every suc app ieation

their customers, but it was their duty without inquiring into the purposes.

The rule is thus the same as that of the receivers of stolen goods, to ask no questions. The argument, too, for letting special trains, for classification, and not to mix bad company with respectable travellers, would be as good for the separate accommodation of burglars, poachers, or any other sort of violators of the law, as for prize-fighters and their followers. The true excuse for railway companies is that there has been so much sufl'erance, not to say countenance and sanction, of prize-fighting, as to have reduced its illegality to a mere name. Such being the case, the companies have not thought themselves bound to be stricter than a large part of the public, including some in high places. This is not a defence of a high character, but let it pass for palliation, quantum valeat.

But what surprises us is that the Sussex magistrates, who had so much to say about the part which the SouthEastern Company had acted in promoting a breach of the peace, had not a Word of snimadversion upon the employment of the metropolitan police in the same offence. The very fact that a strong party of the police were on duty to keep order in the despatch of the particular train gave some sanction to the conduct of the company, for it was

not to be supposed that the force whose special business it‘

is to preserve the peace would be lent to a purpose contrary to a law of any living force, and entitled to respect. There, indeed, appeared in such a guard of honour a reflected sanction of the Home Office, unreal no doubt, but not the less misleading. It is only justice to Sir George Grey to say that he is about the last man to approve of such an employment of the constabulary force, but, whoever may

be responsible, a fact of such bad example, and so scandalous L

in itself, must not pass without notice and reprehension.

The excuse will no doubt be, that as the thing was sure to be done by hook or by crook, it was better that it should be done in an orderly than in a riotous way; and such we are sure was the motive, but never can be justified the conversion of the appointed conservators of the peace into the promoters of a breach of the law. And in England we have never adopted the system of regulating an evil which cannot be prevented. If we did so, the police might be put to strange uses, and order set above morality as it is in a neighbouring kingdom.


the other German. The writer of the German pamphlet admits part of the Danish case when, in the passage we have just quoted, he says that the German Confederacy maintains “ that Schleswig was an independent Dukedom, “ which truly did not belong to the German Confederacy, “but,” &c. It truly did not belong to the German Confederacy, or to the German Empire' which preceded the Confederacy, but notoriously it was not an independent Dukedom. The German Dukes of Slesvig and of Holstein did separate homage for each Dukedom. They held Slcsvig under the Danish Crown, and Holstein under the German Empire. If a man rents two adjoining houses of two different landlords, and unites them for occupation, the two houses will not, therefore, belong to the one landlord who happensto be related to the tenant. And that analogy but half represents the extravagance of the German claims for the robbery of Slesvig from the Danes. Having set; up a shadow, then, to represent the Danish case, the advocate of German rights proceeds to fight the shadow, and show these historical facts which he supposes the Danes to deny. He shows them fairly, does not suppress the fact that Slesvig was a fief of Denmark; but he argues that the def quality of Slesvig was abolished at the peace of Rothschild, in 1658, and that Slesvig thus became a sovereign Dukedom. This is, indeed, the point chiefly relied on by the more reasonable and moderate advocates of Schleswig-Holsteinism, to which the writer of this document belongs. But what are the facts? In 1658, King Frederick III. of Denmark, with the consent of the Danish Council, conferred sovereignty on himself


and on Duke Frederick 111., of Holstein-Gottorp, for their respective shares of Slesvig, the Duke having obtained this concession by force of alliance with the enemies of Denmark. It is a little matter that all Slesvig

lwas not included in this act, and that the part retained as {the King’s share became more strictly his own than ever;

it is a greater matter that the grant of sovereignty was expressly and repeatedly limited to the male descendants of the two princes; it was a grant of abeyance cf the feudal tenure for a fixed term, was described in contemporary documents as a ‘ remissio vassalagii,’ and, for as far as it went, this reservation was agreed to by the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp as an express condition of his sovereignty :

The words of the deed are these :—-“ Still with this express condi

Certain we are, however, that the police would not have tion, that the boundaries of the realm remain at the ancient (wall)

been employed to further an illegal object without disorder or riot, if there had been a proper sense of the nature of

that illegal object. But some inconsiderate speeches, inter-l

preted for more than they meant, have favoured a belief that there is a change of opinion as to prize~fighting, that

and original limits; that the jurisdiction of the realm remains undisturbed in its extent a. formerly in lay and spiritual matters; also with this express condition, that the said part of the duchy of Slesvig is not to be alienated to the disfavour of us, the Crown and the successors, but left in its present sovereign state and consistence as long as any legitimate male descendant of Duke Frederic may be living.”

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The case of the Germans in the Danish quarrel is before us in an able document with a semi-official aspect, printed in English at Berlin for the cdiflcation of the English politician. In this paper the best is made that can be made of the case of the Germans. Let us, therefore, look through it and see what it is worth, for at least we agree with the author’s introductory axiom that to enable any one to form a stable opinion on this or any other subject, ‘~' it is necessary, strictly and clearly to show the main “ substance of the question, and to exhibit the object from “ every point in which it may be viewed.”

This object (he says) is the Dukedoms of Schleswig. 0n the part of;

the Danes, they maintain that Schleswig was a Danish profince, and had never been united with Holstein, and had only had a united vernmsnt with Holstein since the granting of a deliberative assembly in the year 1834, and must therefore be incorporated with the Kingdom of Denmark. On the part of the German Confederacy, they maintain that Schleswig was an independent Dukedom which tmly did not belong to the German Confldcracy, but which has for centuries been united with Holstein, formerly belonging to the German Empire, and now to the German Confederacy, with which it had a community of all public rights and privileges, and Holstein had therefore a claim to have Schloswig united with it. , If this be “ the main substance of the question,” where, we ask, is an impartial Englishman to find the justice of the German case? It does not matter whether it be a fact or not in experience of the writer, in our own experience it is the reverse of true that the Danes maintain Slesvig to be a Danish province that “ had never been united with “ Holstein, and had only had a united government with “ Holstein since . . . . 1834.” We never read or heard of such an assertion as coming from any educated Dane or any moderately informed Englishman. We ourselves are not advocates of Dane or German, but of justice simply, and in the name of justice have opposed the greed of the German Fatherland for lands and harbours that are not her 'own. Yet it has been a. distinct and even an essential part of the case for Danish rights that there was a long period during which Slesvig and Holstein were both subject to German Dukes, whose patronage, in Slesvig as in Holstein, all tended to create in each Duchy a German aristocracy, and to tempt German immigration; but that while Slesvig and Holstein thus formed between their aristocracies a ‘ nexus socialis,’ and certain customs which are to this day respected by the Danish Government, one Dukcdom was Danish and

gSlesvig and took homage of the estates as the sole sovereign

gpean ‘of Gottorp, who had promised neutrality, secretly took part

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his land, reunited the Gottorp with the Royal share of

In the Eurowars at the beginning of the last century, the Duke

\in Slesvig. France compelled restoration.

against Denmark, was therefore declared an enemy by ,Frederick 1V., who in 1713 occupied all his lands, and at lthe peace in 1720 restored to him only his Holstein possessions. He retained the Gottorp share of Slesvig, reunited it with the Royal share, and in 1721 formally re-incorporatcd the whole duchy into the Danish Crown. The Gottorps held by their claim, and presently the eldest branch of the Gottorp family was coming to the throne of Russia, and the middle branch to that of Sweden. It was then necessary that the question should be settled, and in 1767 a treaty was concluded, and ratified in 1773, which made an end of the whole question. The then reigning Duke of HolsteinGottorp, heir to Russia, ceded his Holstein possessions to Denmark in exchange for other lands, and he renounced all his rights and pretensions to Slesvig or any part of it, in favour of the Danish crown. The two other branches of the House of Gottorp made similar renunciations, and the incorporation of 1721 was thus fully and formally acknowledged and ratified. These are the facts which the German advocate steps over with the sentence we have quoted: “ With later times contentions of the King of Denmark “ with the Duke of Gottorp is to the sovereignty of the “ Dukedom of Slesvig, indeed, at one time it was abolished “ by force, but afterwards became rc-established, con“ sequcutly it. remains the some still, to the entire legal “ extent l” If a moderate and competent German politician can thus fog over so plain and notorious a fact as the renunciation of their rights in Slesvig by the House of Gottorp, we need not wonder at the extent to which the wilder German politicians muddle themselves out of the simplest perception of the difference between black and white, and call black white, or Slesvig German property, as often as it pleases them; really without a true sense that they

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not very wise because they are very incomprehensible. As we have said before, to put their “ Schleswig-Holstein” case into plain words is to put an end to it.

The next point in the German case is to argue from assertion that the connection in which the Duchies of Slesvig and Holstein are dcjure with Denmark, “is the “ same as Hanover was with England when the Princely “ House of Hanover sat upon the English throne,” and to “suppose” that some member of the English parliament had propoaed to declare Hanover apart of England. Even so far as Holstein is concerned the parallel is false, and as regards Slesvig, it is for reasons too obvious to repeat, utterly and absurdly so.

The German advocate then asks why England does not see things with his eyes, and supposes one reason to be because “ Danish diplomacy and the Danish press have been “ for years busy in confusing as much as possible the “ judicial views of the question, in order to be able better “to fish in troubled water." Certainly this suggestion from a German cleverly illustrates the English saying that “ the fastest thief cries loudest, Fie." But the fact is that the Danes, who, it is said also and rightly, “ know “how to influence the English and French press,” have to a most remarkable degree shown in their books, pamphlets, and journals a. sense that their strength lies in clearness andJcompleteness of detail, in citation and recitation of the letter of deeds and treaties. This is the secret of their influence over opinion in France and England. The German pick his facts, in this matter is compelled to do so, to give up his case, or confess to a bit of political brigandage for the good and glory of his Fatherland. The Dane who may best be served by a whole truth, and nothing but the truth, in self-defence reiterates the clearest narratives of fact.

The German writer whose argument we are sketching further supposes that the English advocacy of the rights of Denmark is founded upon considerations of expediency, on the thought that “ Denmark is a political necessity, because “ Denmark is the guardian of the Sound." Argument founded on that text is, of course, nothing to the purpose.

Then follows in the sequence of false logic the old squabble over the rival languages in Slesvig. Upon this subject there is really no ground left for rational complaint. In Slesvig German alone is used for administrative and judicial purposes in the German districts; and in the mixed districts it is used where it is asked for. The primary schools in the German districts of Slesvig are exclusively German, no Danish at all is taught; while in the schools of the mixed districts German lessons form part of the course of education. With what reason can, let us the Prussians denounce this liberality as oppression, when they themselves allow to the two million of Poles in East and West Prussia and I’oscn not a single Polish village school, not a Court, not a public office in which the language of the Poles is spoken.

The rest of the German argument, founded upon a confused reading of recent events, heaps fog upon fog; but we have so lately shown the true bearing of events of our own time upon the German case, that upon this part of the subject it is not worth while again to dwell.


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Mr Knox, it will be remembered, was of opinion that the man was not legally in custody, as the policeman had not seen him play after the request to cease, the sspient Act requiring a constable’s view of sound. But the magistrate granted a summons, and the grinder appeared the next day, accompanied by Mr Lewis, who acted as his legal adviser. This gentleman attempted to take very high ground, talked of the wrong done to his client by an illegal confinement of twenty hours (what a blessing to the town I), and threatened Mr Stanford with an action for false imprisonment if he should venture to proceed with his complaint. To this Mr Knox very sensibly replied, that no jury would give more than a farthiug damage in such a case; but Mr Stanford having stated that he had no disposition to press the charge, the complaint was dismissed, Mr Stanford taking only by all his trouble the comfort, such as it may be, of this declaration of the magistrate.

The inhabitants of this district should have all the protection he could afford them, and for the sake of all authors he would in all proved cases fine the defendants 40s. each. The law said, "in view of a constable,” and he had no doubt that if application were made to Sir R. Mayne that a plain clothes constable would be placed near Mr Stanford‘s residence, and that the nuisance to him and his neighbours Would very soon be abated.

This may be all very well as regards the special case of Mr Stanford, but what is to be the protection of others in every part of the town who are subjected the same annoyance? Will there be an oficer plain clothes in every thoroughfare, and is there a street in which there is not an organ-grinder, one or more, almost in every hour of the day, for the town swarms with the vagabonds? And why does Mr Knox propose to confine such poor protection, as he suggests, to authors? Why are people who happen not to be authors to have the quiet, to which all are entitled, disturbed? Is not objection to an unnecessary and disagreeable noise reasonable? But here is the stupidity


of the Act, which requires what will be differently coustrued by difl’ereut minds, and what cannot be understood at all by the party warned. It is as faulty as regards the disturbar as the public. When the German horn-blowsr, or Savoynrd grinder, is told to desist or that he will be given into custody, how is he to know that the objection to his noiseis reasonable? How is he to be satisfied that the


rson ordering him away is sick, or an author engaged in composition, or a mathematician occupied with his calculations? Make the rule absolute that he is to desist from braying or grinding when ordered, and there can be no misunderstanding; for clearly it should not be the right of any one to disturb the streets by any noises not necessary to their traffic. This the Legislature admitted when it prohibited the ringing of the dustman’s belL But we shall be told tastes differ, and some people like the sounds that torture the ears of others; and so, too, there may be people who like the clash of marrow-bones and cleavers, but should they be indulged in that sort of music at the expense of the quiet of their neighbours? Certain it is, however, whether from vulgarity of taste or force of extortion, that organgrindcrs and horn-blowers levy a daily contribution which would go far to the relief of the Lancashire distress. And sad it is to reflect that honest hands are wanting employment, and the bread it would earn, while lazy Italian vagabonds obtain an easy subsistence by twirling round and round a handle like that of a small coffee-mill. We are afraid to cite the estimated number of this vagabond fraternity, lest we should be charged with exaggeration, but that it is immense must be painfully certain to every one, there being no thoroughfare north, south, east, and west for miles unvisitcd by the nuisance, and often many times a day. In support of Mr Stanford’s complaint a witness stated :

I reside near Mr Stanford, and can say that the organ nuisance is abominable. The men begin about nine in the morning, and do not leave off until half-past tea at night. There are sometimes from twenty to thirty organs in one day in the place.

And can we wonder at this, when we learn from Mr Stanford the patronage attracting to the spot:

I wish to state on behalf of the prisoner that I have received a letter from Sir John and Lady Mitchell, expressing a hope that I would be favourable to the man, as they were somewhat to blame in the matter, having promised the man a gratuity at Christmas.

Here we have the root of the evil. The grinder was subsidized, and a dozen inhabitants were to be disquietcd and annoyed for the dclectation of Sir John and Lady Mitchell. The fact gives us the measure of their ears, and doubtless they descend in a direct line from the illustrious house of Midas, famous for wealth and peculiar taste. The pleasures of the kitchen and drawing-room are indeed often precisely the same, master and footman, lady and scullion, having taste in common, and a gratification level to the coarsest capacity. They feed on garbage without a suspicion that it is not a choice delicacy. They listen to a horrible discord, piquing themselves on being fond of what they call a tune, and therefore it is that we are so tormented with hackneyed slang music on crazy instruments.

Never let us forget our obligations to two members for the part of the town most afilictcd—Marylebone and Westminster. Lord Fermoy and Sir John Shelley have stood forward as the champions of the street nuisances; and at the next election they may fairly be left to the support, such as it is, they have the best right to claim, the votes, or rather notes, of the organ-grinding and brass-baud interests.


A jury rightfully empannelled does not differ more widely from a self-organised gang of bullies than a Conference of neighbouring Powers, asked to decide a particular dispute, differs from a congress of potentates assembled for mutual help in spoliation. The one has a specific aim, the other is bounded by no assignable limitation of purpose. The one springs from the wise dictates of necessity; the other from the vain impulses of wanton choice. The one is the recognised expression of public law; the other the mysterious utterance of lawless will. The one is arbitration invoked by the injured or the weak; the other a scheme for intervention by the aggressive and the strong. The military absolutism of France suggests the one; the peaceful constitutionalism of England recommends the other.

There cannot be a more striking political antithesis than the general Congress proposed by Napoleon III. to reconstruct the map of Europe, and the Conference proposed by our Government, at the desire of that of Denmark, to regulate the enforcement of the specific terms of the Treaty of London. No particular complaint of injustice called for the Imperial device; nothing but the redress ofa particular wrong lies within the province of the English proposition. So far from being a short or a halting step in the same direction, it is emphatically a distinct and definite step the other way. It is a positive, precise, and practical measure, which if taken, so far from opening the door to universal intermeddling, would, pro hac vice, close that dangerous door, and put an additional bolt on the inside. It would simply enforce actual and known rights,—-the most opposite thing in the world from what is called realizing the political ideal. Nobody better understands all this than the French Emperor. Nevertheless his Paris organs exhaust every form of speech to prove the contrary, and to convince their readers that the arbitration of the Powers who were signatories to the Treaty of 1852, is a

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face, as an improper one. His supreme magnanimity willlon the necessity of repressing the crime by severe punish

net frustrate, it will even favour and further the provisional counsel for the settlement of the Slesvig-Holstein dificulty; for once met, they will not soon separate; and the way once being shown to the top of Olympus, Jove will easily find pretexts for retaining his visitors there. If all this fanfaronade be useful in restoring the mind of the Tuileries to its self-complacency, we need not complain; it is enough for us to bring about what ought to be done, and to prevent being done that which ought not to be done. Nobody on this side of the Channel is likely to be mystified by the jingling of words of a similar sound, but of diametrically opposite meaning. To apply the same phrase to an arbitration asked by Denmark for the defence of her settled frontier, and to an

international gathering to authorise the unsettlement of all

boundaries that a few great Powers dislike, is little better

meet, passed sentences of six years’ penal servitude. Ten years had been given to the pauper who committed the crime expressly and avowedly for the (so-called) punishment. The same sentence has this week been passed in the Criminal Court upon a fellow who fired a valuable stack to get out of the army into a jail. The Common Serjeant told the man he would find the penal service harder than the one he had escaped, but the fellow smiled, .knowing better.

For the repression of this most wanton and mischievous crime, destroying the property of an individual and diminishing the common stock of food, the Home Secre.tary has advised an increase of the oonstabulary force, but lit would be much more to the purpose for him to turn his iattention to the attractions of the convict prisons, in which is to be found the root of the evil. Multiplying constables

than a sort of diplomatic puuning,——a bastard kind of’Iwill avail nothing when men are giving themselves up

joking, devoid of the wisdom of wit.

It remains to be seen, notwithstanding, whether the pru-i and its object.

‘spontuneously, avowing the crime they have committed, A lighted match is thrown into a stack,

dent expedient suggested b Lord Russell will, after all, be the mischief is done, and the candidate for convict treatfound available. There isa out it something too much of ajment gets what he wants. By the system established precedent applicable to the case of Poland, to be very accopt- . nominal punishments have been converted into temptations able to Russia: and Russia has reasons of her own for not or rewards. ,

desiring to see Denmark kept too strong or independent.l But it is when we pass to offences against the person Rules and ByelaWs of the National Rifle Association might be adopted with advantage by all other associations in the country. This would have, in fact, a double advantage, for it would not only secure uniformity, but would also bring the National Rifle Association to the utmost degree under the wholesome government of public opinion. Under such a system no rule could stand long that was not based on sound reason and experience.

According to the Danish law of succession, recognised by the Treaty of London, the Czar was within five of

the lesser Scandinavian Crown. He is now within three, the death of the late Sovereign without offspring,

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Sweden was seriously damaged by the forcible alienation of Finland; and no better expedient to restore her strength

could be found at the Congress of Vienna than to commit a similar injury upon Denmark by robbing her of Norway, The Germans now seek to take away Slesvig and Holstein. Bereft of these, Jutland would be too weak to make any serious resistance to a sudden descent by the Russians; and in a day of disunion and distraction among the other Powers, its prolonged “occupation as a material “guarantee” by the great aggressor, may not seem to be obviously a question of vital importance. We all know what a prolonged occupation turns to when the occupying power has the strongest motive for holding its ill-gained ground, and when the local means of resistance have If we want to keep Russia from the shores of the Ocean, we must keep her out of Jutland; and out of Jutland she will not be kept very long if For this reason we believe that the Court of St Petersburg, whatever it may say to the contrary, will thwart the adjustment of the present quarrel between the Germans and the Danes; and for the other reason already stated, we entertain no doubt that it will insidiously labour to avert the setting of anything like a precedent for arbitration of its own controversy with

and handing it over as a compensation to Sweden.

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Lord Carnarvon and the Hampshire Magistrates are endeavouring to realize punishments, and to introduce, at least, some approximation to uniformity into prison diaci~ To offset this will be much, but more remains to be done to put the administration of justice in thorough order. No one can read a report of proceedings at Assizes, or Sessions, without being struck by the disproportion in the sentences. The Bench will hold forth upon the extraordinary wickedness of some offence against the person, and award a few months’ imprisonment with hard labour; and for the next offence against property it will, without a word of comment, direct many years. of penal servitude But even for grave offences against property there is great discrepancy in the measures of


—six, ten, or twenty.

punishment for crimes of the same class.

that we find the most revolting disproportion of punishment to guilt. This week, at the Criminal Court, two miscreants were convicted of indecent assaults upon girls under the age of twelve years. One of the wretches had tied his victim to a table while he shut up his shop, preparatory to the commission of the offence. Mr Baron Martin sentenced the miscreants toeighteen months’ imprisonment with hard labour, the measure of punishment commonly allotted to trespasses against property of no great magnitude or turpitude. Yet what crime could be more cruel or wicked than this. The girls are probably mined for life, polluted in body and mind, and too likely to find their early wrong their lasting injury throughout life. It will stand in the way of their employment, and of their marriage, and it will facilitate the advances of a scducer. They have suffered the worst robbery in the present and future, and the punishment of this monstrous wrong is, forsooth, eighteen months’ imprisonment. Out on it!


The Report of the Proceedings of our National Rifle Association, published this week, testifies to the growing strength and importance of a really national movement. It is admitted that hitherto the action of the National Rifle Association has tended rather to the making of a certain number of first-rate shots, than to the creating of such a nation of riflemcn Ins the Swiss. The Swiss say that to make a people of good shots there must be the encouragement of prizes, to the winning of which there goes plenty of chance. This was tried at the last Wimbledon meeting by setting a target up for central shots, which was crowded throughout the whole meeting, and at which the first prize, so distinctly did chance rule the issues, was won by a youth of sixteen. But the fact is that a nation of rifiemcn is not to be made by any proceeding of any Association in a highly-cultivated conntry, with little or no wild land, and all the game protected savagely. It is the abundance of wild land and free game that puts a gun into the hand of every Swiss, and the rifle matches in Switzerland are, in fact, the consequence and not the cause of the common habit of shooting.

Our National Rifle Association is a capital institution, and we do not care how many impossibly grand results of its energy it may choose to set before itself as objects for attainment. It Works so sensibly that it can arrive only at excellent ends, by the good practical means it uses. But if the English is to be a nation of good shots, the people must have something besides targets to fire at. Wherever they go are cattle and sheep, cats, dogs, deer, hares, pheasants, partridges, which in the rich peopled and cultivated lands are all somebody’s property. As for the small birds we are now being told, not without truth, again and again, that it is a sin and a shame, and a ruin to the farrncrs' crops, to shoot them, because they are required for keeping down the ravenous hosts of the insect world. There remains nothing in the way of game upon which it is allowable to the man who represents the English at large to fire his gun without incurring fine, imprisonment, or ignominy, except it be a wasp, an earwig, a cockchafer. No doubt it may be good practice to take a long shot at an earwig, but there has not existed any people yet that considered it worth while to burn powder for such game. Good shots, and familiar use of the gun, are the rule among the limited class of Englishmen who have landed estates, or money, or connexions, that make it worth their while to take out a game license. Beyond that class, it is not in the power of an English Rifle Association to raise up a nation of rificmcn such as exists among the free natural rifie ranges of the Swiss.

The report, we may add, suggests sensibly that the time is come when rifie matches are so much of a national institution that a uniform set of rules should beestablished, and that as the Rules of Marylebone govern cricket, sotho

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Sin—Where discussion has solong existed, and still knows no cessation, on the subject of guns, and the proposed resistance to their effects, and since you have permitted your correspondent to take a somewhat decided position in your columns on that subject, perhaps a few words may not be amiss to call the attention of your readers to the developmerips that take place from day to day in the improvement of arti ery.

We naturally look to America at the resent moment because, although the experiments made y our Government with great guns must be interesting, yet it is unfortunate] too true that they are of a. confined and onesided escription, and not calculated to give any decided facility or character to the science of projectiles as cultivated in other parts of the world. In America we have now reliable evidence that guns of 200'pounds calibre have been fabricated, which, carrying heavy cartridges, are enabled to give great penetrative force as well as great range to the shots propelled from them ; and these guns are fabricated by

srrott. It is curious to note from a correspondence between Captain Blakely and Mr Parrott that they agree that if their guns are not one and the same, yet that it amountsto a mere distinction without a difference. Captain Blakely, however, when craving at his own entire expense a trial for his gun in his own country, is flatly denied it. The Times’ Special Correspondent at Richmond has spoken of Barrett’s guns and their effects, and at the same time mentions that Commander Brooke had, with a gun of his own invention, done as much for the South as Parrott had for the North. While the Times' newspaper is endeavouring to throw dust in the eyes of the public as to the effects produced by these guns, fresh evidence comes out in the columns of another journal, edited by another late and justly respected correspondent of the Times, Mr Russell, the United Service Gazette, which is conclusive that Commander Brooke has produced a rifled gun of only 7-iuches calibre, carrying a charge of twenty pounds of powder, throwing a shot of less diameter than our old 68pounder gun, the calibre of which is 8-inches. The American gun, so admirably adapted for maritime purposes, being little more than a 42-pounder, has done that which neither our 68pounder nor Armstrong’s llO-pounder can do : perforated and gone through and' through four iron latcs, each two inches thick, backed b eighteen inches of on , and lodged a shell at 1,000 yards in t e strongest iron-clad ship the Americans have yet produced. The quibble that the American buildin of their armour-clad ships may not be so stron as ours is on y calculated tolead us astray. The Americans ave always built finer ships than we have, and be it remembered that while we were flattering our national vanity, babbling, not 0’ green fields, but of Sir William Symonds‘s unrivalled bows, there came over a Yankee with his yacht, who not only beat our well~got up Cowesmen, despite of their costume is la T. P. Cooke, and the nautical glasses slung over their shoulders, their pretentious club, signal post, and signal uns, but actually brought the long hollow American bow to e adopted by our Admiralty. This may be proved by going to the model-room in Somerset House, and comparing the short, bluff, round bows of the Symonds' build with the long hollow bow of the ships designed b Sir Baldwin Walker—in other words, the bows of the You so yacht America. We won’t have Captain Blakely, of course not; he has no back-stairs’ influence at the War Office ; but we shall be forced to have Mr Parrott, or he will whip us into the adoption of his guns. Your contemporary, the United Service Gazette, and several other papers, quote a. pamphlet by a Monsieur Girard, who has just returned from America ; it originally appeared as a memorial addressed to the French Emperor, and gives a glowing description of the attack b the Federal armourclad fleet on Fort Sumter, and its de eat. Captain Brooke’s

un is there prominently brought into notice, and the extract

tom the United Service Gazette, whichI beg leave to subjoin, will go near to establish the fact that if the Federal Americans have gone beyond us with Barrett's uns, the Confederate Americans are as far advanced wit Brooke’s guns, and be it observed that the 'structure of both Parrott’s and Brooke's guns, as far as their resistance to powder, is one and the same as that of Blakeley. Monsieur Girard, after describing the rough handling and retirement from action of the Passaic, a Federal armour-clad, proceeds thus :

The Keolmk next quitted the line and advanced in a splendid

manner, as if she were going to knock the fort clean out of the

water. At the distance of about nine hundred yards she delivered I. broadside with her {15-inch mortars and 200-pounder rifled guns. Lieutenant-Colonel Yates, an ofiicer of engineers, of great merit, who commanded the barbetts battery on the cast face, sprang to the 7-inch Brooke, and pointing it himself, sent four successive shots into the Keolcuk. The first struck the Pilot house, and ploughing down below, is supposed to have passed out below water. The second shot struck her poop, knocked away large plates of iron, and tore up her geek. The third hit her turret. The fourth went clean through er.

The Keokuh scrambled out of the action, but eventual] sank at her anchorage. The Brooke 7 -inch gun carries with ease and safety twenty pounds of powder, and that is Captain Brooke’s secret. We are putting on board our armour-clad fleet our old 68-pounders and Armstrong’s llO-pounders, with their ineffective cartridges ; every newspaper teems with that degrading intelligence. This state of things is, I do not hesitate to say, disgraceful to the Admiralty, an opprobrium to the War Office, and dangerous to the country. Nothing, however, ever will and nothing ever can spur on our public departments to proper and adequate exertion but disaster, and who shall sa in the present case that it does not threaten to follow in t 0 wake of imbecility?


Sir,—“ Be sure that you can walk before you attempt to run" is a valuable old adage. Would that you could persuade our Government of its value. Common report, in my profession, has for some time given us to understand that the great gun built by Sir W. Armstrong, not properly a 600pounder beyond the possibility of its carrying a shell, but still so called, has been so damaged in its first attempt that it must have a great deal of mending before it can be used to sstonish the gentlemen from the War Office and Admiralty at Shoeburyness; and we hear that a foot or two are to come off the BOO-pounder Armstrongs. {Of course the people must not mind this ; it is not the first time that Armstrong has mended his broken work, nor will it be the last; and it will all be very nicely cooked and appear in one bill, so we shall be contented, and the poo le’s representatives will pass the account. This is all as it s ould be, but don’t you think, Mr Editor, that, instead of trying to make such vast pieces of ordnance, which when completed, if successful, could be of little use, it would be better to attempt something on a smaller scale, and which others have already succeeded in. For instance, Psrrott has battered down Fort Sumter with his 200-pouuder guns, made on Blakely's principle. Captain Brooke has sunk an armour-clad vessel, the K cob-uh, carrying enormous ordnance, b four shots from a 7-inch gun, also made on Captain Blake y's principle ; and Captain Semmes, with one shot from a gun made by Captain Blaker himself, sank a Federal cruiser of from 1,000 to 1,500 tons. Now, since Captain Blaker is taboo’d at the War Oflice and Admiralty, why is not Sir William Armstron to try his hand at somethin less expensive, more feasib o, and more useful than his first broken-down “Big Will?" which bids fair to be “ Dear Bill,” as your correspondent terms it, with a vengeance. An ENGINEER. Great George street, 7th January, 1864. _

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Sir,-I trust that the public will not be allowed to forget the treatment of the Articles of War at the late CourtMartial upon Colonel Crawley.

It is the duty of the Judge-Advocate to put the Court upon their guard against every disregard of military law; and should it happen that an illega course or an unjust o inion is nevertheless persevered in, the Judge-Advocate, t ough not warranted to enter his dissent in the form of a protest upon the record of the proceedings, ought to insert therein the opinion delivered by him upon the controverted point. This he should do, not only that he may stand absolved from all imputation of failure in his dut , but that any wrong may be fairly brought under the consi eration of the power with whom it lies in the last resort, either to order into effect or to remit the operation of the sentence. (Principle and Practice of Military Law by Kennedy.) Is there, as there ought to be, any such endorsement by the JudgeAdvocate of the proceedings at Aldershott P

The Articles of War are supreme in the army, and no officer of any degree can put is violation of them under shelter of an illegal order, more especially if he obtained such order on a false or illegal representation.

It was in evidence at Aldershott that the unfortunate man Lilley was confined in close arrest from the 26th April until the 25th May, the day he died.

The 123rd Article ordains that when any Court-Martial shall award a sentence of imprisonment, and shall direct that such imprisonment shall be solitary confinement only, the period of such solitary confinement shall in no case exceed fourteen days.

A convicted man can only be sentenced to fourteen days’ solitary confinement, and no man can be imprisoned for more than eight days without a Court-Martial. Yet the soldier Lilley was not tried, but kept for thirty days in close arrest where death put an end to his misery, and then he was hurried to his grave without an inquest. His Royal Highness, in alluding to the confinement under arrest of certain noncommissioned officers on a charge of conspiracy, says that it was never attem ted to be proved against them, and was a char e “ for whic there seems not to have been a shadow of foun ation."

The Parliament of 1864 will have to call upon the J udgeAdvocate to explain what he did in the matter ; and if it be found that the record and finding are at variance with the Articles of War, on ht they not to be cancelled?

It was impossible ifor the Sovereign to read all the ri arolc that occupied the Court for twenty-one days. Di the J udge-Advocate advise the Court that the two orders issued in India were illegal, and could not be received by the Court because they contravened the Articles of War? Did he explain that he had done this when the results of the case were submitted to the higher power? I am, &c.,


Hyde-park terrace. VI

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About sixty miles from Lagos, now an English colony, is Abeokuta-“Understone—chief town in the whole district of Yoruba. This is explored ground; but although something has been written of the capital of Egba Land, Captain Burton’s shrewdness of observation and. experience of African travel make his account of a visit to Abeokuta the first that may be substantially relied upon. There is a mission here, and a fortnightly local paper, partly printed in English partly in Egba, called ‘Iwe Isohin, the Book of News :

The subscription is two shillings per snuum, and the editor is our host, Dr Harrison, a man who, not undislinguishcd at Cambridge, has brought himself down to writing leaders “ adapted to the meanest intellect." The superiority of a regular coinage over the local cowrie ; the propriety of supplanting the bee with the plough—such are the abstruse theses which now attract his facile pen. The printer's devils are black youths, some of them Abeokutaus, paid four dollarsto five dollars per mensem. They handle their “long primer" with some dexterity, and there is a handy little press, paper only being new wanted.

Of the converts and the labourers about the mission Captain Burton writes :

On the east and north sides of the compound are the native employés of the establishment,—Mr Allen, one of the schoolmasters ; Mr Wilhelm, a “Christian visitor ;" and Miss Vincent, who has charge of all the little converted misses. The most interesting part of the mission grounds is the village of New Christians: it. is called Wasimi, or Come-and-Rest, an “Alabama” in Africa, and it clings to the eastern wall of the compound. As might be expected from that mortal energy which the Anglo-Saxon has so successfully distributed about the world, poor African Come-aud-Rcst is approached by all the preparations for severe and protracted toil, gins, saws, cotton~ presses, and what not. “Come-and-Rest " is in fact a would-be workhousc.

But again Anglo-Saxon impetus has failed in converting the haven of refuge into a workshop, and the African n'r inertia has here also been successful. I never saw more than four men at work amongst the gins, and then half a dozen squatters were chatting with and staring at them, whilst a woman or two sat by with baskets of popped maize and boiled palm-kernels to recruit exhausted nature. In North America the gin-house is the proper working place of “old hands or very young ones, of breeding women, sucklers, and invalids ; ”--hcrc it is of sturdy men. There are seven presses, but seldom more than one at a time is in use; half an hour is required to fill it by five men, plus a dozen who look at the workmen, and who in due time take a spell. They average per diem, in the seven Presses, sixteen bales of 112—125 lbs. each. and they have never exceeded eighteen. In a long shed hard by are two parallel lines of circular gins, which, though known to tear the cotton fibre, were judged better for Africa, as requiring less toil than the heavy and complicated roller, or even the modified East Indian charkhs. They cost in England three pounds, here about four pounds ten shillings; and perhaps half of the machinery lies upon the ground, all dirt, mud, and rust. Rusty it is landed from the steamer, rustier it is sent up in a canoe to Abeokuta, and there it lies upon the ground, rustiest, because the people will not work. I could mention a respectable body of gentlemen which has spent thousands of pounds sterling upon such vagaries, in the fond belief, though perhaps not wholly so, that the works of every glib-tongued negro are true, and that all those ingenious implements are whirring and working at Abcokuta a; they would whirr and work at Manchester. A small steam-engine might, indeed, do better; but fuel is dear, and then who, as the Ksnuri say, would “ make his skin cold" with labour, when he can sit in the shade? Again, there are many who, like Mr Leighton Wilson, decry introducing machinery into Africa, lest it should render the African lazy or lazier. I submit to the reader whether this be not a famous jump into the “ pit called Absurdum.”

Captain Burton discusses by the way the schemes associated with Dr Livingstone's pet river, the Zambezi; and the opinions of that experienced African traveller, in whose company Captain Speke first found his way to the N’Yanza, closely agrees with that which has been expressed from the first by this journal. By the river Ogun, he says:

The open earth-banks of the river—here less than fifty yards broad —are well raised, showing tall Guinea grass and plots of cultivation, with a South African shrubbery, which not a little reminded my companion—a quondam member of the unfortunate Zambezi expedition—of that splendid but useless stream, which promised, with giant might of humbug, to supply, besides quinine, “cotton, indigo, and other raw material to any amount." I say unfortunate, for 5,0001. per snnum, a sum suflicient. to defray with due economy the expenses of half a dozen expeditions, has been literally thrown away upon this remote corner of South-Eastern Africa. A vile bar—there is no worse on the coast—a shifting channel, shallow water, dangerous rocks, and alabyrinth of shoals and sandbanks, with numerous small islands, considerably detract from the chances that “ this noble river is capable of being made a great highway for commerce, civilization, and Christianity." The very fact that it is only approachable through the possessions of another Power, who has every right to impose any conceivable export and import duties, ought alone to have been considered sufficient obstacles. Add to this, the sparseness of the population, the villainy of the natives, more especially the “faithful Makololo,” and the absence of all conveyance, which, with the length of the marshes, must prevent the transport of even ivory, except on the shoulders of slaves destined for the coast markets, being remunerative. An unhappy and ill-j udged mission has been the result of the labour of years; and, as all who knew the subject foresaw from the beginning, it came to a wretched and untimely end. Bishop and chaplain, missionaries and their wives and children, all perished miserably. Ships and boats have been lost—worse still, the blood of the natives has been shed by those who went to save them—— and the unfortunate promoter of the scheme has suffered even more than he deserved, for want of moral courage to tell “ the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” Cotton, sugar, and indigo flourish, it will be remembered, in Western Africa, at one-third of

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